[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 153 (2007), Part 10]
[Senate]
[Pages 14006-14008]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                      UNANIMOUS-CONSENT AGREEMENT

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate, 
at 8:25 p.m., vote, without any intervening action or debate, on the 
motion to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 
2206; that the time from 7:55 to 8:25 p.m. be equally divided between 
the two leaders, with the majority leader in control of the last 15 
minutes, and that no other amendments or motions be in order prior to 
the vote, with the time allocated as follows: Senator Durbin, 5 
minutes; Senator Levin, 5 minutes; Senator Landrieu, 5 minutes, and 
Senator Brown, 5 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  The Senator from Illinois.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, in a few moments, the Senate will vote on 
a funding bill for the war in Iraq.
  It is a historic vote and a very important one over which many of us 
have anguished.
  I come to this decision with sadness and anger--sadness that we are 
in the fifth year of this war, a war that has lasted longer than World 
War II; sadness that we have lost 3,435 of our bravest, our American 
soldiers; sadness that over 25,000 of these soldiers have been injured, 
8,000 or 9,000 grievously injured; sadness that we spent over $500 
billion on a war that is second only to World War II in its cost to our 
Nation.
  I also come to this floor with anger--anger that we do not have it in 
our power to make the will of the people of America the law of our 
land; anger that this President has vetoed a bipartisan bill carefully 
crafted to start bringing America's troops home; anger that we continue 
to bury our Nation's heroes every day while this Congress fails to 
muster the votes and some of the will to bring this war to an end.
  In October of 2002, I stood on this Senate floor and joined 22 other 
Senators in casting my vote against this war. I felt then, and I 
believe today, that the invasion of Iraq was a serious mistake. I 
believe, as I stand here, it has been the most flawed and failed policy 
of any administration in our history.
  That night when the vote was cast, this ornate Chamber was quiet. 
There was a lonely feel about it in the closing moments of the session. 
Those of us who lingered knew that regardless of what the White House 
said, this President would waste no time invading Iraq--regardless of 
the flawed intelligence, regardless of the lack of allies, regardless 
of a battle plan that left us in a position stronger after the invasion 
than before.
  Today, 4\1/2\ years later, 4\1/2\ years after that vote and after 
this invasion, America is not safer, Iraq is in turmoil, and our 
position as a nation in this world has been compromised by this tragic 
decision by this administration.
  I said at the time, and I will stand by it with my vote this evening, 
that though I loathe this decision to go to war, I will not take my 
feelings out on the troops who are in the field. I will continue to 
provide the resources they need to be trained and equipped and rested 
and ready to go into battle and to come home safely.
  The debate will continue over this policy, but our soldiers should 
never be bargaining chips in this political debate. That is why I will 
vote this evening for this bill. But I want to make it clear with this 
vote that this bill is not the end of the debate on the war in Iraq. 
This debate will continue until our Nation comes to its senses, until 
our troops come home, and until we put this sorry chapter in our 
Nation's history behind us.
  We have summoned our friends on the Republican side of the aisle to 
join us in this effort. Two have had the courage to step forward. I 
hope that as they reflect on this war and its cost to America that more 
Republicans will join us, that we will not have to wait until President 
Bush walks out of the White House to see an end to this war.
  I pledge to you, Mr. President, this Senator and so many others will 
continue this debate beyond today, beyond tonight, every day until 
those troops come home safely. When we consider the Defense 
authorization bill in just a few weeks, we will return to this national 
debate. We will push for that timetable to bring these troops home. We 
will stand by our soldiers and show our devotion to them with our 
commitment to bringing them home safely, in an honorable way. The 
debate will continue until the soldiers are safe and until they are 
home.
  I pray this will happen soon, happen before we lose more of these 
great men and women. This morning at my desk upstairs, I sat down and 
penned more notes to the grieving parents and spouses of fallen 
soldiers in my State of Illinois. I never dreamed 4\1/2\ years ago that 
I would still be writing those notes today. It is a sad testimony to 
what this failed policy has cost our Nation.
  With this vote tonight, the debate will not end; the debate will 
continue.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I continue to believe that Congress must 
act to change course in Iraq because the Bush administration will not. 
Congress needs to force the Iraqi political leaders to accept 
responsibility for their country's future. Four years of painful 
history have shown that the only way to accomplish that goal is to 
write into law a requirement that we reduce the number of U.S. troops 
in Iraq beginning in 120 days. That amount of time would give the Iraqi 
leaders the time to make the political settlements that are the only 
hope of ending the sectarian fighting.
  Setting that beginning point would also force the Iraqi leaders to 
face the reality that we will not be their endless security blanket. 
That approach got 51 votes in the Senate on March 29. It was sent to 
the President. The President vetoed it. But pressure continues to build 
for a change in course, even in the President's party.
  We will renew the effort to force a change in course in June when we 
take up the Defense authorization bill currently scheduled for late 
June. The way we will do that is we will make and renew the effort to 
require the President to begin reducing American troops in Iraq within 
120 days.
  I voted against the authorization to attack Iraq 4 years ago, and I 
will continue to fight for a bill that forces the President to do the 
one thing which will successfully change course in Iraq. Reducing our 
presence starting in 120 days is a way of telling the Iraqi leaders 
that we cannot save them from themselves and that only they can make 
the decision as to whether they want an all-out civil war or they want 
a nation.
  I cannot vote, however, to stop funding for our troops who are in 
harm's way. I simply cannot, and I will not do that. It is not the 
proper way we can bring this war to an end. It is not the proper way we 
can put pressure on the Iraqi leaders. It is a way of sending the wrong 
message to our troops because now that they are there, and now that 
they are in harm's way, I believe we must give them all of the support 
they need.
  It is not only the absence from this bill of a beginning point for 
troop reductions, which is so troubling, I am also concerned about the 
benchmarks in this bill because they are not only toothless, they may 
actually be counterproductive. Benchmarks with no consequences for 
failure to achieve them will not put the necessary pressure on the 
Iraqi leaders to reach a political settlement. Only a law requiring the 
reduction of our troops can do that.
  The benchmarks as written in this bill are doubly problematic because 
the schedule for reports, July 15 and September 15, could be used as a 
way of forestalling pressure on the administration and the Iraqi 
leaders since those reports are not due until after we are planning to 
take up the Defense authorization bill in June.
  Perhaps the supporters of the current course in Iraq will say that 
those of us voting to fund the troops bill before us are also signing 
on to the toothless benchmarks with their arguably momentum-slowing 
requirements. So let

[[Page 14007]]

me say plainly, I oppose the benchmarks and the reports as provided for 
in this bill.
  Well, let me say plainly: I oppose the toothless benchmarks and 
momentum-delaying reports in this bill. I agree with the Iraq Study 
Group that continued U.S. military support for Iraq ``depends on the 
Iraqi government's demonstrating political will and making substantial 
progress toward the achievement of milestones on national 
reconciliation, security and governance.''
  It has been clear for a long time that there is no military solution 
in Iraq and that an Iraqi political settlement is necessary if there is 
a chance of ending the violence in Iraq.
  Most telling, perhaps, was Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki's 
acknowledgement of this essential point when he stated in November:

       The crisis is political, and the ones who can stop the 
     cycle . . . of bloodletting of innocents are the [Iraqi] 
     politicians.

  Apparently, the Iraqi leaders, however, will realize that their 
future is in their hands only when they are forced into that 
recognition. That is one of the many reasons that we must pass a law 
requiring our President to begin reducing U.S. troops in Iraq in 120 
days. We will continue our efforts to do so when the Defense 
authorization bill is before us.
  The Washington Post reported yesterday that General Petraeus and 
Ambassador Crocker are working on a new strategy in Iraq. According to 
the Washington Post: ``The end of 2008, is more political than 
military: to negotiate settlements between warring factions in Iraq 
from the national level down to the local level. In essence, it is as 
much about the political deals needed to defuse a civil war as about 
the military operations aimed at quelling a complex insurgency, said 
officials with knowledge of the plan.''
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator is recognized.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Mr. President, I begin by thanking majority leader 
Harry Reid for his extraordinary work in helping to negotiate the full 
Katrina-Rita package that many of us worked on to try to accelerate and 
jump-start the recovery that is underway slowly, solidly in some 
places, and not so solidly in others along the entire gulf coast of 
this Nation, America's energy coast. Louisiana sits in the middle of 
this great coastline and was hit not by one but by two monstrous storms 
18 months ago. But, as my colleagues have heard me say many times, it 
wasn't just Katrina and Rita that did so much damage, it was the 
collapse of a Federal levee system that should have held but didn't 
hold. In Louisiana alone, 200,000 homes were totally destroyed. In 
Mississippi, it was over 65,000 homes because of the surge that came 
out of the gulf.
  It is hard for people to comprehend what that means. It is still 
difficult for those of us who live there to get a handle on the scope 
of the damage and devastation. We are grateful for the generosity of 
this Nation. We are grateful for the private contributions, the many 
church groups and people of faith who have come to help us, and we are 
excited about this package in this emergency supplemental.
  When we began this journey 4 or 5 months ago, there were some on the 
opposition side that said we didn't need to include any of this; that 
this is for an emergency overseas. But I really want to remind everyone 
that we are still in a state of emergency on the gulf coast, and asking 
for $3.7 billion in a $120 billion bill is really not too much to ask 
for hard-working American taxpayers whose homes had never flooded 
before. Many of these home owners and business owners never had an inch 
of water in them, but they suddenly came home or woke up to 12 to 14 
feet of water, up to their roofs, ruining everything they had worked 
for, sometimes everything their parents and grandparents had worked 
for.
  Briefly, what we have done, in this last minute as I summarize, is to 
waive the 10-percent match, which is critical. It is not only the money 
that is helpful, obviously, to not have to put up that 10 percent, but 
mostly by waiving the match we are waiving 90 percent of the redtape 
that is keeping these hard-working people who are doing everything they 
can to rebuild their lives.
  There were some in the administration who wanted to play games with 
the levees, and move levees from the east bank to the west bank and say 
we will fund it later. Well, there is no later for us. There is now, 
and we are going to build these levees and protect the people in south 
Louisiana. That has been done.
  One other part that is very important to me, and a provision I 
objected to when it was first implemented 2 years ago, is the option 
for the forgiveness of loans, which had been taken away. I said, on 
behalf of the people I represent, we are entitled to the same response 
that other communities have received, and this bill gives us justice on 
the gulf coast.
  In addition, there is some money for help for our criminal justice 
system that needs improvement, and to correct some of the teacher 
shortages as a result of the collapse and damage to many schools, and 
teachers who have had to move to higher ground but who want to come 
back to teach the children.
  Finally, let me thank Senator Murray, who has been extraordinary in 
her efforts on our behalf. I also thank Senator Byrd, the chairman of 
our committee. They were not going to let this bill get through without 
Katrina and Rita being recognized and the hundreds of thousands of 
people who are depending on this Congress to keep fighting for them and 
to at least meet them halfway. We do not look for charity, we look for 
a hand up. We look for our Government to meet us halfway.
  We can afford at least 10 to 15 days' worth of Iraq spending toward 
rebuilding the great energy coast of America.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Republican leader.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, it was important from the outset that 
this supplemental, these funds, be provided to the troops by Memorial 
Day. The President told us the first week in February that he needed 
the funds to support troops stationed overseas. A month and a half 
after the Secretary of Defense stepped in, he said delays would 
seriously disrupt key military programs. The Army Chief of Staff told 
us if he didn't get the funds soon, he would have to take Draconian 
measures that would impact readiness and impose hardships on soldiers 
and their families. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General 
Pace, said delays would force the Army to cut quality-of-life 
initiatives.
  Then the calls started coming from Iraq. The chief spokesman of the 
Multinational Forces, General Caldwell, told us that delays in funding 
have already started to hamstring our efforts to train Iraqi security 
units. That was more than a month and a half ago.
  It was 108 days ago the President said he needed funds for the 
troops. But since that first request in early February until today, 
Congress has voted more than 30 times on Iraq-related measures without 
approving a single dime. Mr. President, 108 days and more than 30 votes 
later, Congress is finally sending these funds to the troops.
  Many on this side of the aisle are disappointed that the final bill 
contains billions of dollars in spending for items unrelated to the 
war, but we are relieved the Democratic leadership has decided to strip 
a reckless and nonsensical surrender date from the bill.
  One other thing. It is important the Iraqi Government be held 
accountable. It needs to engage in political reconciliation, and this 
bill calls upon them to do just that. Members on both sides are deeply 
frustrated with the Iraqi Government. Anything that puts pressure on 
them without putting pressure on U.S. troops is a step in the right 
direction.
  I have been saying since January that benchmarks would be a good 
idea.

[[Page 14008]]

General Petraeus and General Pace have said the Baghdad security plan 
is a necessary precondition for political progress in Iraq. We need to 
be sure Iraqi politicians are putting the same effort into their half 
of the bargain as our men and women in uniform.
  General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker will report back to Congress 
at the end of the summer, and the success or failure of the security 
plan will be clear by the end of the year.
  I strongly urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this bill, which 
finally gives the troops the funds they need. We should remember as we 
return home to our families this weekend that thousands of American men 
and women will be fighting for us far away from their homes. The very 
least we can do for them this Memorial Day is to give them the tools 
they need to stay in the fight.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.

                          ____________________