[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 17]
[House]
[Pages 23455-23456]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                       ENDING THE MADNESS IN IRAQ

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, there will be a great debate in Congress in 
the coming days about the administration's escalation strategy in Iraq. 
The administration has been trying during this time to influence that 
debate by launching a saturation public relations campaign designed to 
convince us that the escalation is working. Before the debate in 
Congress begins, however, it

[[Page 23456]]

is really important for every Member of this House to know the facts; 
and the truth is the escalation is not working. It is failing. Here are 
the facts:
  First, this summer has been the bloodiest summer of the occupation 
for American troops since the occupation began. Between June and 
August, 261 of our brave troops died. Over the same three months last 
year, 169 died. That is too many, absolutely; but it is a 54 percent 
increase this year over last year.
  Second, the escalation has been deadly for U.S. troops ever since it 
began: 654 U.S. troops were killed between February, when the 
escalation began, and this August. That is 63 percent more than over 
the same period last year.
  Third, the escalation has been a disaster for the Iraqi people. Over 
5,000 more Iraqi civilians were killed between the start of the 
escalation in February and this August than died over the same period 
last year; and according to news reports, the number of internally 
displaced Iraqis has more than doubled since the escalation began, from 
500,000 to 1.1 million refugees.
  Next, despite the administration's claims of progress on security, 
the Government Accountability Office has reported that average daily 
attacks against civilians have remained unchanged, unchanged, since the 
escalation began and that the Iraqi Government has failed to meet most 
of its key benchmarks for military and political progress. A National 
Intelligence Estimate describes the Iraqi leaders as unable to govern 
effectively and that the Iraqi Government's ability to bring about 
political reconciliation is likely to become even more precarious.
  Fifth, and finally, the statement on Monday that the administration 
might, might, might, that ``might'' is the operative word, might 
consider bringing a few troops home, I believe that was a brazen 
political maneuver designed to give Members of Congress who are needing 
a reason to stay the course a way out.
  Mr. Speaker, it is outrageous that the administration is playing 
politics with the lives of our troops and with the emotions of their 
families. But their real goal couldn't be clearer: General Petraeus 
told a congressional delegation that went to Iraq in August that 
American troops will have to be in Iraq for 9 or 10 more years. I doubt 
that even the White House's most ardent supporters want the occupation 
to continue for another 10 years. Yet, incredibly, that could be the 
plan.
  We can only come to one conclusion, which is that under the 
administration's leadership, there is no light at the end of this 
tunnel. There will be more deaths, more wounded, more refugees and more 
destruction, with absolutely no end in sight. Meanwhile, our standing 
in the world will continue to deteriorate. The terrorists will continue 
to hatch their plots against us in their safe havens far from Iraq, and 
the occupation will continue to rob our Treasury of the resources we 
desperately need for healthcare, for education, for infrastructure, for 
energy independence, for the environment and real homeland security.
  The administration will never end the madness in Iraq. The American 
people have called upon Congress to do it, and history will judge each 
of us by how we answer that call.

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