[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 152 (2006), Part 7]
[House]
[Pages 8769-8772]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                         CHICAGO JAIL'S AREA 2

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentlewoman from Georgia (Ms. McKinney) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Ms. McKINNEY. Mr. Speaker, mock executions by putting the barrel of a 
shotgun into the mouth of a prisoner and pulling the trigger. Using 
alligator clips on ears, noses and genitals. Racial attacks and use of 
racial slurs, burns all over the body, electric shock to the genitals. 
Suffocation with bags.
  In other words torture which is now almost synonymous with U.S. run 
prisons and detention centers. Immediately the U.S. facility at 
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba and Abu Ghraib in Iraq come to mind when even the 
word is said.
  But the question I have, Mr. Speaker, is how did we get to this 
point? Some prison activists immediately pointed out that we must not 
forget Attica when we are talking about Guantanamo or Abu Ghraib. And 
so I participated in a forum entitled, From Attica to Abu Ghraib.
  But now as the memory of Attica has been invoked, it appears that 
another U.S. detention facility must be named too. Area 2 in Chicago, 
run by the Chicago police department. Area 2 will now go down in U.S. 
annals as a domestic torture center.
  Sadly, over 135 African Americans have come forward to say that they 
were tortured, mostly in Chicago's Area 2, in what could be one of the 
greatest scandals of modern day American prison practice and procedure. 
Documentation shows that torture of African American men occurred in 
Areas 2 and 3 of Chicago jails for over 20 years, and no one with 
authority to stop it did so.
  Moreover, these actions were covered up for 30 years by those in 
Chicago in authority. How many people are in jail today because 
confessions were tortured out of them? Incredibly, some prisoners were 
even on death row after having had confessions tortured out of them.
  Moreover, the torture victims have psychological issues that have 
never been clinically resolved. Thank goodness former Illinois Governor 
Ryan commuted all of the death row cases, and gave full innocent 
pardons to four death row inmates who should never have been in prison.
  Incredibly, even after Governor Ryan's actions, the City of Chicago 
is paying more than $5 million to lawyers who represent the accused 
police officers. How do we know about this? Due to the hard work and 
the thankless hours put in by activists, lawyers, and journalists who 
refused to let this issue go or be swept under the rug.
  And thank goodness we have dedicated journalists for what is referred 
to as the alternative media, who are willing to write those stories and 
get the message out.
  I learned about this story from Amy Goodman's Democracy Now broadcast 
on the Pacifica network of stations. This week or next, the judge will 
rule whether or not to release the report to the public. But in the 
interim, one thing is clear, and that is, that Areas 2 and 3 of the 
Chicago city jail must be added to the annals of U.S. prisoner abuse, 
from Attica to Abu Ghraib and beyond, Chicago now owns an unfortunate 
chapter.

Chicago's Abu Ghraib: UN Committee Against Torture Hears Report on How 
   Police Tortured Over 135 African-American Men Inside Chicago Jails

       Extraordinary rendition. Overseas prisons. Abu Ghraib. 
     Guantanamo Bay. Practices and places that have become 
     synonymous with the abuse of detainees in U.S. custody are 
     getting renewed attention at the United Nations this week, 
     where the UN Committee Against Torture is holding hearings on 
     U.S. compliance with its international obligations. But there 
     is one name expected to arise this week that few people in 
     this country will have heard about--and it's the one that's 
     closest to home.
       It's called Area 2. And for nearly two decades beginning in 
     1971, it was the epicenter for what has been described as the 
     systematic torture of dozens of African-American males by 
     Chicago police officers. In total, more than 135 people say 
     they were subjected to abuse including having guns forced 
     into their mouths, bags placed over their heads, and electric 
     shocks inflicted to their genitals. Four men have been 
     released from death row after government investigators 
     concluded torture led to their wrongful convictions.
       Yet the case around Area 2 is nowhere near a resolution--to 
     date, not one Chicago police officer has been charged with 
     any crime.
       The most prominent officer, former police commander Jon 
     Burge, was dismissed in the early 1990s. He retired to 
     Florida where he continues to collect a pension. Today, a 
     special prosecutor is now in the fourth year of an 
     investigation. Just last week, a group of Chicago police 
     officers won a court ruling to delay the release of the 
     prosecutor's preliminary report.
       David Bates, one of dozens of men to come forward with 
     allegations of abuse at the hands of the Chicago police.
       Flint Taylor, an attorney with the People's Law Office in 
     Chicago, which he helped found in the late 1960s. He has 
     represented many of the torture victims and was directly 
     involved in spearheading the special prosecutor's 
     investigation.
       John Conroy a journalist and author who has covered the 
     case for over a decade. He has written several articles for 
     the Chicago Reader, and is the author of the book 
     ``Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People: The Dynamics of 
     Torture.''
       Amy Goodman. We go now to Chicago, where we're joined by 
     three guests: David Bates, Flint Taylor and John Conroy. 
     David Bates is one of dozens of men to come forward with 
     allegations of abuse at the hands of the Chicago police. 
     Flint Taylor is an attorney with the People's Law Office in 
     Chicago, which he helped found in the late 1960s. He has 
     represented many of the torture victims and was directly 
     involved in spearheading the special prosecutor's 
     investigation. And John Conroy is a journalist and author 
     who's covered the case for over a decade. He's written 
     several articles for the Chicago Reader and is the author of 
     the book, Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People: The Dynamics of 
     Torture. We welcome you all to

[[Page 8770]]

     Democracy Now! I want to begin with Flint Taylor for an 
     overview. You have been working on this case for years. You 
     have represented people who said they were tortured. Give us 
     the scope of this story.
       Flint Taylor. Well, the scope started out with one man who 
     was tortured by electric shock and having a plastic bag put 
     over his head and being beaten by Jon Burge and others at the 
     Area 2 police station. He, on his own, brought a lawsuit in 
     the mid-`80s. That lawsuit, we got involved in, and over the 
     years we were able to uncover, with the help of journalists 
     such as John Conroy, others such as David Bates, who had also 
     been tortured and had told their stories in various courts, 
     but no one had put all this evidence together.
       We were able to assimilate, over many years, over 60 cases 
     of torture, and when I say ``torture,'' I mean electric 
     shock, I mean suffocation with bags, I mean mock executions, 
     I mean racial attacks, that kind of thing. And they were all 
     coming out of the same station, and they were all headed up 
     by this man, Jon Burge, who came out of Vietnam, started out 
     as a detective and quickly rose in the ranks through 
     sergeant, lieutenant and commander. This went on--the actual 
     documentation now shows that this went on for over 20 years, 
     from 1972 to 1992, when in fact Burge was finally, after 
     community outrage, suspended and fired from his job.
       As you said, he has never been prosecuted. The State's 
     Attorney of Cook County at the time this evidence first came 
     to light in the mid- `80s was none other than the now major 
     Richard Daley. The Superintendent of Police at that time 
     contacted him with the evidence of torture and said, ``Are 
     you going to prosecute this?'' Daley did not intervene or 
     prosecute at that time. Later on, his first assistant, 
     Richard Devine, became State's Attorney of Cook County. 
     Remarkably, Devine, while he was in private practice, had 
     been Burge's lawyer, defending many of these civil cases. He 
     then became prosecutor in 1997. Of course, he did nothing 
     either, because his clients were the ones that needed to be 
     investigated. So for 20, 25, 30 years, no one in the 
     prosecutor's office, the current mayor or the current state's 
     attorney, no one else did any investigation.
       Finally, the community outrage was so strong with regard to 
     all of that that a special prosecutor was appointed. That was 
     four years ago, as you said. Four years of investigation has 
     led to his publicly saying that he now has 192 cases of 
     torture and abuse at Area 2 and later at the Area 3 station, 
     where Burge was transferred to later on. He now is talking 
     about releasing a report. He still is not talking about 
     indicting anybody. The rumor has it that, because it is so 
     long, that we're going to have a catch-22 situation, and 
     we're going to have the statute of limitations invoked by the 
     special prosecutor, who's going to release a report but say 
     it's too late to indict anybody.
       Of course, we all say that that's ridiculous, that there 
     are ongoing conspiracy allegations and evidence that there's 
     an obstruction of justice going on in the various courts. 
     There's perjury going on. So, no one's going to be satisfied 
     if, in fact, all that happens is a report, no matter how 
     damning the report may be. So the struggle here in Chicago 
     continues and will continue, as long as people are still in 
     jail because of the confessions that were tortured from them, 
     and as long as Burge and others sit in Florida and other 
     places and collect hundreds of thousands and even millions of 
     dollars in police pensions, rather than to face criminal 
     charges, whether they be state charges, federal charges or 
     charges before the International Court of Justice.
       Amy Goodman. We are also joined by David Bates. Can you 
     tell us what happened to you? When did it happen? Tell us the 
     whole course of events.
       David Bates. Well, I believe it was October the 28th or 
     29th of 1983, when a few officers knocked on my mom's door 
     and announced that they were police officers and let my mom 
     know that I'll be taken away and that I'll be coming home 
     shortly. There were supposed to be some questions regarding a 
     case. Of course, I got to the police station. I was 
     questioned. I let the officers or detectives know that I had 
     nothing to do with the case. I knew nothing. This went on for 
     two days.
       At that time, it was five sessions of torture, starting 
     with two with slaps and kicks and threats. It was two 
     particular sessions of torture that was very devastating, in 
     which a plastic bag was placed over my head. I was punched 
     and kicked. And I'll tell you, when you talk about torture, 
     you're talking about individuals who, most part, were young, 
     had a few brushes with the law, but never in a million years 
     thought that they would have a plastic bag placed over their 
     head.
       More importantly, the torture has never been resolved. No 
     one has ever owned up to the torture. So we have hundreds of 
     individuals who have psychologically been warped, been 
     destroyed. There's never been any clinical resolution to the 
     torture. No one has owned up to it.
       And I tell you, the fact that this attorney and this 
     journalist have spent years trying to uncover the truth and 
     community organizations and individuals--we're talking about 
     a city. We're talking about a state. We're talking about 
     legislators, who have not looked into the issue of torture, 
     and I say it's a shame. And I would like to commend these 
     gentlemen for working hard to bring the issue of torture out. 
     But I say it's time for the legislators and mayor and 
     individuals who had firsthand knowledge of it to come clean 
     with it and bring these individuals to justice.
       Amy Goodman. Flint Taylor, I remember years ago with an 
     especially active group of mothers, mothers in Chicago of men 
     on death row, who kept raising the issue of this police 
     commander, Burge, and saying that their sons had been 
     tortured, that one had engraved in a metal bench in the 
     police station, ``I am tortured, I'm forced to confess,'' 
     something like that. What about this? What about death row 
     cases, where men ended up on death row?
       Flint Taylor. That's been a major, major piece of this 
     whole struggle against police torture. In the early and mid-
     `90s, the movement against police torture and for human 
     rights came together with the anti-death penalty movement 
     here in Chicago and raised a very strong set of voices, some 
     of whom you've just mentioned. For people, there were at 
     least ten to twelve people on death row here in Illinois who 
     alleged and had evidence to show that Burge and his men had 
     tortured them into giving confessions, one of whom was Aaron 
     Patterson, whom you just mentioned, who during a break in one 
     of his torture sessions etched in a bench that he had been 
     suffocated with a bag and was being tortured. That later came 
     out.
       Ultimately, due to the combination of the factors, and 
     articles that John wrote, and speaking out by David and 
     others in the community, and the work of various lawyers, 
     Governor Ryan looked at all of these cases, and as you know, 
     he not only commuted the sentence of all of those on death 
     row, some 160-odd people, but he looked specifically at four 
     cases of torture by Burge and others and found that those 
     individuals were innocent, that they had been tortured into 
     giving false confession, and he gave full innocence pardons 
     to those four individuals. That's Aaron Patterson, Stanley 
     Howard, Madison Hobley and Leroy Orange.
       Those four men are now ``fortunate'' enough--and I put that 
     with quotes around it--to be able to, because they've been 
     exonerated, bring lawsuits in federal courts. So there is not 
     only the special prosecutor, but there are these lawsuits by 
     the individuals who have been pardoned in federal court, 
     where we are fighting the issues of torture and bringing out 
     evidence in that forum, as well.
       And there's an obstruction of justice going on in that 
     courtroom, as well as against the special prosecutor, as the 
     city has paid over $5 million to a set of private lawyers to 
     represent the police officers, including Burge, in all these 
     cases. Burge now and his men--and there's now over 50 
     detectives that are named in one or more of these 192 cases--
     they are all getting free lawyers, and they're getting the 
     advice from the city-paid lawyers to take the Fifth 
     Amendment. So you now have the spectacle of, in these federal 
     cases and in front of the special prosecutor, that former and 
     present law enforcement officers, rather than to answer 
     questions about whether they tortured and abused people like 
     David Bates and the men on death row, they have all lined up 
     and taken the Fifth Amendment as to each and every allegation 
     of police torture.
       Amy Goodman. John Conroy, you're a journalist and author. 
     You've covered the torture case for over a decade for the 
     Chicago Reader, and you wrote the book, ``Unspeakable Acts, 
     Ordinary People: The Dynamics of Torture.'' How has this 
     taken so long to come out, though it has come out in parts 
     over the years and in certain communities well-known? And now 
     the question of whether, in fact, it will be released, this 
     report that among other people calling for this, four black 
     aldermen are calling for the public release of this report.
       John Conroy. Well, it hasn't taken that long to be out. It 
     was out in 1990, when we did the story in the Chicago Reader, 
     the first story, and we've done more than 100,000 words 
     since. And I think that what's dragged on--the reason why 
     it's dragged on--I differ with the estimable Mr. Taylor here 
     on this--is that there is no community outrage. People don't 
     care. As in every society in which people are tortured, 
     there's a torture book class in Chicago. It's African 
     American men, most of them with criminal records. And they're 
     just beyond the pale of our compassion. We just don't care.
       And that's why it's taken 15 years for you probably to do 
     this program and many others now interested in this report, 
     when the information has been out there for a very long time. 
     The New York Times, I think, it's covered this twice: once, 
     when the men were pardoned; and once, when there was a float 
     in the St. Patrick's Day parade that was going to honor four 
     of the officers who had been accused, and the float never 
     came to be in the parade, but there was a controversy about 
     it. So, that shows you, I think, the level of concern in the 
     United States about this issue.
       Amy Goodman. We are talking to John Conroy, author of 
     Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People: The Dynamics of Torture. 
     We're

[[Page 8771]]

     also joined by David Bates, a torture victim, and Flint 
     Taylor, an attorney who has worked on this case for decades.
       Amy Goodman. Our guests in the Chicago studio are John 
     Conroy, who is a journalist and author, covered the torture 
     case for over a decade for the Chicago Reader, author of 
     Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People: The Dynamics of Torture; 
     David Bates is also with us, as is Flint Taylor, attorney 
     with the People's Law Office in Chicago. David Bates, are you 
     going to sue the police department?
       David Bates. Well, I have to consult with my attorneys 
     regarding that. I'll just have to say that in conjunction 
     with what Flint said and John, this has been going on for so 
     long, and there hasn't been the outrage needed to bring 
     attention to the torture in order to get those convictions. 
     But, again, I just want to commend individuals who have been 
     tirelessly working to keep this issue of torture in the news. 
     We have to look at this from a human perspective. These are 
     individuals who were tortured and beaten at the hands of 
     people who basically are supposed to serve and protect them. 
     And imagine keeping this thing and not being able to talk to 
     people about this. A lot of these gentlemen went to prison 
     and served long stints of time incarcerated. There was no one 
     to talk to about the torture. Even contact with public 
     officials or community leaders, it was no one to talk to 
     about it. And, again, I just want to commend everybody for 
     coming on board with this issue. But there's a lot need to be 
     done.
       Amy Goodman. David Bates, did you hear about this happening 
     to other people at the time that this happened to you?
       David Bates. Well, see, the problem comes in, is that when 
     you're in prison and you're in an environment like that, you 
     do not want to let anyone know that you made a confession, 
     whether you were tortured, whatever--however you made the 
     confession, it was not in your best interest to expose that 
     while you were in prison. You would be considered weak. So, 
     imagine these individuals in prison not able to even seek 
     legal help and advice. I liken it to being raped, honestly. 
     Individuals not able to be--go for help. Then, when you did 
     go for help, when you had the opportunity to go for help, 
     people said it didn't happen. So, I tell you, when you get 
     rid of all--when you get down to the human aspect of this 
     problem, you're going to deal with a lot of sick men, a lot 
     of sick men that need clinical-- some type of clinical help 
     to deal with the torture.
       Amy Goodman. David Bates, when you saw the pictures at Abu 
     Ghraib, what were your thoughts?
       David Bates. Well, the pictures, I'll say this. My thoughts 
     on the whole process was: how the hell did they get hearings, 
     and torture from anywhere is wrong. But as we've spoke on, 
     this torture has taken place for over two to three decades in 
     America, on the Southside of Chicago. Why didn't we have 
     public hearings? Why didn't the state legislators come in and 
     do investigations? We actually had to go outside the country 
     to an international court to deal with police torture. On 
     October the 14th, the People's Law Office and other attorneys 
     met in front of the Organization of American States to bring 
     attention to the issue of torture, and we're looking for 
     delegation of individuals to come in and to ask Mayor Daley 
     questions that he hasn't been able to answer to the public 
     since this Jon Burge stuff has been going on. And I tell you, 
     it's going to be an embarrassment to a lot of people, but 
     like my good friend Conroy said, they've been knowing about 
     it.
       Amy Goodman. Let me ask about the knowledge to the very 
     top. Some are saying--and I want to put this question to 
     Flint Taylor, attorney with the People's Law Office in 
     Chicago--that the report could well implicate, as you were 
     talking about, the State's Attorney, Richard Daley, his 
     assistant Richard Devine, who now holds the top job. Can you 
     talk more about how they knew, the whole issue of them being 
     told early on?
       Flint Taylor. Well, as I said, Richard Daley was previously 
     the State's Attorney of Cook County. In 1982, when one of the 
     major--the first major case broke with regard to police 
     torture, the Andrew Wilson case, the superintendent of police 
     was informed by the head of the hospital, the prison hospital 
     where Andrew Wilson was being held, that there was serious 
     evidence of torture, that Andrew Wilson not only said, but 
     had physical evidence that supported the conclusion that he 
     had been tortured by electric shock, by beating, and he had 
     15 injuries all over him, burns and everything like that. And 
     the head of the hospital was so shocked, he brought it 
     straight to the superintendent of police.
       The superintendent of police then brought it straight to 
     Richard Daley. He knew that Andrew Wilson had been charged 
     with very serious offenses, shooting two police officers and 
     killing them. So Daley decided that rather than to 
     investigate the criminal activities of Jon Burge in torturing 
     Andrew Wilson, that that would, in fact, undercut and 
     undermine, he thought, the prosecution of Wilson, so he did 
     nothing. He did no prosecution at that time.
       He then presided over the next eight years over the State's 
     Attorney's office, which was complicit in taking over 55 
     confessions from 55 different victims of Burge and police 
     torture. In all of those or many of those cases in the 
     individual courts, there was testimony from those victims 
     that they had been tortured. However, Daley defended all 
     those cases, put all those people behind bars, many of them 
     on death row, and in no instance did he investigate the 
     continuing allegations that were coming out of Burge's police 
     headquarters that people were tortured. Daley then went on to 
     be the mayor of the City of Chicago.
       There was--and John and I disagree in the sense that there 
     had been at times public outrage. The public outrage reaches 
     certain proportions at different times. We're at one those 
     key points again today. We had been in the early '90s. And 
     one the reasons for that was this Andrew Wilson trial that 
     brought out all this evidence and put together all these 
     different allegations of torture. Because of all of that, the 
     police department was forced to reinvestigate. This was in 
     the early 1990s.
       They put an honest investigator in charge of the 
     investigation, and lo and behold, he came to an obvious 
     conclusion. He said there was systematic torture at Area 2. 
     He said he had looked at 50 cases, and there was systematic 
     torture. Well, what did the superintendent of police do? He 
     suppressed that report. He then met with the mayor of the 
     City of Chicago, after we had gotten that report released by 
     a judge, and he and the mayor, who is now Richard Daley, 
     instead of saying, ``Now we have the evidence to prosecute. 
     Now we should proceed. Now we should lock Burge up,'' what 
     did they do? They not only attempted to suppress the report, 
     but then they went publicly and discredited it. Daley stepped 
     forward and said, ``These are only rumors and innuendo.'' So, 
     at every point, as I've mentioned, Daley, rather than taking 
     his responsibility as chief law enforcement officer and chief 
     executive officer of the City of Chicago, moved to suppress 
     and to do nothing.
       Amy Goodman. Legally--let me ask you, Flint Taylor. 
     Legally, if crimes are known about, and they are covered up, 
     is Mayor Daley criminally liable?
       Flint Taylor: Well, at this point, is he criminally liable? 
     I suppose you could see him a co-conspirator, in that it was 
     certain obstruction of justice over the years, certainly. But 
     I think at this point what we're looking for is if a special 
     prosecutor comes out with a report and says, ``I can't 
     indict, because it's too late,'' then the people of the City 
     of Chicago have to look in two directions. They have to look 
     backwards to Daley and Devine and say, ``Well, the special 
     prosecutor was hamstrung by the fact that Daley and Devine 
     didn't act when they should have,'' and then we have to look 
     forward and say, ``That's not sufficient. That's not right.''
       There are continuing criminal violations here, and if the 
     special prosecutor won't do anything about them, then 
     Fitzgerald, who is the U.S. Attorney here and who, of course, 
     has made his name in the Valerie Plame case and has already 
     indicted Daley's people in a wide-ranging truck scandal, he 
     has to open his investigation into federal RICO or 
     racketeering charges, as well as obstruction of justice and 
     perjury. And as David has mentioned, it has been taken to the 
     international forum, not only last fall to the Inter-American 
     Commission on Human Rights, which is the Organization of 
     American States, who is still looking into this issue, but 
     this past week and right now, it's been presented to the 
     Committee Against Torture of the United Nations in Geneva, 
     and one of our people has spoken with and presented evidence 
     to the Committee Against Torture, and that committee has 
     ordered the government to respond and to speak to the issues 
     of torture here in this country. And in its concluding 
     remarks, it put with Abu Ghraib and put with Guantanamo the 
     situation of Chicago.
       And so, perhaps there's not enough public outrage here, but 
     the international community is looking at it in a very strong 
     way, and to hear Chicago put in the same breath with 
     Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib is something that--if that doesn't 
     wake up the powers that be here in the City of Chicago and 
     that doesn't wake up the U.S. Attorney's office and that 
     doesn't, in fact, put on the carpet the State's Attorney of 
     Cook County and the Mayor of the City of Chicago, I don't 
     know what will.
       Amy Goodman: John Conroy, the Midwest Coalition for Human 
     Rights will present a report that includes the Chicago 
     torture allegations to the U.N. Human Rights Commission. How 
     significant is this? And, finally, why do you call your book 
     ``Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People''?
       John Conroy: Well, let me take the second question first. I 
     call the book ``Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People,'' because 
     torture is always done by--we want our torturers to be 
     monsters, but it turns out that they're just ordinary people 
     like you and me. And I can go back and cite you all kinds of 
     psychological experiments in which they have found that 
     people will do extraordinary things, inflicting pain on other 
     people, if they are simply ordered to do so, simply following 
     orders someone else is taking responsibility. And it doesn't 
     require any sort of a twisted mind to do this. We are all--
     most of

[[Page 8772]]

     us are given to obedience. And so, I've interviewed torturers 
     from around the world, former torturers, and they all struck 
     me as very ordinary men.
       How significant the international attention will be remains 
     to be seen. It's a unique turn, and it's somewhat thrilling, 
     I think, for those of us who have been watching this for a 
     long time to see it finally raise to the level of being 
     mentioned in a phrase with Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo. But 
     whether this will just be one of those media--you know, where 
     the media comes in for a day or two and then leaves remains 
     to be seen.
       Amy Goodman: And what's the timetable on this?
       John Conroy: The special prosecutor is supposed to--I'm 
     sorry. The judge who oversees the prosecutor is supposed to 
     rule, I believe, on the 12th of May, as to whether the report 
     will be released or not.
       Amy Goodman: That will be Friday, and we will certainly 
     follow it up. I want to thank you all for being with us: 
     David Bates, torture victim himself, telling his own story; 
     Flint Taylor, attorney with the People's Law Office in 
     Chicago, who has represented many of the victims; and John 
     Conroy, who has written about this for years for the Chicago 
     Reader, author of ``Unspeakable Acts, Ordinary People: The 
     Dynamics of Torture.''

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