[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 152 (2006), Part 13]
[Senate]
[Pages 17589-17591]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                   ANNIVERSARY OF SEPTEMBER 11, 2001

  Mr. BOND. I thank the Chair, I thank the majority leader.
  Mr. President, 5 years ago Monday, we witnessed the murder of 3,000 
Americans in the largest terrorist attack on American soil in the 
Nation's history.
  September 11 was a day of loss but also a day of lessons. On 
September 11, 2001, the American people learned there exists a group of 
killers, fueled by a twisted version of Islam, who want to destroy 
America. But we also witnessed how a group of passengers in one 
hijacked plane, United flight 93, banded together, fought back, and 
saved countless lives in a simple, selfless act of heroism.
  Today, we continue to fight the same group of killers not on an 
airplane over America but in a country in their own neighborhood, Iraq, 
and elsewhere in the Middle East and around the world.
  It is the same enemy, the same determination, the same goal. But 
today we are fighting the radical Islamists on their own turf because 
we have a President who knows if America doesn't fight back, another 
September 11 is inevitable.
  Although the central front on the war in terror is Iraq, we have 
taken the fight to every corner of the globe. We have improved our 
intelligence capabilities. We have programs in place to help watch what 
the bad guys are doing, gather intelligence and disrupt their plans.
  We have made progress. We passed the PATRIOT Act, developed effective 
terrorist surveillance programs, created the Department of Homeland 
Security, established the Director of National Intelligence, and tore 
down the wall built by previous administrations which blocked critical 
communications between agencies.
  That work has paid off. There has been no attack in the United States 
since September 11. Afghanistan and Iraq are now free. They have held 
elections. They are taking control of their own security forces.
  Yet while the threat level remains high, some in this country, and 
regrettably in this Senate, want to let our guard down. Some talk of 
giving up the fight in Iraq. Let's not talk of ``troop redeployment'' 
and other such euphemisms. If America pulls out of Iraq now, it signals 
to our enemies we have given up.
  On that day, the United States and the world will embark on a future 
of fear and violence unlike what we have ever seen. It will be a black 
day for freedom and democracy. It would embolden and encourage every 
religious extremist and other enemies of the United States.
  Letting our guard down is not a choice. It is an invitation to 
disaster. The alternative to naysayers is to continue our efforts. 
America must support the democratic governments in Iraq and elsewhere 
in their efforts to disarm militias and deter regional countries from 
undermining security there. We can't allow a minority of criminal 
extremists to intimidate Iraqi citizens.
  While some talk of giving up the fight in the central front on the 
war on terror, others leak sensitive details of legal classified 
intelligence programs to the media to further their political agendas. 
We have seen our most important intelligence-gathering methods splashed 
across the front pages of our newspapers for the world, including our 
enemies, to see. Leaks expose our methods of apprehending the enemy and 
erode the confidence of our allies.
  Over the past year, there has arisen an apparent absence of fear of 
punishment in regard to the arbitrary divulging of highly classified 
information. That needs to change. Each of these leaks gravely 
threatens our national security and makes it easier for our enemies to 
achieve their murderous and destructive plans.
  The critics of this administration and our efforts to go after the 
enemies fail to understand the nature of our enemies, but they 
understand politics. I am afraid politics is what is driving some of 
our friends on the other side.
  In the Intelligence Committee, the Democrats decided in 2003 they 
could

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prove that the administration misled the people of America, misused 
intelligence, and pressured the intelligence-gathering activities. We 
had 2 years of discussion and debate and thorough review. We concluded, 
the Intelligence Committee, as did the Silverman-Robb Commission and 
others that there was no pressure, that there was no misuse of 
intelligence. In fact, the intelligence was bad. But some continue to 
hold that view, even though the facts do not support those conclusions.
  This is a long, hard battle. The people are being challenged and 
tested. Many are weary of war. My Democratic colleagues want to play on 
the weary public, trying to convince them if the United States 
withdraws from the rest of the world, our enemies will leave us alone. 
They are tougher on our Secretary of Defense than they are on the 
enemy. They spent a whole lot of time on Wednesday talking not about 
how to defeat terrorists in Iraq and elsewhere, rather, how to bring 
down the Secretary of Defense. Thankfully, the President and the 
Secretary know the truth; that is, that our enemy will not stop, and 
any sign of weakness on America's part will be exploited fully.
  Throwing in the towel on the war on terror is not an option. But the 
Democrats--some--would have us believe that. Iraq's Ambassador to the 
United States said recently:

       Plan B--abandoning the region to the religious fanatics and 
     Baathist terrorists--is nothing but a definition of defeat 
     dressed up to look like a vision for the future.

  He continues:

       A retreat on Iraq would encourage all the enemies of the 
     United States--and they are many--to be bolder and more ready 
     to challenge its interests everywhere. A radicalized, 
     totalitarian, fragmented Iraq, sitting on a lake of oil, 
     would become the center of a new and dangerous bloc 
     threatening the United States and world peace.
       Not only would abandoning Iraq to its fate now be 
     irresponsible, it would almost certainly lead to 
     disintegration and dictatorship, with a high risk of a wide 
     regional conflict--a catastrophe for not just Iraq but also 
     for the United States and for world peace.

  The Iraqis understand what is at stake. The administration 
understands what is at stake. Those on this side of the aisle do, but, 
unfortunately, some in the minority do not. For political reasons, they 
will not acknowledge the reality.
  So we may expect to see they will continue to play the war on terror 
as a political game. This is not the first time, for sure. They have 
long argued for a cut-and-run strategy and have blocked our efforts 
time and again to fight this war. The minority voiced opposition to the 
NSA surveillance program. They blocked reauthorization of the PATRIOT 
Act for months, with the minority leader proudly boasting, ``We killed 
the PATRIOT Act.''
  Sadly, the political games will continue at least until November. But 
the war on terror against radical Islam will last for generations. The 
choices we make today will shape the world we live in, the world our 
children live in.
  Republicans have worked to make America safer. Action by the 
President and the Republican Congress, through the use of military 
intelligence and law enforcement resources, has led to the capture of 
many of al-Qaida's top leaders and degraded the capabilities of a 
terror network.
  More needs to be done, both here at home and abroad. Accomplishment 
will take resolve and determination and a long-term commitment, not 
abandoning our efforts at the first sign of hardship.
  As I said at the beginning, the passengers of United Flight 93 banded 
together, fought back, and died to save countless lives in a simple, 
selfless act of determination. It is that kind of determination that 
will serve us well as we confront the challenges ahead.
  I ask unanimous consent that the statement of Iraqi Ambassador Samir 
Sumaidaie be printed in the Record after my remarks.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                            What Iraq Needs

                          (By Samir Sumaidaie)

       August 28, 2006.--As the debate on Iraq rages on, more and 
     more American voices call for throwing in the towel and 
     leaving the mess to the Iraqis to sort out.
       The controversy over the decision by the United States to 
     remove the Saddam Hussein regime should not prevent an honest 
     assessment of the situation in Iraq today. That the post-
     Hussein period was not well managed is now widely 
     acknowledged. But we are where we are, and there is a future 
     for all our children to secure. Plan B--abandoning the region 
     to religious fanatics and Baathist terrorists--is nothing but 
     a declaration of defeat dressed up to look like a vision for 
     the future.
       Our enemies' strategy has never changed: creating mayhem 
     and making Iraq ungovernable, thereby driving the Americans 
     and their allies out, and installing a Saddam Hussein look-
     alike to ``make peace.'' In pursuing this strategy, they have 
     forged many alliances and changed course and tactics many 
     times.
       Just as they have kept to their strategy and adapted, we 
     should do the same. In this context, staying the course must 
     mean adapting our approach while still standing firm for 
     democracy and for a new vision for the country and the 
     region. If we abandon our effort, our enemies win by default.
       Those in the new government and leaders of civil society in 
     Iraq are putting their lives on the line every day to advance 
     a democratic society. And it is this that our enemies are 
     most afraid of--not U.S. forces but a real democracy in the 
     Middle East that would showcase human rights, women in 
     politics and the rule of law. And they fear that this worst-
     case scenario could prove to be contagious.
       What has made the last three years hugely more difficult 
     and complicated is the fact that we all underestimated the 
     determination of our opponents--and some of our neighbors--to 
     undermine this new project. In the context of a global 
     confrontation, this has pitched our fledgling democracy onto 
     the front line of a monumental struggle. It is these outside 
     forces, allied with Saddamists, other terrorists and regular 
     criminals, that threaten to overwhelm us.
       A retreat on Iraq would encourage all the enemies of the 
     United States--and they are many--to be bolder and readier to 
     challenge its interests everywhere. A radicalized, 
     totalitarian, fragmented Iraq, sitting on a lake of oil, 
     would become the center of a new and dangerous bloc 
     threatening the United States and world peace.
       Some argue that the very presence of the foreign forces is 
     a source of tension and that their departure would remove a 
     prime source of violence. This claim is without merit. 
     Consider precisely who is ready to fight to drive foreign 
     forces out: It is only the Saddamists and the religious 
     extremists (al Qaeda and the like). If U.S. forces are in 
     fact withdrawn, these people will consider it a victory and 
     go on fighting even harder to achieve control over the 
     country.
       The majority of Iraqis may be irritated by the presence of 
     foreign forces, but most realize that a premature withdrawal 
     would create hideous problems for the country. This majority 
     includes Sunnis as well as Shiites and Kurds.
       The real question is: What to do now in the face of the 
     combined onslaught of insurgents, terrorists, criminal gangs 
     and sectarian militias.
       A policy for success should include:
       * Developing, with the Iraqi government, workable measures 
     for reforming the security forces and making available the 
     necessary resources to implement them.
       * Supporting the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-
     Maliki in its efforts to disarm the militias. What is needed 
     is a detailed, multifaceted approach that encompasses 
     political, economic and public-information considerations as 
     well as conventional force.
       * Applying maximum pressure on regional powers to stop 
     undermining security in Iraq and start helping to stabilize 
     it.
       * Mobilizing the Iraqi people to oppose the extremists in 
     their midst.
       Those who say that Iraqis are at each other's throats and 
     should be left to fight it out are wrong. A minority of 
     sectarian extremists and Saddamists is causing and promoting 
     sectarian violence. These resisters have been successful in 
     intimidating the rest of the population, which abhors them. 
     When they are challenged, as they should be, the great 
     majority of Iraqi men and women will be very supportive.
       * Taking the initiative from our enemies by acting boldly 
     and aggressively. Our posture should not be defensive. That 
     is a recipe for defeat.
       * Working out a bipartisan U.S. domestic consensus in favor 
     of winning this war for America, Iraq and democracy. (This 
     item is for American leaders to achieve; the others are 
     collaborative U.S.-Iraqi endeavors.)
       All this is achievable. Iraqis are resilient. They thirst 
     for normality and a chance to build a future in freedom and 
     dignity. They are fighting and dying for it every day. 
     Witness the numbers enlisting in the security forces despite 
     horrific losses. Witness the support Iraqi women are 
     providing for the political process and the potential of 
     their emancipation.
       The United States cannot escape responsibility for the 
     current situation in Iraq. Not only would abandoning Iraq to 
     its fate now be irresponsible, it would almost certainly

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     lead to disintegration and dictatorship, with a high risk of 
     a wide regional conflict--a catastrophe for not just Iraq but 
     also for the United States and for world peace and stability 
     for decades to come. On the other hand, winning this war 
     would be one of the best gifts the United States could make 
     to the world and to its own people.

  Mr. BOND. I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The majority leader is recognized.

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