[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 18]
[House]
[Pages 25391-25402]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                 IRAN COUNTER-PROLIFERATION ACT OF 2007

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the 
bill (H.R. 1400) to enhance United States diplomatic efforts with 
respect to Iran by imposing additional economic sanctions against Iran, 
and for other purposes, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 1400

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE AND TABLE OF CONTENTS.

       (a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Iran 
     Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007''.
       (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act 
     is as follows:

Sec. 1. Short title and table of contents.
Sec. 2. United States policy toward Iran.

  TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS RELATING TO PREVENTING IRAN 
                     FROM ACQUIRING NUCLEAR WEAPONS

Sec. 101. Support for international diplomatic efforts.
Sec. 102. Peaceful efforts by the United States.

         TITLE II--ADDITIONAL BILATERAL SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN

Sec. 201. Application to subsidiaries.
Sec. 202. Additional import sanctions against Iran.
Sec. 203. Additional export sanctions against Iran.
Sec. 204. Temporary increase in fee for certain consular services.

        TITLE III--AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996

Sec. 301. Multilateral regime.
Sec. 302. Mandatory sanctions.
Sec. 303. Authority to impose sanctions on principal executive 
              officers.
Sec. 304. United States efforts to prevent investment.
Sec. 305. Clarification and expansion of definitions.
Sec. 306. Removal of waiver authority.
Sec. 307. Clarification of authority.
Sec. 308. Applicability of certain amendments.

                     TITLE IV--ADDITIONAL MEASURES

Sec. 401. Additions to terrorism and other lists.
Sec. 402. Increased capacity for efforts to combat unlawful or 
              terrorist financing.
Sec. 403. Exchange programs with the people of Iran.
Sec. 404. Reducing contributions to the World Bank.
Sec. 405. Restrictions on nuclear cooperation with countries assisting 
              the nuclear program of Iran.

                   TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

Sec. 501. Termination.

     SEC. 2. UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD IRAN.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) The prospect of the Islamic Republic of Iran achieving 
     nuclear arms represents a grave threat to the United States 
     and its allies in the Middle East, Europe, and globally.
       (2) The nature of this threat is manifold, ranging from the 
     vastly enhanced political influence extremist Iran would 
     wield in its region, including the ability to intimidate its 
     neighbors, to, at its most nightmarish, the prospect that 
     Iran would attack its neighbors and others with nuclear arms. 
     This concern is illustrated by the statement of Hashemi 
     Rafsanjani, former president of Iran and currently a 
     prominent member of two of Iran's most important 
     decisionmaking bodies, of December 14, 2001, when he said 
     that it ``is not irrational to contemplate'' the use of 
     nuclear weapons.
       (3) The theological nature of the Iranian regime creates a 
     special urgency in addressing Iran's efforts to acquire 
     nuclear weapons.
       (4) Iranian regime leaders have persistently denied 
     Israel's right to exist. Current President Mahmoud 
     Ahmadinejad has called for Israel to be ``wiped off the map'' 
     and the Government of Iran has displayed inflammatory symbols 
     that express similar intent.
       (5) The nature of the Iranian threat makes it critical that 
     the United States and its allies do everything possible--
     diplomatically, politically, and economically--to prevent 
     Iran from acquiring nuclear-arms capability and persuade the 
     Iranian regime to halt its quest for nuclear arms.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress 
     that--
       (1) Iranian President Ahmadinejad's persistent denials of 
     the Holocaust and his repeated assertions that Israel should 
     be ``wiped off the map'' may constitute a violation of the 
     Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of 
     Genocide and should be brought before an appropriate 
     international tribunal for the purpose of declaring Iran in 
     breach of the Genocide Convention;
       (2) the United States should increase use of its important 
     role in the international financial sector to isolate Iran;
       (3) Iran should be barred from entering the World Trade 
     Organization (WTO) until all issues related to its nuclear 
     program are resolved;
       (4) all future free trade agreements entered into by the 
     United States should be conditioned on the requirement that 
     the parties to such agreements pledge not to invest and not 
     to allow companies based in its territory or controlled by 
     its citizens to invest in Iran's energy sector or otherwise 
     to make significant investment in Iran;
       (5) United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1737 
     (December 23, 2006) and 1747 (March 24, 2007), which were 
     passed unanimously and mandate an immediate and unconditional 
     suspension of Iran's nuclear enrichment program, represent a 
     critical gain in the worldwide campaign to prevent Iran's 
     acquisition of nuclear arms and should be fully respected by 
     all nations;
       (6) the United Nations Security Council should take further 
     measures beyond Resolutions 1737 and 1747 to tighten 
     sanctions on Iran, including preventing new investment in 
     Iran's energy sector, as long as Iran fails to comply with 
     the international community's demand to halt its nuclear 
     enrichment campaign;
       (7) the United States should encourage foreign governments 
     to direct state-owned entities to cease all investment in 
     Iran's energy sector and all exports of refined petroleum 
     products to Iran and to persuade, and, where possible, 
     require private entities based in their territories to cease 
     all investment in Iran's energy sector and all exports of 
     refined petroleum products to Iran;
       (8) moderate Arab states have a vital and perhaps 
     existential interest in preventing Iran from acquiring 
     nuclear arms, and therefore such states, particularly those 
     with large oil deposits, should use their economic leverage 
     to dissuade other nations, including the Russian Federation 
     and the People's Republic of China, from assisting Iran's 
     nuclear program directly or indirectly and to persuade other 
     nations, including Russia and China, to be more forthcoming 
     in supporting United Nations Security Council efforts to halt 
     Iran's nuclear program;
       (9) the United States should take all possible measures to 
     discourage and, if possible, prevent foreign banks from 
     providing export credits to foreign entities seeking to 
     invest in the Iranian energy sector;
       (10) the United States should oppose any further activity 
     by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 
     with respect to Iran, or the adoption of a new Country 
     Assistance Strategy for Iran, including by seeking the 
     cooperation of other countries;
       (11) the United States should extend its program of 
     discouraging foreign banks from accepting Iranian state banks 
     as clients;
       (12) the United States should prohibit all Iranian state 
     banks from using the United States banking system;
       (13) State and local government pension plans should divest 
     themselves of all non-United States companies investing more 
     than $20,000,000 in Iran's energy sector;
       (14) the United States should designate the Iranian Islamic 
     Revolutionary Guards Corps, which purveys terrorism 
     throughout the Middle East and plays an important role in the 
     Iranian economy, as a foreign terrorist organization under 
     section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, place the 
     Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps on the list of 
     specially designated global terrorists, and place the Iranian 
     Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps on the list of weapons of 
     mass destruction proliferators and their supporters;
       (15) United States concerns regarding Iran are strictly the 
     result of actions of the Government of Iran; and
       (16) the American people have feelings of friendship for 
     the Iranian people, regret that developments of recent 
     decades have created impediments to that friendship, and hold 
     the Iranian people, their culture, and their ancient and rich 
     history in the highest esteem.

  TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS RELATING TO PREVENTING IRAN 
                     FROM ACQUIRING NUCLEAR WEAPONS

     SEC. 101. SUPPORT FOR INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS.

       It is the sense of the Congress that--
       (1) the United States should use diplomatic and economic 
     means to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem;
       (2) the United States should continue to support efforts in 
     the International Atomic

[[Page 25392]]

     Energy Agency and the United Nations Security Council to 
     bring about an end to Iran's uranium enrichment program and 
     its nuclear weapons program; and
       (3)(A) United Nations Security Council Resolution 1737 was 
     a useful first step toward pressing Iran to end its nuclear 
     weapons program; and
       (B) in light of Iran's continued defiance of the 
     international community, the United Nations Security Council 
     should adopt additional measures against Iran, including 
     measures to prohibit investments in Iran's energy sector.

     SEC. 102. PEACEFUL EFFORTS BY THE UNITED STATES.

       Nothing in this Act shall be construed as authorizing the 
     use of force or the use of the United States Armed Forces 
     against Iran.

         TITLE II--ADDITIONAL BILATERAL SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN

     SEC. 201. APPLICATION TO SUBSIDIARIES.

       (a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b), in 
     any case in which an entity engages in an act outside the 
     United States which, if committed in the United States or by 
     a United States person, would violate Executive Order No. 
     12959 of May 6, 1995, Executive Order No. 13059 of August 19, 
     1997, or any other prohibition on transactions with respect 
     to Iran that is imposed under the International Emergency 
     Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.) and if that 
     entity was created or availed of for the purpose of engaging 
     in such an act, the parent company of that entity shall be 
     subject to the penalties for such violation to the same 
     extent as if the parent company had engaged in that act.
       (b) Exception.--Subsection (a) shall not apply to any act 
     carried out under a contract or other obligation of any 
     entity if--
       (1) the contract or obligation existed on May 22, 2007, 
     unless such contract or obligation is extended in time in any 
     manner or expanded to cover additional activities beyond the 
     terms of the contract or other obligation as it existed on 
     May 22, 2007; or
       (2) the parent company acquired that entity not knowing, 
     and not having reason to know, that such contract or other 
     obligation existed, unless such contract or other obligation 
     is extended in time in any manner or expanded to cover 
     additional activities beyond the terms of such contract or 
     other obligation as it existed at the time of such 
     acquisition.
       (c) Construction.--Nothing in this section shall be 
     construed as prohibiting the issuance of regulations, orders, 
     directives, or licenses under the Executive orders described 
     in subsection (a) or as being inconsistent with the 
     authorities under the International Emergency Economic Powers 
     Act.
       (d) Definitions.--In this section--
       (1) the term ``entity'' means a partnership, association, 
     trust, joint venture, corporation, or other organization;
       (2) an entity is a ``parent company'' of another entity if 
     it controls, directly or indirectly, that other entity and is 
     a United States person; and
       (3) the term ``United States person'' means any United 
     States citizen, any alien lawfully admitted for permanent 
     residence to the United States, any entity organized under 
     the laws of the United States, or any person in the United 
     States.

     SEC. 202. ADDITIONAL IMPORT SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN.

       Effective 120 days after the date of the enactment of this 
     Act--
       (1) goods of Iranian origin that are otherwise authorized 
     to be imported under section 560.534 of title 31, Code of 
     Federal Regulations, as in effect on March 5, 2007, may not 
     be imported into the United States under such section; and
       (2) activities otherwise authorized by section 560.535 of 
     title 31, Code of Federal Regulations, as in effect on March 
     5, 2007, are no longer authorized under such section.

     SEC. 203. ADDITIONAL EXPORT SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN.

       Effective on the date of the enactment of this Act--
       (1) licenses to export or reexport goods, services, or 
     technology relating to civil aviation that are otherwise 
     authorized by section 560.528 of title 31, Code of Federal 
     Regulations, as in effect on March 5, 2007, may not be 
     issued, and any such license issued before such date of 
     enactment is no longer valid; and
       (2) goods, services, or technology described in paragraph 
     (1) may not be exported or reexported.

     SEC. 204. TEMPORARY INCREASE IN FEE FOR CERTAIN CONSULAR 
                   SERVICES.

       (a) Increase in Fee.--Notwithstanding any other provision 
     of law, not later than 120 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall increase 
     by $1.00 the fee or surcharge assessed under section 140(a) 
     of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994 
     and 1995 (Public Law 103-236; 8 U.S.C. 1351 note) for 
     processing machine readable nonimmigrant visas and machine 
     readable combined border crossing identification cards and 
     nonimmigrant visas.
       (b) Deposit of Amounts.--Fees collected under the authority 
     of subsection (a) shall be deposited in the Treasury.
       (c) Duration of Increase.--The fee increase authorized 
     under subsection (a) shall terminate on the date that is one 
     year after the date on which such fee is first collected.

        TITLE III--AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996

     SEC. 301. MULTILATERAL REGIME.

       Section 4(b) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 
     1701 note) is amended to read as follows:
       ``(b) Reports to Congress.--Not later than 6 months after 
     the date of the enactment of the Iran Counter-Proliferation 
     Act of 2007 and every six months thereafter, the President 
     shall transmit to the appropriate congressional committees a 
     report regarding specific diplomatic efforts undertaken 
     pursuant to subsection (a), the results of those efforts, and 
     a description of proposed diplomatic efforts pursuant to such 
     subsection. Each report shall include--
       ``(1) a list of the countries that have agreed to undertake 
     measures to further the objectives of section 3 with respect 
     to Iran;
       ``(2) a description of those measures, including--
       ``(A) government actions with respect to public or private 
     entities (or their subsidiaries) located in their 
     territories, that are engaged in Iran;
       ``(B) any decisions by the governments of these countries 
     to rescind or continue the provision of credits, guarantees, 
     or other governmental assistance to these entities; and
       ``(C) actions taken in international fora to further the 
     objectives of section 3;
       ``(3) a list of the countries that have not agreed to 
     undertake measures to further the objectives of section 3 
     with respect to Iran, and the reasons therefor; and
       ``(4) a description of any memorandums of understanding, 
     political understandings, or international agreements to 
     which the United States has acceded which affect 
     implementation of this section or section 5(a).''.

     SEC. 302. MANDATORY SANCTIONS.

       Section 5(a) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 
     1701 note) is amended by striking ``2 or more of the 
     sanctions described in paragraphs (1) through (6) of section 
     6'' and inserting ``the sanction described in paragraph (5) 
     of section 6 and, in addition, one or more of the sanctions 
     described in paragraphs (1), (2), (3), (4), and (6) of such 
     section''.

     SEC. 303. AUTHORITY TO IMPOSE SANCTIONS ON PRINCIPAL 
                   EXECUTIVE OFFICERS.

       Section 5 of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 
     note) is amended by adding at the end the following:
       ``(g) Authority to Impose Sanctions on Principal Executive 
     Officers.--
       ``(1) Sanctions under section 6.--In addition to the 
     sanctions imposed under subsection (a), the President may 
     impose any of the sanctions under section 6 on the principal 
     executive officer or officers of any sanctioned person, or on 
     persons performing similar functions as such officer or 
     officers. The President shall include on the list published 
     under subsection (d) the name of any person on whom sanctions 
     are imposed under this paragraph.
       ``(2) Additional sanctions.--In addition to the sanctions 
     imposed under paragraph (1), the President may block the 
     property of any person described in paragraph (1), and 
     prohibit transactions in such property, to the same extent as 
     the property of a foreign person determined to have committed 
     acts of terrorism for purposes of Executive Order 13224 of 
     September 23, 2001 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note).''.

     SEC. 304. UNITED STATES EFFORTS TO PREVENT INVESTMENT.

       Section 5 of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 is amended by 
     adding the following new subsection at the end:
       ``(h) United States Efforts to Address Planned 
     Investment.--
       ``(1) Reports on investment activity.--Not later than 
     January 30, 2008, and every 6 months thereafter, the 
     President shall transmit to the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
     of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations of the Senate a report on investment and pre-
     investment activity, by any person or entity, that could 
     contribute to the enhancement of Iran's ability to develop 
     petroleum resources in Iran. For each such activity, the 
     President shall provide a description of the activity, any 
     information regarding when actual investment may commence, 
     and what steps the United States has taken to respond to such 
     activity.
       ``(2) Definition.--In this subsection--
       ``(A) the term `investment' includes the extension by a 
     financial institution of credit or other financing to a 
     person for that person's investment; and
       ``(B) the term `pre-investment activity' means any activity 
     indicating an intent to make an investment, including a 
     memorandum of understanding among parties indicating such an 
     intent.''

     SEC. 305. CLARIFICATION AND EXPANSION OF DEFINITIONS.

       (a) Person.--Section 14(13)(B) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 
     1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended to read as follows:
       ``(B)(i) a corporation, business association, partnership, 
     society, trust, financial institution, insurer, underwriter, 
     guarantor, and any other business organization;
       ``(ii) any foreign subsidiary of any entity described in 
     clause (i); and

[[Page 25393]]

       ``(iii) any government entity operating as a business 
     enterprise, such as an export credit agency; and''.
       (b) Development and Investment.--Section 14 of the Iran 
     Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
       (1) in paragraph (4), by inserting ``tanker or'' after 
     ``transportation by''; and
       (2) in paragraph (9)--
       (A) by inserting after subparagraph (C) the following:
       ``(D) The sale of an oil tanker or liquefied natural gas 
     tanker.''; and
       (B) in the second sentence, by inserting ``, other than a 
     sale described in subparagraph (D)'' after ``goods, service, 
     or technology''.

     SEC. 306. REMOVAL OF WAIVER AUTHORITY.

       (a) Six-Month Waiver Authority.--Section 4 of the Iran 
     Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (d)(1), by striking ``except those with 
     respect to which the President has exercised the waiver 
     authority of subsection (c)'';
       (2) by striking subsection (c); and
       (3) by redesignating subsections (d), (e), and (f) as 
     subsections (c), (d), and (e), respectively.
       (b) General Waiver Authority.--Section 9 of the Iran 
     Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by 
     striking subsection (c).

     SEC. 307. CLARIFICATION OF AUTHORITY.

       Section 6(6) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 
     1701 note) is amended by inserting ``the authorities under'' 
     after ``in accordance with''.

     SEC. 308. APPLICABILITY OF CERTAIN AMENDMENTS.

       The amendments made by sections 302, 305, and 306 shall 
     apply with respect to acts done on or after August 3, 2007.

                     TITLE IV--ADDITIONAL MEASURES

     SEC. 401. ADDITIONS TO TERRORISM AND OTHER LISTS.

       (a) Determinations and Report.--Not later than 120 days 
     after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President 
     shall--
       (1) determine whether the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary 
     Guards Corps (in this section referred to as ``IRGC'') should 
     be--
       (A) designated as a foreign terrorist organization under 
     section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 
     1189);
       (B) placed on the list of specially designated global 
     terrorists; and
       (C) placed on the list of weapons of mass destruction 
     proliferators and their supporters; and
       (2) report the determinations under paragraph (1) to the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives 
     and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, 
     including, if the President determines that such Corps should 
     not be so designated or placed on either such list, the 
     justification for the President's determination.
       (b) Extension of Authority.--The President may block all 
     property and interests in property of the following persons, 
     to the same extent as property and interests in property of a 
     foreign person determined to have committed acts of terrorism 
     for purposes of Executive Order 13224 of September 21, 2001 
     (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) may be blocked:
       (1) Persons who assist or provide financial, material, or 
     technological support for, or financial or other services to 
     or in support of, the IRGC or entities owned or effectively 
     controlled by the IRGC.
       (2) Persons otherwise associated with the IRGC or entities 
     referred to in paragraph (1).
       (c) Definitions.--In this section--
       (1) the term ``specially designated global terrorist'' 
     means any person included on the Annex to Executive Order 
     13224, of September 23, 2001, and any other person identified 
     under section 1 of that Executive order whose property and 
     interests in property are blocked by that section; and
       (2) the term ``weapons of mass destruction proliferators 
     and their supporters'' means any person included on the Annex 
     to Executive Order 13382, of June 28, 2005, and any other 
     person identified under section 1 of that Executive order 
     whose property and interests in property are blocked by that 
     section.

     SEC. 402. INCREASED CAPACITY FOR EFFORTS TO COMBAT UNLAWFUL 
                   OR TERRORIST FINANCING.

       (a) Findings.--The work of the Office of Terrorism and 
     Financial Intelligence of the Department of Treasury, which 
     includes the Office of Foreign Assets Control and the 
     Financial Crimes Enforcement Center, is critical to ensuring 
     that the international financial system is not used for 
     purposes of supporting terrorism and developing weapons of 
     mass destruction.
       (b) Authorization.--There is authorized for the Secretary 
     of the Treasury $59,466,000 for fiscal year 2008 and such 
     sums as may be necessary for each of the fiscal years 2009 
     and 2010 for the Office of Terrorism and Financial 
     Intelligence.
       (c) Authorization Amendment.--Section 310(d)(1) of title 
     31, United States Code, is amended by striking ``such sums as 
     may be necessary for fiscal years 2002, 2003, 2004, and 
     2005'' and inserting ``$85,844,000 for fiscal year 2008 and 
     such sums as may be necessary for each of the fiscal years 
     2009 and 2010''.

     SEC. 403. EXCHANGE PROGRAMS WITH THE PEOPLE OF IRAN.

       (a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress 
     that the United States should seek to enhance its friendship 
     with the people of Iran, particularly by identifying young 
     people of Iran to come to the United States under United 
     States exchange programs.
       (b) Exchange Programs Authorized.--The President is 
     authorized to carry out exchange programs with the people of 
     Iran, particularly the young people of Iran. Such programs 
     shall be carried out to the extent practicable in a manner 
     consistent with the eligibility for assistance requirements 
     specified in section 302(b) of the Iran Freedom Support Act 
     (Public Law 109-293).
       (c) Authorization.--Of the amounts available to the 
     Department of State for ``Educational and Cultural 
     Exchanges'' to carry out the Mutual Educational and Cultural 
     Exchange Act of 1961, there is authorized to be appropriated 
     to the President to carry out this section the sum of 
     $10,000,000 for fiscal year 2008.

     SEC. 404. REDUCING CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE WORLD BANK.

       The President of the United States shall reduce the total 
     amount otherwise payable on behalf of the United States to 
     the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development for 
     each fiscal year by the percentage represented by--
       (1) the total of the amounts provided by the Bank to 
     entities in Iran, or for projects and activities in Iran, in 
     the then-preceding fiscal year; divided by
       (2) the total of the amounts provided by the Bank to all 
     entities, or for all projects and activities, in the then-
     preceding fiscal year.

     SEC. 405. RESTRICTIONS ON NUCLEAR COOPERATION WITH COUNTRIES 
                   ASSISTING THE NUCLEAR PROGRAM OF IRAN.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Restriction.--Notwithstanding any other provision of 
     law or any international agreement--
       (A) no agreement for cooperation between the United States 
     and the government of any country that is assisting the 
     nuclear program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional 
     weapons or missiles to Iran may be submitted to the President 
     or to Congress pursuant to section 123 of the Atomic Energy 
     Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2153),
       (B) no such agreement may enter into force with such 
     country,
       (C) no license may be issued for export directly or 
     indirectly to such country of any nuclear material, 
     facilities, components, or other goods, services, or 
     technology that would be subject to such agreement, and
       (D) no approval may be given for the transfer or retransfer 
     directly or indirectly to such country of any nuclear 
     material, facilities, components, or other goods, services, 
     or technology that would be subject to such agreement,

     until the President makes the determination and report under 
     paragraph (2).
       (2) Determination and report.--The determination and report 
     referred to in paragraph (1) are a determination and report 
     by the President, submitted to the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
     of the House of Representatives, that--
       (A) Iran has ceased its efforts to design, develop, or 
     acquire a nuclear explosive device or related materials or 
     technology; or
       (B) the government of the country that is assisting the 
     nuclear program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional 
     weapons or missiles to Iran--
       (i) has suspended all nuclear assistance to Iran and all 
     transfers of advanced conventional weapons and missiles to 
     Iran; and
       (ii) is committed to maintaining that suspension until Iran 
     has implemented measures that would permit the President to 
     make the determination described in subparagraph (A).
       (b) Construction.--The restrictions in subsection (a)--
       (1) shall apply in addition to all other applicable 
     procedures, requirements, and restrictions contained in the 
     Atomic Energy Act of 1954 and other laws; and
       (2) shall not be construed as affecting the validity of 
     agreements for cooperation that are in effect on the date of 
     the enactment of this Act.
       (c) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Agreement for cooperation.--The term ``agreement for 
     cooperation'' has the meaning given that term in section 11 
     b. of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2014(b)).
       (2) Assisting the nuclear program of iran.--The term 
     ``assisting the nuclear program of Iran'' means the 
     intentional transfer to Iran by a government, or by a person 
     subject to the jurisdiction of a government with the 
     knowledge and acquiescence of that government, of goods, 
     services, or technology listed on the Nuclear Suppliers Group 
     Guidelines for the Export of Nuclear Material, Equipment and 
     Technology (published by the International Atomic Energy 
     Agency as Information Circular INFCIRC/254/Rev. 3/Part 1, and 
     subsequent revisions), or the Nuclear Suppliers Group 
     Guidelines for Transfers of Nuclear-Related Dual-Use 
     Equipment, Material, and Related Technology (published by the 
     International Atomic Energy Agency as Information Circular 
     INFCIR/254/Rev. 3/Part 2, and subsequent revisions).

[[Page 25394]]

       (3) Country that is assisting the nuclear program of iran 
     or transferring advanced conventional weapons or missiles to 
     iran.--The term ``country that is assisting the nuclear 
     program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional weapons 
     or missiles to Iran'' means--
       (A) the Russian Federation; and
       (B) any other country determined by the President to be 
     assisting the nuclear program of Iran or transferring 
     advanced conventional weapons or missiles to Iran.
       (4) Transferring advanced conventional weapons or missiles 
     to iran.--The term ``transferring advanced conventional 
     weapons or missiles to Iran'' means the intentional transfer 
     to Iran by a government, or by a person subject to the 
     jurisdiction of a government with the knowledge and 
     acquiescence of that government, of goods, services, or 
     technology listed on--
       (A) the Wassenaar Arrangement list of Dual Use Goods and 
     Technologies and Munitions list of July 12, 1996, and 
     subsequent revisions; or
       (B) the Missile Technology Control Regime Equipment and 
     Technology Annex of June 11, 1996, and subsequent revisions.
       (d) Effective Date.--The amendment made by subsection (a) 
     shall apply to expense paid or incurred on or after January 
     1, 2007.

                   TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

     SEC. 501. TERMINATION.

       (a) Termination.--The restrictions provided in sections 
     203, 404, and 405 shall cease to be effective with respect to 
     Iran on the date on which the President determines and 
     certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that 
     Iran--
       (1) has ceased its efforts to design, develop, manufacture, 
     or acquire--
       (A) a nuclear explosive device or related materials and 
     technology;
       (B) chemical and biological weapons; and
       (C) ballistic missiles and ballistic missile launch 
     technology;
       (2) has been removed from the list of countries the 
     governments of which have been determined, for purposes of 
     section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act of 1979 (50 
     U.S.C. 2405(j)), section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act 
     of 1961, section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act, or any 
     other provision of law, to have repeatedly provided support 
     for acts of international terrorism; and
       (3) poses no significant threat to United States national 
     security, interests, or allies.
       (b) Definition.--In subsection (a), the term ``appropriate 
     congressional committees'' means the Committee on Foreign 
     Affairs of the House of Representatives and the Committee on 
     Foreign Relations of the Senate.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Israel). Pursuant to the rule, the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and the gentlewoman from Florida 
(Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to 
include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. 
Speaker, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad will address the United 
Nations General Assembly in just a couple of hours, the latest step in 
his campaign to remove all obstacles to Tehran's headlong pursuit of 
nuclear weapons. We, in turn, must resolve to use every available 
peaceful means, economic, political, and diplomatic, to put a stop to 
that deadly, dangerous pursuit.
  Peaceful persuasion in this instance will require a lot of leverage. 
Strong international sanctions must be imposed against the regime in 
Tehran, biting sanctions that will bring about a change in policy.
  Ideally, Mr. Speaker, such measures would be undertaken through the 
United Nations. But if China and Russia continue to block effective 
U.N. sanctions against Iran, the United States must move ahead in the 
company of as many other like-minded nations as possible. And if 
multilateral sanctions are not in the offing, the United States needs 
to be prepared to tighten and to fully enforce our own sanctions 
without any exceptions.
  Current law imposes sanctions in the U.S. market on any foreign 
company that invests $20 million or more in the Iranian energy sector. 
But the law lets the executive branch, at its sole discretion, waive 
those sanctions. And for years, Mr. Speaker, administrations of both 
parties have done so without fail.
  Since 1999, giant companies such as Royal Dutch Shell, France's 
Total, Italy's ENI, and Inpex of Japan have invested over $100 billion, 
over $100 billion, in the Iranian energy industry, and the United 
States has done nothing to stop them.
  If we wish to impose serious and biting sanctions on Iran, effective 
measures that will change the behavior of the regime in Tehran, it is 
clear what we must do. We must take away the power from the 
administration to waive sanctions we pass.
  Two days ago on 60 Minutes, the President of Iran had this to say 
about the issue of nuclear weapons: ``We don't need a nuclear bomb . . 
. In political relations right now, the nuclear bomb is of no use. If 
it was useful, it would have prevented the downfall of the Soviet 
Union.''
  I wish that we could take Ahmadinejad at his word, but we obviously 
cannot. This is the same man who yesterday said, ``Our people are the 
freest in the world'' and ``there are no homosexuals in Iran.'' We are 
all aware of the many other absurd and irrational statements that have 
emanated from Tehran since this man took power.
  But there is one arena in which I agree with Ahmadinejad: when he 
says his country has the same right as every other country to use 
civilian nuclear power. Every country has that right. But if they all 
decide to get there by mastering the full nuclear fuel cycle, then the 
door will be wide open to an unprecedented global proliferation of 
nuclear weapons.
  That is why earlier the House passed my legislation to authorize the 
creation of an International Nuclear Fuel Bank under the auspices of 
the International Atomic Energy Agency. Every country, including Iran, 
can draw from that bank the nuclear fuel necessary for the production 
of civilian nuclear energy under strict IAEA safeguards, but no nation 
will be able to divert nuclear materials for military purposes. The 
International Atomic Energy Agency supports my approach, as do all five 
permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, including our own 
administration.
  One would think that the decision makers in Tehran would look upon 
this idea of an International Nuclear Fuel Bank as an elegant way to 
get Iran out of a difficult, unproductive, and singularly isolated 
situation. I hope that they will take this road and they will use this 
opportunity to move away from their current isolation in the 
international community.
  And I hope as well that the administration will see its way clear to 
opening up serious and continuing dialogue with Iran. When I hear it 
said that it is somehow wrong to talk with Iran, I think back to the 
days when the Soviet Union had thousands of nuclear-tipped missiles 
aimed at the United States. Surely, the Soviets then were a great deal 
more dangerous to us than the Iranian leadership is today, and yet we 
talked with them daily. We maintained a very active diplomacy vis-a-vis 
the Soviet Union. We were engaged in trade, travel, and cultural 
exchanges of many types.
  Mr. Speaker, I am not alone in hoping that relations with Iran can 
and will be improved. But as long as irrationality prevails in Tehran, 
we must be prepared to employ all peaceful means at our disposal to 
ensure that the regime renounces its pursuit of nuclear weapons.
  Iran today faces a choice between a very big carrot and a very sharp 
stick. It is my hope that they will take the carrot, but today we are 
putting the stick in place.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, today is a day of contrast. Today as we stand here in 
this hallowed Chamber of democracy discussing the threat that Iran 
poses to the United States and, indeed, to global security, to its own 
people as well, Iran's leader will later be spewing his

[[Page 25395]]

venomous rhetoric before the United Nations General Assembly.
  Last year, the leader of the Iranian regime called for Israel to be 
wiped off the map and for a new wave of Palestinian attacks to destroy 
the Jewish state. He further stated that anyone who recognizes Israel 
will burn in the fire of the fury of Islamic nations.
  This is not the first time that the Iranian leadership has called for 
the destruction of Israel. On December 14, 2001, former Iranian leader 
Rafsanjani threatened Israel with nuclear attack, saying that the use 
of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel would destroy that country while 
it would do little harm to the Islamic world.
  Given the Iranian regime's history of acting on its declarations, we 
should be under no illusions regarding its intentions. And its 
intentions are to get a nuclear weapon. In fact, they are even taking 
out advertisements about it.
  Let me show you this very revealing ad that appeared in the May issue 
of the Economist. As they say, ``a picture is worth a thousand words.'' 
Even as the International Atomic Energy Agency reported that ``gaps 
remain in the agency's knowledge with respect to the scope and content 
of Iran's centrifuge program . . . including the role of the military 
in Iran's nuclear program . . .'' and voiced concern regarding 
``undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran,'' and even as 
additional sanctions were being considered against Iran by the United 
Nations Security Council, this request for proposals for two new large 
nuclear plants appeared in a major western magazine. And let me point 
out that the ad clearly identifies the name of the bank, a European 
bank. For the record, it is Austria Bank Creditansalt, with the account 
number clearly evident in the advertisement.
  Mr. Speaker, for over 5 years, Iran has been manipulating the 
international community, buying time to expand and to hide its nuclear 
program, and it is making rapid progress. The International Atomic 
Energy Agency report of August 30 of this year stated that Iran is 
running almost 2,000 centrifuges with as many more being tested or 
under construction, indicating that it has already overcome many of the 
roadblocks to manufacturing nuclear fuel, including weapons-grade 
material.
  The estimate of the International Atomic Energy Agency, however, may 
be too conservative. Iranian leader Ahmadinejad put the number of 
centrifuges at 3,000 and said that the program was making great 
strides. His comments underscored his regime's intense focus on its 
nuclear weapons program and should increase our focus and our sense of 
urgency.

                              {time}  1045

  When thinking of the consequences of an Iranian nuclear bomb, we must 
always remember that Iran is the number one state sponsor of terrorism, 
supplying weapons, funding, training and sanctuary to terrorist groups 
such as Hezbollah and Hamas that have murdered countless civilians and 
threatens our allies in the region and elsewhere; that Iran continues 
to supply Shiite Islamic groups in Iraq with money, training and 
weapons that fuel sectarian violence; that Iran is responsible for the 
deaths of U.S. troops by providing the resources and the materials used 
for improvised explosive devices, or IEDs, and other much more powerful 
weapons; that Iran is also supplying the Taliban with weapons to use 
against our troops serving in Afghanistan.
  My daughter-in-law is proudly wearing our Nation's uniform right now 
in Afghanistan, and Iran's work is a danger to her and all of our sons 
and daughters serving overseas.
  However, Tehran's pursuit of these destructive policies has one 
weakness, namely, its dependence on the revenue derived from energy 
exports. For that reason, the U.S. has targeted Iran's energy sector, 
attempting to starve it of its foreign investment. U.S. law prohibits 
American firms from investing in Iran, but foreign entities continue to 
do so. To address that problem, my distinguished colleague, my good 
friend from California, the chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, and 
I introduced the Iran Freedom Support Act, which was enacted into law 
in September of last year.
  This legislation under consideration today, however, H.R. 1400, 
builds upon that foundation, reiterates the application of the Iran 
Sanctions Act, ISA, to parent companies of foreign subsidiaries that 
engage in activities that ISA would prohibit for U.S. entities. Like 
its predecessors, the Iraq Freedom Support Act and H.R. 957, this bill 
before us, H.R. 1400, expands the application of the Iran Sanctions Act 
to any financial institution, insurer, underwriter, guarantor, or other 
business organization including any foreign subsidiary of the 
foregoing. Mr. Speaker, this bill enlarges the scope of the ISA 
sanctions to include the sale of oil or liquefied natural gas tankers.
  In addition, the bill before us states the sense of Congress that the 
United States should prevent foreign banks from providing export 
credits to foreign entities seeking to invest in Iran's energy sector. 
And in line with the Iran Freedom Support Act, which urged the 
President to instruct the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. to push for 
United Nations Security Council sanctions against Iran, this bill 
before us commends the U.N. Security Council for its previous action 
and urges additional action.
  H.R. 1400 also restricts U.S. nuclear cooperation with any country 
that helps Iran's nuclear program or transfers advanced conventional 
weapons or missiles to Iran. This puts countries seeking to maintain 
good relations with the U.S. on notice that we will not allow ourselves 
to be used as indirect purveyors of nuclear assistance to Iran.
  Finally, let me emphasize, Mr. Speaker, that this bill speaks 
directly to the people of Iran. The regime in Tehran continues its 
brutal crackdown on human rights advocates, on religious and ethnic 
minorities, on opponents in the universities and the press, and on 
dissidents in general. And to address their plight, the bill before us 
expresses the unwavering support of the American people for the tens of 
millions of Iranians suffering under a brutal medieval regime.
  We must always remember that we share a common enemy, the regime in 
Tehran, and a common goal, which is freedom.
  Mr. Speaker, thank you for this time. But I mostly want to thank the 
chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, for his leadership on this 
issue, and I strongly urge my colleagues to support its adoption.
  And with that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
distinguished chairman of the Middle East Subcommittee of the Foreign 
Affairs Committee, Mr. Ackerman of New York.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding me the time, as 
well as for your tireless efforts in support of the legislation that we 
are considering today.
  There is no more imperative threat facing the world today than 
checking Iran's nuclear aspirations. Sometimes, in the midst of urgent 
debate over the right tactics to use to stop the mullahs' mad march 
towards the bomb, we lose sight of the big strategic picture. By 
focusing on the particular costs of each sanction, the monstrous 
reality of a world in which Iran possesses nuclear weapons can slip 
into the background. This loss of perspective is a terrible mistake.
  Critics of H.R. 1400, both here and abroad, see only the cost and the 
irritants of American sanctions. Their concerns focus on economic 
liberty and their own bottom line, on their national sovereignty, but 
not their national security.
  Protests are heard regarding our insensitivity to the Iranian regime 
and the likelihood of sanctions hurting the Iranian people. The critics 
are, unfortunately, missing the point. In a vacuum, sanctions always 
seem harsh unless you consider the nonpeaceful alternative.
  To fully and fairly judge the proposals in a sanctions measure such 
as H.R. 1400, we have to consider what a future without it might look 
like. If

[[Page 25396]]

you don't want to see the complete collapse of the nuclear 
nonproliferation regime and the rapid nuclearization of the entire 
Middle East, then you're for the bill. If you don't want to see Iranian 
proxies, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, taking over the Palestinian 
Authority and the Government of Lebanon, then you're for the bill. If 
you don't want to see Iran accelerating its supply of arms and training 
to terrorists around the world, then you're for the bill. If you don't 
want the supply and the price of oil to be set in Tehran, then you're 
for the bill. If you don't want to even imagine a nuclear device 
exploding somewhere, anywhere in the Middle East, then you're for the 
bill. And, finally, if you do abhor war, if you really don't want to 
see military force used to stop Iran's nuclear program, if you hate the 
very idea of America attacking Iran's nuclear program, then you're for 
this bill.
  The official title is the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act. The proper 
title should be the Stop the Iranian Bomb by Every Peaceful Means 
Possible Act. This is the alternative.
  We are running out of time. Nuclear weapons in the hands of Iran's 
mullahs are not inevitable; but to prevent such an international 
security catastrophe, we need every tool at our disposal now while 
there is still time. The longer we wait, the greater the danger and 
difficulty of the challenge we face. Now is the time to apply the 
absolute maximum diplomatic, political and economic pressure that we 
can muster.
  H.R. 1400 will crank up the pressure and help us avoid having to 
choose between military action and an Iranian atomic bomb. I urge all 
Members to support this bill.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I would like to yield 6 
minutes to Mr. Pence, the ranking member on the Subcommittee on the 
Middle East and South Asia of our Committee on Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. PENCE. I thank the gentlelady for yielding. I also thank the 
ranking member and the distinguished chairman of this committee for 
their extraordinary and visionary work in bringing H.R. 1400 to the 
floor of this Congress to enhance United States diplomatic efforts with 
respect to Iran by imposing additional economic sanctions against Iran.
  As the ranking member and my other senior colleagues have described, 
this legislation would continue an expanding effort to confront Iran's 
rhetoric and reality in a manner both diplomatic and economic. And the 
reasons to do so are legion. Iran, for instance, denies the Holocaust 
and hosted a Holocaust-denying conference which aired on Arab 
television across the region.
  President Ahmadinejad, as I will describe in a moment, has repeatedly 
advocated ``wiping Israel off the map.'' Their headlong and reckless 
pursuit of a nuclear weapons program ominously would enable them to do 
that in a matter of minutes when combined with their missile 
technology.
  Iran supplies and trains insurgents fighting U.S. forces and Iraqi 
forces in Iraq, as General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker and the 
physical evidence and the incarceration of Iranian intelligence 
personnel now in Baghdad attest. Iran supports Hezbollah, Hamas, and 
other terrorist organizations.
  But I want to speak specifically, Mr. Speaker, to yesterday and 
today's events involving the Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, 
who arrived yesterday for a forum in Columbia University and an address 
at the United Nations today. Let me be clear: If my colleagues have no 
other reason to support H.R. 1400, we can look to the rhetoric and the 
statements in the past 48 hours of President Ahmadinejad. He is a 
destabilizing force leading a threatening country and gave evidence of 
that repeatedly in statements on American television, Columbia 
University, and I expect at the U.N. today.
  Ahmadinejad veers regularly between the deadly and the bizarre. He is 
perhaps best known for the menacing statements about advocating the 
elimination of the State of Israel. But at last year's address to the 
U.N. General Assembly, President Ahmadinejad told an Iranian cleric 
that he had felt the hand of God entrancing world leaders as he 
addressed that body. All of these various threats and outrages are 
delivered with a trademark eery grin, which would be easy to dismiss as 
the rantings of a madman were he not vested with the power of a head of 
state. Yet his musings are as clear and as threatening as those musings 
written in a prison cell in the 1930s entitled ``Mein Kampf.''
  This is a man who is on a misguided mission; he is a dangerous and 
deluded leader. We ignore his intents at our peril. While his speech at 
Columbia University yesterday was described as a rambling speech by the 
New York Times that meandered from science to religion to the creation 
of human beings, it was his claim that he was a ``peaceful'' man, that 
Iran possessed, as he made some reference to, a thriving Jewish 
community, and his claim that Iran was a country where no homosexuals 
lived. For me, I cannot decide which of those statements was more 
Orwellian or more offensive to reality or to western respect for 
individual liberty. But they do give us a window into the mindset of a 
leader.
  And, Mr. Speaker, I believe no terrorist despot deserves an Ivy 
League forum, and have said so. On ``60 Minutes'' Sunday night, 
Ahmadinejad refused to address what we all know to be true: His forces 
and weaponry, as I said before, are directly implicated in the deaths 
of American forces in Iraq, and that would have been reason enough to 
deny him a podium.
  Now, we are occasionally told, and maybe some will hesitate to 
support this legislation today because Ahmadinejad is not in charge, 
that some believe a relatively moderate group of clerics are the real 
power in Iran. But in a military parade just Saturday, the Supreme 
Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, allegedly a moderate in some versions, had a 
banner displayed alongside him that read: ``The Iranian Nation is ready 
to bring any oppressive power to its knees.'' Clearly, this threatening 
posture is deep-seated; it is not focused on one man.
  But I think as we argue today for H.R. 1400 to bring additional 
economic sanctions against Iran, we should look at the man who is the 
leader of the country. H.R. 1400, sponsored by our distinguished 
chairman and ranking minority member, does the reasonable step of 
imposing additional economic sanctions against Iran.
  But let me say I believe it is imperative that we must continue to 
use every tool in our power to pressure and isolate this dangerous and 
threatening regime. And the people of the United States of America, the 
U.N. Security Council, our neighbors and allies in the region also need 
to be prepared to keep all options on the table as we confront this 
regime. It is my hope H.R. 1400, with its diplomatic and economic 
initiative, will prevail and bring Iran back from the nuclear brink, 
and that would be my prayer. But we must remain committed to the notion 
that this nation and this leader in Iran must not be permitted to come 
into possession of a usable nuclear weapon.

                              {time}  1100

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, 
Nonproliferation and Trade of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. 
Sherman of California.
  Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I 
thank him for this outstanding piece of legislation.
  Yesterday, at Columbia University, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad made two 
points that were newsworthy. First, there are no gay people in Iran. 
Second, there is no nuclear weapons program in Iran. These two points 
are equally true.
  To focus on Iran's nuclear program, we do not need military action. I 
want to emphasize that this bill does not authorize, it does not 
justify, it does not urge military action in any way. In fact, it gives 
us an alternative, and that is economic and diplomatic pressure.
  Now, we owe a special debt of gratitude to the mullahs who are 
running Iran, because their mismanagement, corruption and oppression 
has made

[[Page 25397]]

their government vulnerable, vulnerable even in an $80-a-barrel world. 
Today, Iran faces a slow decline in its oil fields. Without further 
investment, they won't be exporting oil in 10 years. Today, as I speak, 
they are rationing gasoline in Tehran.
  We need to be able to use our considerable broadcasting resources to 
send a message into Iran for the people and elites of that country: 
that you face diplomatic and economic isolation if you don't abandon 
your nuclear program. The problem is that none of us can lie that well 
in Farsi. We have not imposed economic isolation on Iran. But with this 
bill, we can begin.
  We have acquiesced in World Bank loans to the Government of Iran. 
With this bill, we stop putting money into the unit of the World Bank 
that is making loans to Iran. We ought to look at other things we can 
do to make sure that there are no further World Bank loans to Iran.
  Currently, we import from Iran--not oil, but only the stuff we don't 
need, and they can't sell anywhere else. This bill ends imports from 
Iran.
  With regard to oil companies, again, we owe a special debt of 
gratitude to those mullahs whose outrageous business practices and 
threats of expropriation have made oil companies reluctant to invest in 
Iran. But now we have got to make them more reluctant to invest in 
Iran. This bill turns to foreign subsidiaries of U.S. oil companies and 
bans their investment in Iran.
  With regard to foreign-based oil companies, it sends a clear message: 
Don't do business with Iran if you expect to do business-as-usual in 
the United States. We have had that kind of sanction against foreign-
based oil companies for quite some time under what was then called the 
Iran-Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA). We applied that act against Libya, and 
it worked. It is now time to apply that act with regard to oil 
companies investing in Iran. This bill moves us a long way in that 
direction.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 3 minutes to Mr. 
Shays of the National Security and Foreign Affairs Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.
  Mr. SHAYS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1400, the Iran Counter-
Proliferation Act, what I call the bipartisan Lantos-Ros-Lehtinen 
Resolution. We need to prohibit nuclear cooperation between the U.S. 
and countries who are aiding Iran's nuclear program, and we need to 
strengthen our current sanctions against Iran.
  First, we cannot talk about Iran in a vacuum. We need to pass this 
resolution and put other pressure on this government. We also need to 
make sure that we do not leave Iraq and the Middle East to this 
country. Iran is pursuing nuclear capabilities and is one of the 
world's most egregious exporters of terrorism, funding Hamas, Hezbollah 
and Iraqi insurgents. We are needing to confront Iran because they are 
funding the Iraqi insurgents, therefore killing Iraqis who are on our 
side. They are literally killing our American troops. The seriousness 
of these facts was made clear when Iran's president threatened to wipe 
Israel off the map. That is his intent.
  In addition, in April 2006, Ayatollah Khamenei told another one of 
the world's worst human rights abusers, Sudan, that Iran would gladly 
transfer nuclear technology to it. Khamenei stated, ``The Islamic 
Republic of Iran is prepared to transfer the experience, knowledge and 
technology of its scientists.'' That is a quote. I am hopeful the 
ongoing discussions between the Iranians and the United Nations to 
craft a permanent nuclear agreement will be successful. But I am not 
holding my breath.
  It is critical that our Government utilize the tools at our disposal, 
including economic and diplomatic sanctions and the appropriate 
distribution of foreign aid to those groups who oppose the current 
regime to deter the threat Iran poses to global security. It is also 
appropriate and essential for us to impose pressure on the other 
nations of the world who prop up the Iranian Government and the 
extremists at the helm by their investing heavily in that nation.
  The bottom line is, in spite of its assurances to the contrary, Iran 
remains committed to a nuclear weapons program. The United States must 
be unequivocal in its rejection of these ambitions. We need to realize 
that if you don't want war with Iran, then we need to make sanctions 
work.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good 
friend from Texas (Mr. Edwards) for a colloquy.
  Mr. EDWARDS. I first want to commend Chairman Lantos for his strong 
leadership in this legislation. I support it very strongly and think 
it's good for our Nation and the security of the world. I would like to 
express that I have heard some concerns raised about whether section 
405 unintentionally might create any roadblocks to the Nunn-Lugar 
program where the United States and Russia work together to prohibit 
nuclear materials from getting into the hands of terrorists. Obviously, 
no one here, no one in Russia, no one in this country would want to 
make it more difficult to protect our Nation from theft of nuclear 
material from Russia.
  Mr. Speaker, I just hope that as we move toward the final version of 
this legislation and discuss this with the Senate, I hope we can ensure 
it would not in any way unintentionally undermine our ability to 
evaluate physical protection systems at sites that receive U.S. nuclear 
exports and to just ensure that in no way do we unintentionally create 
some roadblocks for the continuation of the Nunn-Lugar program.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. EDWARDS. I yield to the gentleman from California.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend from Texas for raising this 
issue. The Nunn-Lugar program is one of the most valuable international 
pieces of legislation since the end of the Second World War. It has 
gone a long ways in preventing nuclear materials falling into dangerous 
hands. It is imperative that the Russian Federation work together with 
the international community to thwart Iran's nuclear ambitions. I very 
much look forward to working with my friend from Texas to ensure that 
that goal and the nonproliferation goals are fully met in this 
legislation.
  Mr. EDWARDS. I thank the gentleman for his leadership and his 
comments.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Illinois (Mr. Kirk), the cochair of the Congressional Iran Working 
Group.
  Mr. KIRK. Mr. Speaker, the history of the 20th century tells us that 
genocidal dictators say what they will do and then do what they said. 
Hitler told us in his writings that he would murder Jews. And he did. 
Stalin said that he would liquidate the Kulaks, Russia's small farmers. 
And he did. Pol Pot said he would eliminate the middle class and 
intellectuals. And he did. Now the President of Iran said he will wipe 
Israel off the face of the Earth. And he will.
  Now, we Americans promised in 1945, never again. Ahmadinejad says 
that one Jewish holocaust is not enough, that he would wish to commit a 
second genocide, and he would deny that that would happen because he 
already denies that the holocaust happened.
  Now, our options with regard to Iran are poor. Option one is to leave 
this to the United Nations alone. But that appears to lead to the 
Iranians having the bomb. Option two is to let Israel's armed forces 
remove the threat. But that mission is dangerous and uncertain.
  Thanks to Chairman Lantos and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, we in 
Congress are developing a better and third option. Sanctions against 
Iran can work. This bill strengthens such sanctions. We can do more. We 
should bankrupt Bank Melli, a funder of terror. And we should 
quarantine gasoline

[[Page 25398]]

sales to Iran. These measures could cripple Iran. Like the Yugoslav 
dictatorship, we can bring effective pressure to bear to achieve our 
objectives without military action.
  The new President of France sees the growing danger and says the 
international community and Europe should act. The new French President 
is right. This bill takes us in the direction of a safer world and one 
in cooperation with our allies.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished Chair of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the 
Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel of New York.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank our distinguished chairman for 
yielding to me. I rise in strong support of this legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, yesterday, I was in New York City, my hometown, where I 
spoke at a demonstration in front of the United Nations protesting 
Ahmadinejad's speaking at that world body. I also then went to Columbia 
University where I also participated in a protest outside of Columbia 
University.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to be able to tell my children and my 
grandchildren that I did something when evil raised its ugly head. 
Perhaps if there had been more of this in the 1930s, Adolph Hitler 
might not have come to power. He said what he was going to do, as the 
gentleman from Illinois just said, and he carried it out. When Mr. 
Ahmadinejad says he wants to wipe Israel off the face of the Earth and 
do all kinds of other countless, horrific things, he means it.
  This bill squeezes the Iranian regime where it counts the most, in 
the pockets, economically. No one could have foreseen that the Soviet 
Union could have rotted from within. But the Iranian regime is rotting 
from within. They are now importing oil. There's an energy crunch in 
Iran. This is the way to topple that regime. I think that they are the 
biggest threat right now to the world.
  The United Nations discredits itself. We will soon have a resolution 
condemning their so-called Human Rights Commission, which does nothing 
but attack Israel. We need to stand up and say that we were able to act 
when it counted. This is one of the most important things that the 
Congress can do by slapping sanctions on Iran.
  We have the Syria Accountability Act which I introduced with the 
distinguished ranking member. We are going to have another bill. Syria 
and Iran, who represent threats to the region, need to be hit in the 
pocketbook, economically, in order for their regimes to collapse or for 
them to change their behavior.
  Mr. Speaker, this bill does that. That is why everyone should support 
it today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\3/4\ minutes to the 
distinguished member of the Intelligence Committee, the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Harman).

                              {time}  1115

  Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, California is poised to join several other 
States in requiring its huge pension funds to disinvest in Iran. The 
decision is bipartisan. I commend my State's Democratic legislature and 
Republican Governor for this bold move.
  So, H.R. 1400 too, is a bold bipartisan move, and I urge its passage. 
It tightens enforcement of U.S. sanctions, which are working; it 
conditions future nuclear cooperation with Russia on that country's 
ceasing its nuclear ties with Iran; and it designates Iran's 
Revolutionary Guards, who have long carried out terrorist acts in Iraq 
and the region, as a terror organization.
  Mr. Speaker, Los Angeles, California, is home to over 800,000 Iranian 
Americans. In fact, it's called sometimes the ``Tehrangeles.'' I 
understand that, because we have such a large population. Our fight, 
however, is not with the ``Tehrangelenos,'' and it surely is not with 
the Iranian people either; but our fight, and we must continue it, is 
against the threats and the actions of the extreme regime in Iran who 
threaten our Democratic ally Israel and who threaten the entire world 
with the prospect of a nuclear bomb.
  Coercive sanctions are working. H.R. 1400 will add new tools to those 
sanctions. This is the right way for this country to speak out and the 
right way for this country to achieve results.
  Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1400, as amended 
to strengthen its goals and effect.
  The Iranian regime supports terrorism. Iran's President has called 
for Israel to be, and I quote, ``wiped off the map.'' Iranian special 
forces are fighting a ``proxy war'' against U.S. troops in Iraq and are 
training Iraqi Shiite extremists. Iran's uranium enrichment continues 
to fly in the face of several United Nations resolutions, and the 
International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, reports that Iran could 
develop nuclear weapons in as few as 3 years.
  A multilateral strategy will most effectively block Iran's dangerous 
ambitions. The U.N., in particular, must adopt additional, stronger 
measures to stop this hostile regime dead in its tracks. I am also very 
encouraged by the recent statements of French President Sarkozy calling 
on France and the rest of Europe to adopt ``international'' and 
``multilateral'' economic sanctions against Iran, in coordination with 
U.S. efforts.
  As I have said on this floor before, I question the effectiveness of 
unilateral sanctions because they often disturb the very 
multilateralism that we currently see taking shape against Iran. 
Careful drafting, however, can alleviate the disruption, and the Ways 
and Means Committee strengthened H.R. 1400 by inserting provisions that 
will preserve this growing international coalition.
  More specifically, H.R. 1400 maintains the President's discretion 
under current law not to impose import restrictions, if refraining 
would best serve the foreign policy purpose. To that end, Section 307 
of this bill clarifies that the full ``authorities'' of IEEPA are 
implicated in Section 6(6) of the Iran Sanctions Act, not just the 
authority to impose import restrictions. A parallel rule of 
construction is included in Section 201.
  In addition, my Committee was careful to clarify in Section 202 that 
the bill's import restrictions apply only to the current regulation, so 
the President retains needed flexibility. Finally, Section 406 of the 
bill as introduced and reported was stripped and replaced with a new 
funding source.
  For these reasons, I urge support of H.R. 1400, as amended.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I submit a series of letters from other 
committees that have jurisdiction over parts of this legislation.

                                         House of Representatives,


                                  Committee on Ways and Means,

                               Washington, DC, September 24, 2007.
     Hon. Tom Lantos,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing regarding H.R. 1400--``to 
     enhance United States diplomatic efforts with respect to Iran 
     by imposing economic sanctions against Iran, and for other 
     purposes''--which was reported by the House Foreign Affairs 
     Committee on August 2, 2007.
       As you know, the Committee on Ways & Means has jurisdiction 
     over import matters. Accordingly, certain provisions of H.R. 
     1400 fall under the Committee's jurisdiction.
       There have been some productive conversations between the 
     staffs of our committees, during which we have proposed some 
     changes to H.R. 1400 that I believe I help clarify the intent 
     and scope of the measure. My understanding is that there is 
     an agreement with regard to these changes. Modifications were 
     made to section 202, relating to additional import sanctions 
     against Iran, and section 406, relating to certain tax 
     incentives, was removed. In addition, provisions were 
     included in section 201 and a new section 307 was added to 
     H.R. 1400 to clarify that other provisions of the Act did not 
     affect the President's authority under the International 
     Emergency Economic Powers Act, particularly as such authority 
     relates to measures restricting imports.
       To expedite this legislation for floor consideration, the 
     Committee will forgo action on this bill and will not oppose 
     its consideration on the suspension calendar. This is done 
     with the understanding that it does not in any way prejudice 
     the Committee or its jurisdictional prerogatives on this, or 
     similar legislation, in the future.
       I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming 
     our understanding with respect to H.R. 1400, and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the record.
           Sincerely,
                                                Charles B. Rangel,
                                                         Chairman.

[[Page 25399]]

                                  ____
                                  
                                     Committee on Foreign Affairs,


                                     House of Representatives,

                               Washington, DC, September 24, 2007.
     Hon. Charles B. Rangel,
     Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R. 
     1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
       I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this 
     legislation and the mutually agreed upon text that is being 
     presented to the House. I recognize that the bill contains 
     provisions that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee 
     on Ways and Means. I agree that the inaction of your 
     Committee with respect to the bill does not in any way 
     prejudice the Committee on Ways and Means or its 
     jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar legislation in 
     the future.
       I will ensure that our exchange of letters be included in 
     the Congressional Record.
           Cordially,
                                                       Tom Lantos,
                                                         Chairman.
                                  ____
                                  
                                         House of Representatives,


                              Committee on Financial Services,

                               Washington, DC, September 21, 2007.
     Hon. Tom Lantos,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing concerning H.R. 1400, the 
     Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007. This bill was 
     introduced on March 8, 2007, and was referred to the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition, to this 
     Committee, among others. The bill has been reported by the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs.
       There is an agreement with regard to this bill, and so in 
     order to expedite floor consideration, I agree to forego 
     further consideration by the Committee on Financial Services. 
     I do so with the understanding that this decision will not 
     prejudice this Committee with respect to its jurisdictional 
     prerogatives on this or similar legislation. I request your 
     support for the appointment of conferees from this Committee 
     should this bill be the subject of a House-Senate conference.
       Please place this letter in the Congressional Record when 
     this bill is considered by the House. I look forward to the 
     bill's consideration and hope that it will command the 
     broadest possible support.
                                                     Barney Frank,
                                                         Chairman.
                                  ____
                                  
                                         House of Representatives,


                                   Committee on the Judiciary,

                                Washington, DC, September 6, 2007.
     Hon. Tom Lantos,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Lantos: In recognition of the desire to 
     expedite consideration of H.R. 1400, the ``Iran Counter-
     Proliferation Act of 2007,'' the Committee on the Judiciary 
     agrees to waive formal consideration of the bill.
       Section 401 of the bill, which requires the President to 
     determine whether the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps in 
     Iran should be listed as a foreign terrorist organization 
     under section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, 
     falls within the rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the 
     Judiciary.
       The Committee takes this action with the understanding that 
     by foregoing consideration of H.R. 1400 at this time, the 
     Committee on the Judiciary does not waive any jurisdiction 
     over subject matter contained in this or similar legislation. 
     The Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of 
     an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate 
     conference involving this legislation, and requests your 
     support if such a request is made.
       I would appreciate your including this letter in your 
     Committee's report for H.R. 1400, or in the Congressional 
     Record during consideration of the bill on the House floor.
       Thank you for your attention to this matter.
           Sincerely,
                                                John Conyers, Jr.,
                                                         Chairman.
                                  ____
                                  
                                     Committee on Foreign Affairs,


                                     House of Representatives,

                                Washington, DC, September 6, 2007.
     Hon. John Conyers,
     Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R. 
     1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
       I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this 
     legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions 
     that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on the 
     Judiciary. I acknowledge that the Committee will not seek a 
     sequential referral of the bill and agree that the inaction 
     of your Committee with respect to the bill does not waive any 
     jurisdiction of the Judiciary Committee over subject matter 
     contained in this bill or similar legislation.
       Further, as to any House-Senate conference on the bill, I 
     understand that your committee reserves the right to seek the 
     appointment of conferees for consideration of portions of the 
     bill that are within the Committee's jurisdiction.
       I will ensure that our exchange of letters are included in 
     the Congressional Record during the consideration of House 
     debate on H.R. 1400, and I look forward to working with you 
     on this important legislation. If you wish to discuss this 
     matter further, please contact me or have your staff contact 
     my staff.
           Cordially,
                                                       Tom Lantos,
                                                         Chairman.
                                  ____
                                  
         House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and 
           Government Reform,
                                Washington, DC, September 7, 2007.
     Hon. Tom Lantos,
     Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Lantos: I am writing to confirm our mutual 
     understanding with respect to the consideration of H.R. 1400, 
     the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
       As you know, on August 2, 2007, the Committee on Foreign 
     Affairs reported H.R. 1400 to the House. The Committee on 
     Oversight and Government Reform (Oversight Committee) 
     appreciates your effort to consult regarding those provisions 
     of H.R. 1400 that fall within the Oversight Committee's 
     jurisdiction, including matters related to the federal 
     workforce and contracting.
       In the interest of expediting consideration of H.R. 1400, 
     the Oversight Committee will not separately consider this 
     legislation. The Oversight Committee does so, however, with 
     the understanding that this does not prejudice the Oversight 
     Committee's jurisdictional interests and prerogatives 
     regarding this bill or similar legislation.
       I respectfully request your support for the appointment of 
     outside conferees from the Oversight Committee should H.R. 
     1400 or a similar Senate bill be considered in conference 
     with the Senate. I also request that you include our exchange 
     of letters in the Congressional Record during consideration 
     of this legislation on the House floor.
       Thank you for your attention to these matters.
           Sincerely,
                                                  Henry A. Waxman,
                                                         Chairman.
                                  ____
                                  
                                     Committee on Foreign Affairs,


                                     House of Representatives,

                                Washington, DC, September 7, 2007.
     Hon. Henry A. Waxman,
     Chairman, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, 
         Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R. 
     1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
       I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this 
     legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions 
     that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on 
     Oversight and Government Reform. I acknowledge that the 
     Committee will not seek a sequential referral of the bill and 
     agree that the inaction of your Committee with respect to the 
     bill does not prejudice the Oversight Committee's 
     jurisdictional interests and prerogatives regarding this bill 
     or similar legislation.
       Further, as to any House-Senate conference on the bill, I 
     understand that your committee reserves the right to seek the 
     appointment of conferees for consideration of portions of the 
     bill that are within the Committee's jurisdiction, and I 
     agree to support a request by the Committee with respect to 
     serving as conferees on the bill (or similar legislation).
       I will ensure that our exchange of letters are included in 
     the Congressional Record during the consideration of House 
     debate on H.R. 1400, and I look forward to working with you 
     on this important legislation. If you wish to discuss this 
     matter further, please contact me or have your staff contact 
     my staff.
           Cordially,
                                                       Tom Lantos,
                                                         Chairman.

  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I share my colleagues' concern about the 
possibility of a nuclear armed Iran, so it is with regret that I must 
vote against this bill. Similarly to other bills that purported to 
sanction Iran and which I voted against, this legislation doesn't 
provide additional tools for diplomacy. Rather it limits the 
President's flexibility to use sanctions as a tool to deal with the 
Iranian challenge. However, by focusing the sanctions within it on 
third-parties such as Russia and Australia, this bill would make it 
more difficult to maintain the united international diplomatic front 
that is critical to resolving the Iranian situation peacefully.
  We need to craft a new framework for relations with Iran; one that 
advances our interests and values through engagement and support for 
the Iranian people. I believe it is more important than ever for 
forceful U.S. diplomatic re-engagement to support peace, democracy, and 
a more secure regional dynamic. We must also undertake the difficult, 
yet critical, task of engaging directly and honestly with Iran, despite 
its often destructive and destabilizing role. The lack of a serious 
diplomatic relationship strengthens those who seek chaos and isolation, 
while leaving the U.S. with fewer levers of influence and more blind 
spots than we can afford.

[[Page 25400]]

  Faced with the prospect of nuclear war with the Soviet Union, 
President John F. Kennedy said, ``Let us never negotiate out of fear. 
But let us never fear to negotiate.'' For the United States and our 
friends in the Middle East, the prospect of continued terror, violence, 
and instability is too dire to do otherwise.
  Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1400, the Iran 
Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
  With this bill, the United States will have the tools to persuade 
Iran's Government to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons.
  We are sending a strong message to the world. We will not tolerate 
violations of the Genocide Convention. This bill calls for Iranian 
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to be brought before the International 
Court of Justice for his repeated calls for the destruction of Israel.
  We will continue to use diplomatic methods to stand tough and protect 
our allies abroad. This bill ends all Iranian imports to the United 
States and restricts U.S. exports to Iran to strictly food and 
medicine.
  I also believe economic pressure is an effective deterrence. This 
bill prevents U.S. subsidiaries of foreign oil companies that are 
sanctioned for investing in Iran's oil sector from receiving U.S. tax 
benefits for oil and gas exploration.
  Iran will not violate rules and go unnoticed. This bill also 
encourages the administration to prohibit all Iranian state-owned banks 
from using the U.S. banking system.
  I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as a cosponsor and strong 
supporter of the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007, H.R. 1400. It 
is appropriate that we are debating this bill today while Iran's 
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addresses the United Nations General 
Assembly.
  The current regime in Iran poses troubling security challenges to the 
community nations and our allies in the Middle East. The hateful and 
threatening comments made by the President of Iran against Israel 
cannot be tolerated. Further, the provocative actions taken by Iran to 
further their nuclear weapons program are not acceptable. A nuclear 
Iran would destabilize the region and threaten the United States and 
our allies. Iran must alter its dangerous course, and the United States 
needs to be fully involved to help bring this about.
  My commitment to ending Iran's nuclear weapons program is one of the 
reasons I was an early cosponsor of the Iran Counter Proliferation Act 
of 2007. H.R. 1400 is important legislation that would prevent nuclear 
cooperation between the United States and any country that provides 
nuclear assistance to Iran as well as support diplomatic and economic 
means to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem. It would also expand 
bilateral sanctions against Iran by severely limiting the export of 
U.S. items to Iran and by prohibiting all imports. Additionally, H.R. 
1400 calls for enhanced UN Security Council efforts in response to 
Iran's continued defiance of the international community. Finally, it 
is important to note that the bill specifically states that the 
administration cannot interpret anything in the legislation as a 
congressional authorization of a military strike on Iran.
  Earlier this year, the House passed the Iran Sanctions Enabling Act 
of 2007, H.R. 2347. This legislation which I also supported would 
authorize State and local governments to divest from, and prevent 
investment in, companies with financial ties to Iran's energy sector, 
or that sell arms to the Government of Iran, and financial institutions 
that extend credit to the Government of Iran.
  H.R. 1400 is logical next step to ensure that the United States does 
everything in our power to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear state 
and further destabilizing the Middle East. I urge my colleagues to 
support this vital legislation.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strongest opposition to this 
curiously-timed legislation which continues to beat the drums for war 
against Iran. It is interesting that this legislation was not scheduled 
for a vote this week, but appeared on the schedule at the last minute 
after a controversial speech by Iran's President at Columbia 
University.
  The House has obviously learned nothing at all from the Iraq debacle. 
In 2002, Congress voted to abrogate its Constitutional obligation to 
declare war and instead transfer that authority to the President. Many 
of my colleagues have expressed regrets over their decision to transfer 
this authority to the President, yet this legislation is Iraq all over 
again. Some have plausibly claimed that the move in this legislation to 
designate the Iranian military as a foreign terrorist organization is 
an attempt to signal to the President that he already has authority 
under previous resolutions to initiate force against Iran. We should 
recall that language specifically requiring the President to return to 
Congress before initiating any strike on Iran was removed from 
legislation by House leadership this year.
  In expanding sanctions against Iran and against foreign businesses 
and countries that do business with Iran, we are hurting the American 
economy and moving the country closer to war. After all, sanctions are 
a form of warfare against a nation; and, if anyone has forgotten Cuba, 
sanctions never achieve the stated goals.
  This legislation authorizes millions more dollars to identify and 
support young Iranians to come to the United States. Does anyone 
believe that we are assisting political opposition to the current 
Iranian regime by singling Iranians out for U.S. support? How would 
Americans react if the Chinese government were funding U.S. students to 
come to China to learn how to overthrow the U.S. government? This move 
is a counterproductive waste of U.S. taxpayer dollars.
  The march to war with Iraq was preceded with numerous bills similar 
to H.R. 1400. No one should be fooled: supporters of this legislation 
are aiming the same outcome for Iran. I strongly urge a ``no'' vote on 
this bill.
  Ms. MOORE of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in 
expressing grave concerns about Iran's irresponsible violations both of 
its commitments under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, NPT, and its 
agreements which it signed with the International Atomic Energy Agency, 
IAEA.
  In the last year, I have joined my colleagues on a number of 
occasions to express the concerns of this body about these activities. 
Last February, I supported passage of a resolution that would condemn 
Iran for violating its international nuclear nonproliferation 
obligations while commending diplomatic efforts being taken by France, 
Germany, and the U.K. (EU-3) to suspend Iran's activities.
  I have also voted to condemn Iranian President Ahmadinejad's 
persistent denials of the Holocaust and his assertions that Israel 
should be ``wiped off the map.'' I have also supported legislation just 
this year authorizing State and local government pension plans to 
divest themselves of all non-U.S. companies investing more than $20 
million in Iran's energy sector.
  It is clear that the threat posed by Iran acquiring nuclear weapons 
is real. Therefore, it is all the more important that this Congress 
support efforts that will help provide, and not restrict, the 
diplomatic, economic, and political tools available to address it. Just 
10 months ago, Congress recognized that when it reauthorized the Iran 
Freedom Support Act to enhance U.S. tools for using financial means to 
address Iran's activities.
  As the House considers H.R. 1400, there are provisions of this bill 
that are commendable and which are worthwhile and which I support. In 
fact, in July, I voted for some of these provisions such as those 
expanding the law's scope to add financial institutions, insurers, 
underwriters, guarantors, and any other business organizations, 
including foreign subsidiaries, to the list of entities already barred 
from investing in Iran which were included in H.R. 957 which passed the 
House by a vote of 415-11.
  However, I could not support H.R. 1400 as currently written because I 
am concerned that its provision striking the ability of the President--
this President or any future one--to waive sanctions in situations 
where it serves the U.S. national interest. I am concerned that 
removing this ability will hinder, not help, our diplomatic or national 
security interests.
  Some have warned that the approach taken by this legislation would 
not only limit diplomatic options with Iran, but also create a rift 
with our allies in Europe and possibly strengthen support for President 
Ahmadinejad's regime in Iran. I think we ought to take those concerns 
seriously. At a time when the U.S. and the world should be in lock step 
in trying to deal with the Iranian threat, Congress should not put one 
more obstacle in the way.
  The reason Congress has been careful to add waiver authority to a 
number of sanctions provisions over the years--and I must confess to my 
own frustration with the use of the waiver authority at times--is that 
there are situations when it is in the United States' best national 
security interest to do so. If there are concerns about the President's 
use of the waiver, there are other options that Congress can pursue. In 
fact, on some sanctions that are currently on the books, Congress has 
given itself the power to negate a presidential waiver by enacting a 
joint resolution stating its disapproval.
  If this legislation were enacted, companies headquartered in a nation 
that have committed to work with us at the U.N. or within the E.U. to 
pressure Iran would be treated no differently from one headquartered in 
a nation

[[Page 25401]]

that was actively supporting investment in Iran's energy sector. It 
makes no sense to argue that we are ``enhancing diplomacy'' by taking 
away the ability, on a case-by-case basis, to waive sanctions as an 
incentive for those countries taking responsible actions to address 
U.S. concerns and Iran's activities.
  Everyone agrees that working cooperatively and diplomatically with 
the U.N., E.U., and others to curb Iran's nuclear program and limit its 
nuclear activities is the best way to proceed. It is clear that a 
coherent strategy that has the support of our allies and the 
international community stands a far better chance of ending Iran's 
nuclear activities.
  However, if this diplomacy is to succeed, those who we charge with 
carrying out those efforts should be able to go to the bargaining table 
without one hand being tied behind their backs. While H.R. 1400 
declares that the U.S. should use diplomatic and economic means to 
resolve the Iranian nuclear problem, I am concerned that the bill 
itself would undermine the very thing it is trying to promote at a time 
when that unity of effort is the most crucial.
  Just 10 months ago, Congress rejected the waiver provision contained 
in this bill when it last considered how to best enhance the tools 
available to the administration to deal with Iran's activities. I hope 
that as this legislation moves forward in the legislative process, 
further changes will be made to strengthen this bill in a way that will 
truly enhance, and not hobble, strong diplomatic efforts.
  Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, as a staunch supporter of United States efforts 
to curb nuclear weapons proliferation, I am deeply concerned about 
Iran's nuclear program and its potential to lead to weapons 
development. This is especially troubling in light of the hateful and 
unfounded comments of Iran's President Amadenajad towards Israel, our 
friend and partner in the Middle East.
  Mr. Speaker, I voted against H.R. 1400 today because it is a fatally 
flawed approach to preventing Iran from acquiring such weapons out of 
its nuclear program. Instead, we should be adopting a comprehensive 
strategy to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, for only that 
will work. A comprehensive strategy includes diplomacy and incentives 
for Iran, and not just harsher sanctions alone, as this bill provides.
  Simply put: we need a carrots and sticks approach to this problem.
  Further, I believe that passage of this bill will needlessly 
complicate relations with the several of the nations with which we must 
work if the world community is to dissuade Iran from weaponizing its 
nuclear program, thereby rendering our non-proliferation efforts that 
much less effective.
  Mr. Speaker, if we are to be successful in this critical effort to 
prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, I believe we must put 
diplomacy and a policy of constructive engagement at the forefront of 
comprehensive efforts. This bill, instead, I fear begins a not so long 
march down the road of further confrontation in an already enflamed 
region.
  Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. Mr. Speaker, the Iranian government 
continues to defy the international community in its pursuit of nuclear 
weapons. In the past, it denounced United Nations Security Council 
Resolutions imposing sanctions as ``illegal'' and ``invalid.'' And just 
this week, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad spoke before the U.N. 
General Assembly and announced that the nuclear issue in Iran was 
closed.
  It is obvious to all of us that Iran's nuclear development programs 
are a concern for our Nation. Our Nation's security would be greatly 
affected by Iranian control over any nuclear weapons. However, we must 
not forget that, in addition to its disregard for the international 
community, the regime in place has abhorrent civil liberties and human 
rights practices within Iran. In the past 5 years, hundreds of 
newspapers have been closed, hundreds of pro-reform websites have been 
blocked, and innumerable people have been unjustly imprisoned. Just 
this year, Dr. Haleh Esfandiari, an Iranian-American, was jailed for 
months for unsubstantiated accusations that she was trying to set up 
networks of Iranians to start a revolution to bring down the 
government. In fact, she has long been an advocate for building bridges 
between the United States and the Middle East. While Dr. Esfandiari has 
been released, countless others have not, and it is clear that we must 
work to stop these baseless and ruthless actions.
  While we address our ongoing concerns, we must be vigilant in 
ensuring that the United States works with the international community 
and approaches the Middle East diplomatically. As our Nation has 
learned, we must be willing to do everything that is necessary to 
protect our Nation and its people; however, we must not preemptively 
strike other sovereign nations because of incomplete and questionable 
information. What we must all agree on is that Iranian nuclear 
capability must continue to be investigated, discussed, and debated--
throughout this Congress, the Nation, and the world.
  Nonetheless, while we attempt to address these situations 
diplomatically, these actions must be backed by strong sanctions 
against the regime in Tehran. It is with this knowledge that I support 
H.R. 1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007. This 
legislation, first and foremost, declares the support of diplomatic and 
economic means to resolve the Iranian nuclear situation, calls for 
enhanced U.N. Security Council efforts, and explicitly states that 
nothing authorizes the use of force in Iran. Additionally, the bill 
expands bilateral sanctions against Iran, prohibits the Presidential 
waiver of these sanctions, and increases oversight of the 
Administration's efforts.
  While critics of this legislation may consider these actions to be 
inflammatory, I instead see it as a necessary and diplomatic step that 
must be taken. Iran has long flouted its disregard for the 
international community and it must understand that it cannot pursue a 
nuclear weapons program and ignore international law without facing 
international political and economic repercussions.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I again thank the chairman, Mr. 
Lantos.
  Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back 
the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) that the House suspend the rules 
and pass the bill, H.R. 1400, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on the motion to suspend the rules on H.R. 1400 will be 
followed by 5-minute votes on motions to suspend the rules postponed 
yesterday in the following order:
  H. Res. 584, by the yeas and nays;
  H. Con. Res. 210, by the yeas and nays;
  H. Res. 663, by the yeas and nays.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 397, 
nays 16, not voting 19, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 895]

                               YEAS--397

     Ackerman
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Alexander
     Allen
     Altmire
     Andrews
     Arcuri
     Baca
     Bachmann
     Bachus
     Baird
     Baker
     Barrett (SC)
     Barrow
     Barton (TX)
     Bean
     Becerra
     Berkley
     Berman
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NY)
     Bishop (UT)
     Blackburn
     Blunt
     Boehner
     Bonner
     Bono
     Boozman
     Boren
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Boustany
     Boyd (FL)
     Boyda (KS)
     Brady (PA)
     Brady (TX)
     Braley (IA)
     Broun (GA)
     Brown (SC)
     Brown, Corrine
     Brown-Waite, Ginny
     Buchanan
     Burgess
     Burton (IN)
     Butterfield
     Buyer
     Calvert
     Camp (MI)
     Campbell (CA)
     Cannon
     Cantor
     Capito
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardoza
     Carnahan
     Carney
     Carter
     Castle
     Castor
     Chabot
     Chandler
     Clarke
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Coble
     Cohen
     Cole (OK)
     Conaway
     Cooper
     Costa
     Costello
     Courtney
     Cramer
     Crenshaw
     Crowley
     Cuellar
     Culberson
     Cummings
     Davis (AL)
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (KY)
     Davis, David
     Davis, Lincoln
     Davis, Tom
     Deal (GA)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     Dent
     Diaz-Balart, L.
     Diaz-Balart, M.
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Donnelly
     Doolittle
     Doyle
     Drake
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Edwards
     Ehlers
     Ellsworth
     Emanuel
     Emerson
     Engel
     English (PA)
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Everett
     Fallin
     Farr
     Fattah
     Feeney
     Ferguson
     Filner
     Forbes
     Fortenberry
     Fossella
     Foxx
     Frank (MA)
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett (NJ)
     Gerlach
     Giffords
     Gillibrand
     Gingrey
     Gohmert
     Gonzalez
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Gordon
     Granger
     Graves
     Green, Al
     Green, Gene
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hall (NY)
     Hall (TX)
     Hare
     Harman
     Hastert
     Hastings (FL)
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Heller
     Hensarling
     Herseth Sandlin
     Higgins
     Hill
     Hinojosa
     Hirono
     Hobson
     Hodes
     Hoekstra
     Holden
     Holt
     Honda
     Hooley
     Hoyer
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Inglis (SC)
     Inslee
     Israel
     Issa
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     Johnson (GA)

[[Page 25402]]


     Johnson, Sam
     Jones (NC)
     Jones (OH)
     Jordan
     Kagen
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Keller
     Kennedy
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kind
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kirk
     Klein (FL)
     Kline (MN)
     Knollenberg
     Kuhl (NY)
     LaHood
     Lamborn
     Langevin
     Lantos
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Levin
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (GA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Loebsack
     Lofgren, Zoe
     Lowey
     Lucas
     Lungren, Daniel E.
     Lynch
     Mack
     Mahoney (FL)
     Maloney (NY)
     Manzullo
     Marchant
     Markey
     Marshall
     Matheson
     Matsui
     McCarthy (CA)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCaul (TX)
     McCollum (MN)
     McCotter
     McCrery
     McGovern
     McHenry
     McHugh
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McMorris Rodgers
     McNerney
     McNulty
     Meek (FL)
     Meeks (NY)
     Melancon
     Mica
     Michaud
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, Gary
     Mitchell
     Mollohan
     Moore (KS)
     Moran (KS)
     Moran (VA)
     Murphy (CT)
     Murphy, Patrick
     Murphy, Tim
     Murtha
     Musgrave
     Myrick
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal (MA)
     Neugebauer
     Nunes
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Ortiz
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Payne
     Pearce
     Pence
     Perlmutter
     Peterson (MN)
     Peterson (PA)
     Petri
     Pickering
     Pitts
     Pomeroy
     Porter
     Price (GA)
     Price (NC)
     Pryce (OH)
     Putnam
     Radanovich
     Rahall
     Ramstad
     Rangel
     Regula
     Rehberg
     Reichert
     Renzi
     Reyes
     Reynolds
     Richardson
     Rodriguez
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Rothman
     Roybal-Allard
     Royce
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)
     Ryan (WI)
     Salazar
     Sali
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sarbanes
     Saxton
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schwartz
     Scott (GA)
     Scott (VA)
     Sensenbrenner
     Serrano
     Sessions
     Sestak
     Shadegg
     Shays
     Shea-Porter
     Sherman
     Shimkus
     Shuler
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Sires
     Skelton
     Slaughter
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Solis
     Souder
     Space
     Spratt
     Stearns
     Stupak
     Sullivan
     Sutton
     Tancredo
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Taylor
     Terry
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tierney
     Towns
     Turner
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Upton
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Walberg
     Walden (OR)
     Walsh (NY)
     Walz (MN)
     Wamp
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson
     Watt
     Waxman
     Weiner
     Welch (VT)
     Weldon (FL)
     Weller
     Westmoreland
     Wexler
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wilson (NM)
     Wilson (OH)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wolf
     Woolsey
     Wu
     Wynn
     Yarmuth
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)

                                NAYS--16

     Abercrombie
     Baldwin
     Bartlett (MD)
     Blumenauer
     Conyers
     Ellison
     Flake
     Gilchrest
     Hinchey
     Lee
     McDermott
     Miller, George
     Moore (WI)
     Olver
     Paul
     Stark

                             NOT VOTING--19

     Berry
     Bishop (GA)
     Carson
     Cubin
     Davis (IL)
     Davis, Jo Ann
     Delahunt
     Herger
     Jindal
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Kucinich
     Lampson
     Platts
     Poe
     Ross
     Schmidt
     Snyder
     Tiahrt

                              {time}  1142

  Messrs. BLUMENAUER, GEORGE MILLER of California, GILCHREST, BARTLETT 
of Maryland, CONYERS, HINCHEY, Ms. LEE and Ms. BALDWIN changed their 
vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts and Ms. LORETTA SANCHEZ of California 
changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and 
the bill, as amended, was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Stated if:
  Mr. PLATTS. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 895 (H.R. 1400), I missed 
the vote due to extenuating circumstances. Had I been present, I would 
have voted ``yea.''
  Mrs. SCHMIDT. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 895, I was late returning 
from Walter Reed Army Medical Center and missed the vote. Had I been 
present, I would have voted ``yea.''

                          ____________________