[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 152 (2006), Part 1]
[Senate]
[Page 646]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                  IRAN

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, thousands of Americans have lost their 
lives and billions of U.S. dollars have been spent in the war in Iraq. 
This war has dangerously overstretched our military and preoccupied our 
country for almost 3 years now, and it still has no end in sight.
  And after all this, what a tragedy and disaster it will be if the 
real winner in this war is not the Iraqi people nor a more secure and 
democratic Middle East but rather Iran, a country that supports 
terrorism and opposes most of what we stand for. Yet today this 
possible scenario is exactly what we face.
  Iran has used our preoccupation in Iraq to its advantage. While we 
have searched for nonexistent weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, Iran 
has pursued its own nuclear ambitions. Now, with its decision to resume 
uranium enrichment, Iran is dangerously closer to having the capability 
to produce nuclear weapons. And press reports today link Iran's 
supposedly peaceful nuclear program to its military work on high 
explosives and missiles.
  At the same time, Iran has deeply insinuated itself in Iraq. It has 
taken advantage of Iraq's porous borders and is supporting anti-
American efforts there. Its goal is to promote a Shiite-dominated anti-
American state that can strengthen Iran's military, economic and 
political power in the region.
  But even before its latest nuclear pursuits and involvement in Iraq, 
Iran's actions have been seriously troubling. It has pursued dangerous 
chemical, biological, and ballistic missile capabilities; supported 
terrorists; and undermined the Middle East peace process.

                              {time}  1815

  Amidst all of this, Iran's leaders have escalated their anti-Semitic 
rhetoric, threatening to wipe Israel off the map.
  Yet, rather than handle Iran's nuclear situation and involvement in 
Iraq early and decisively with a sophisticated policy that also 
addresses the broader problems posed by the country, this 
administration largely relied on the Europeans to sort this thing out. 
As a result, the nuclear situation is now an international crisis, and 
we risk having a radical anti-American regime armed with nuclear 
weapons entrenched as the dominant power in the Middle East.
  We simply cannot let this happen. Iran must not acquire a nuclear 
weapon. It must respect Iraq's sovereignty, and it must become a 
constructive member of the international community. While cooperation 
with our allies and strategic partners is critical, the U.S. must take 
the lead here. The agreement brokered by Secretary Rice this week to 
report Iran to the U.N. Security Council is encouraging, but action by 
the council is uncertain and may not resolve the nuclear crisis or much 
else. The administration must put forth the necessary plan, and 
Congress must do its part. Today, the House Armed Services Committee 
held a hearing on this matter and will do more.
  There are no simple answers or easy solutions, but one thing is 
clear: the administration, with Congress, must be more engaged and must 
get this right. Other countries will be closely watching this 
situation, and there are serious implications for the security of our 
Nation, stability in the Middle East and the nonproliferation regime.
  We must address the immediate nuclear crisis, but we must also 
account for the complexity of the situation and broader, long-term 
issues involved; and we must consider all tools at our disposal. Yet 
there are limits to what we can accomplish militarily, and sweeping 
sanctions could cause more harm than good. Still, there are many tools 
available that this administration has, unfortunately, failed to 
utilize effectively or at all.
  Here are some of them: we should actively support the IAEA's efforts. 
We should pursue more focused and vigorous diplomacy and encourage 
China, Russia, and India to play key roles. We should develop necessary 
human intelligence capabilities.
  We should cultivate U.S. support among the Iranian population and 
substantially increase democracy promotion efforts that encourage the 
population to demand more moderate leadership. Specifically, we should 
increase communication through TV, radio, and the Internet. We should 
convey a coordinated U.S. policy. We should widely disseminate 
information about the regime's repression and corruption. We should 
provide effective assistance to Iranian dissidents and pro-democracy 
NGOs here in the United States.
  We should increase cultural, academic, and professional opportunities 
for Iran's youth and women. Additionally, we should consider ``smart 
sanctions,'' as well as incentives that would target Iran's leadership, 
avoid harming the Iranian population and have strong international 
support. For example, we should sanction overseas assets of corrupt 
leaders.
  Also, we should encourage Lebanon to disarm Hezbollah, which Iran 
uses to reject power. We should limit Iran's ability to disrupt oil and 
gas supplies and increase energy prices. This includes reducing the 
vulnerability of Middle Eastern energy resources to Iranian-backed 
terrorist attacks and decreasing U.S. reliance on such resources.
  We simply cannot allow Iran to emerge as the real winner in the war 
in Iraq. This must be a top bipartisan priority.

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