[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 151 (2005), Part 4]
[House]
[Pages 5712-5714]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




   ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO, PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE

  (The following address was delivered in Ukrainian, with a 
simultaneous translation in English.)
  President YUSHCHENKO. Mr. Speaker and Mr. President, honorable 
Senators and House Members, ladies and gentlemen, on the wall of this 
great building, there is the Latin phrase E Pluribus Unum, which means 
``Out of many, one.'' This motto reminds the world about the American 
Revolution, the starting point of the modern world's history of 
liberty.
  My road here went through the orange-colored Independence Square that 
became known as Maidan. Millions of people standing there continuously 
repeated it: ``Together we are many, we cannot be defeated.'' This 
motto of the Ukrainian Revolution is a reminder of the fact that 
freedom continues to win. Ukraine is opening a new page in the world's 
chronicle of liberty in the 21st century.
  These two mottos have a lot in common. They speak to the strength of 
our peoples that comes from unity. They speak of the victories of our 
peoples in their struggles for freedom.
  For me the invitation to speak before the Joint Session of Congress 
is an expression of respect for my Ukrainian nation. I am deeply 
honored to speak from the rostrum where before me stood so many great 
leaders: Winston Churchill, Lech Walesa, Nelson Mandela.
  I am grateful for the unique opportunity to address this great forum 
of the American people. I perceive your eagerness to hear the new 
Ukraine as a token of partnership of the two nations united by shared 
democratic values.
  On behalf of the Ukrainian people, I would like to thank the United 
States Congress; U.S. Presidents George Walker Bush, Bill Clinton, 
George Bush; and the entire American Nation for their invariable 
respect for Ukraine and their support for Ukraine's democracy. I would 
like to pay special tribute to President Ronald Reagan. He is well 
remembered in Ukraine for his deep commitment to freedom of Ukraine.
  It is of special significance for me to express our gratitude right 
in this room. It is here that the Ukrainian nation enjoyed support in 
the hardest times of its history. It is here where the rights of 
enslaved nations were advocated. It is from this hall where the world 
came to know the truth about the Holodomor, the genocide famine 
masterminded to annihilate millions of Ukrainians. It is in this hall 
that freedom for Ukraine was voiced at a time when the nation was 
deprived of its own voice. Your words reached us and gave us hope. We 
heard them because at all times Ukrainians felt related to Americans in 
the space of freedom. In this space of freedom, no Iron Curtain could 
divide us.
  In your city there is a monument to the Father of the Ukrainian 
nation, the great poet Taras Shevchenko, whose prophecy of the 
emergence in Ukraine of its own ``Washington with a new and righteous 
law'' is enshrined on its pedestal. These verses have a profound and 
special meaning for all Ukrainians. Shevchenko was inspired by the 
invincible power of the words: ``That God has bestowed each man on 
Earth with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'' 
This shared conviction determines the unity of Americans and 
Ukrainians, and no distances can obstruct it.
  The American example of freedom has always been alluring. All the 
regimes that have sought to suppress democracy in Ukraine would often 
endeavor to nurture anti-American phobias, but they would invariably 
fail. Efforts of our American friends, who in the past so generously 
shared their democratic experience with us, enhanced the partnership 
between our two nations. For me, gratitude for these efforts has a 
personal dimension. It was through one of these programs that I met my 
wife, Kateryna Chumachenko Yushchenko, whose love and commitment gave 
me the strength to withstand the trials of the last months and years. I 
want to use this special opportunity to thank her for being beside me 
even at the most dangerous lethal threat I withstood.
  Also I want to thank the United States for helping my wife, like 
millions of Ukrainians brought here by waves of emigration, to learn 
the values of freedom, and even still with Ukraine in her heart.
  Many noble men and women on both sides of the Atlantic have always 
believed in Ukraine's democratic future. Our common belief came true in 
the days of the Orange Revolution. We highly appreciated the message 
sent by your country's leadership before the elections and during the 
Orange Revolution. It was clear and unambiguous. The U.S. condemned 
fraud and upheld Ukraine's right to freely elect their government.
  This message enhanced our partnership and made it even stronger in 
the name of democracy. The Orange Revolution gave evidence that Ukraine 
is an advanced European nation, sharing the great values of the Euro-
Atlantic civilization. A civil society has matured in Ukraine; its 
citizens stand ready to guard their rights and freedoms.
  We Ukrainians are a diverse nation. We speak different languages, we 
practice different religions, and we have

[[Page 5713]]

different political views. But we all recognize the right of each and 
every individual to determine his or her faith. This recognition 
underlines our unity and our strength.
  In the days of Revolution, millions of people went out to the Maidan, 
and not a single act of violence, and I repeat, not a single act of 
violence was recorded there. Under orange banners, the people shared 
bread and warmth, not only with friends, but with their opponents as 
well. Armed with belief and convictions, the people overthrew a corrupt 
regime. The dirtiest election campaign in history ended with gracious 
victory and justice. Citizens of Ukraine bowed down to the authority of 
justice and have jointly assumed the responsibility for their own 
faith.
  Ladies and gentlemen, today Ukraine is looking into the future with 
great hope and expectation. Free and fair elections have brought to 
state offices a new generation of politicians not encumbered with the 
mentality of the Soviet past. These are honest and professional 
patriots.
  We are working as one team in pursuit of one goal, to lead our nation 
to success in the shortest time possible. We are shaping a new model of 
behavior of our government. It must safeguard the constitutional rights 
and freedoms of citizens. We want a government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people.
  The new power will not permit any administrative pressure upon the 
next year's parliamentary elections. Their fairness and transparency 
will be secured. The people themselves will not allow it any other way.
  The first indicator of change is the ever-growing independence of 
mass media. We have freed the press from pressures. There are no more 
secret instructions on what may and what may not be covered. The 
monopoly of media by two or three oligarchic clans will be halted. We 
are building a free society, committed to freedom of speech; and we 
stand ready to defend it.
  For me, each case of a journalist's death is a challenge to 
democracy. We wish to discover the truth about all tragedies that have 
occurred in the past years. Important evidence in the investigation of 
Georgiy Gongadze's assassination case has already been obtained. Not 
only the perpetrators, but those who contracted this crime will be held 
responsible.
  Everybody who was killing politicians and journalists will stand 
trial, everybody who led the country to the split-up. We have a 
political will to return Ukrainians faith and belief in justice.
  Our top priority task is to secure independence of our judiciary. Our 
goal is to instill in Ukraine the rule of law. We are building a 
society where there will be no room for intolerance.
  My father, Andre Yushchenko, was a prisoner of Auschwitz, Buchenwald 
and Dachau. As a child, I heard my father's stories about the hell of 
concentration camps.
  I am a son of a nation that survived the most terrible tragedies of 
the 20th century, the Holodomor famine that took away 20 million lives 
of Ukrainians and the Holocaust. The 60th anniversary of the allied 
victory over Nazism once again calls upon us to fulfill our obligation 
to root out any expression of anti-Semitism and xenophobia, to secure 
minority rights and liberties.
  I stand ready to fulfill this duty. All citizens of Ukraine, whether 
they be Ukrainians, Russians, Jewish or anybody else, will live in the 
society with open opportunities for everyone.
  My oath is built on the reminiscences of the common prayer of 
hundreds of thousands of people in the Maidan. Christians, Jews, 
Muslims were praying in one prayer, everybody according to their rites, 
with everybody asking the Creator for one thing: freedom, fairness and 
blessing for Ukraine and for each of its citizens.
  We are building an open economy that encourages innovation, rewards 
initiative, and assures high social standards. We are beginning an 
implacable war on corruption, promoting fair competition and forming 
transparent government-to-business relations. My goal is to place 
Ukraine in the forefront of prosperous democracies. My vision of the 
future is Ukraine in a United Europe.
  We view accession to the European Union as an opportunity to realize 
the potential of our country. For us, a European future is a powerful 
incentive to attain high political, social, and economic standards. We 
have observed the openness of European doors adding to our neighbors' 
confidence. It would be unfair to deprive Ukrainians of these 
opportunities, Ukrainians who so graciously proved their European 
identity, of this chance.
  Ukraine wishes to guarantee security to its citizens, to live in 
peace and accord with all of its neighbors, whether in the East or in 
the West. It is only logical that we target our efforts towards the 
integration to NATO, the alliance that plays an essential role in 
securing peace and stability across the European continent.
  I am convinced that the European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of 
Ukraine will not be viewed as an additional hindrance. Ukraine's 
integration is not a problem, but rather a great new opportunity 
opening before our civilization.
  Ukraine's accession to the European Union will put an end to the 
division of Europe and provide a new impetus to our civilization. 
Ukraine's accession to the alliance means a new level of stability 
across a strategically vital region, stretching from Warsaw to Tbilisi 
and to Baku.
  It is quite natural for me to dwell upon new opportunities while 
standing at this podium. The United States, like no other country, has 
always built its policies on the premises of freedom, instead of merely 
seeking to retain a balance of power and interests. Since the times of 
President Wilson, this great idealism inspired Europeans, lending them 
strength and courage for historic changes.
  President Reagan advocated these ideals of freedom when, in front of 
the Berlin Wall, he challenged President Gorbachev, ``Tear down this 
wall, Mr. President.''
  President Bush realized these ideals when he upheld the unification 
of Germany. President Clinton reminded us of these ideals when he 
supported the accession into NATO of East European and Baltic 
countries.
  I deeply believe that America is again ready for such historic 
decisions. I have no doubts that we will receive support for our 
efforts and our aspirations. We do not want any more walls dividing 
Europe, and I am certain that neither do you.
  Dear friends, the goal of my visit to the U.S. is to establish a new 
era in Ukraine-U.S. relations. We do not seek only thaws that alter 
chillings in our relations. We seek a new atmosphere of trust, 
frankness and partnership. A new Ukraine offers the U.S. a genuinely 
strategic partnership.
  My discussions with President Bush have made it clear that Ukraine is 
being understood and supported. The time has come to make real steps 
towards each other. Step one, dear friends, we want to bury the Cold 
War relics of the Senators and House Members. I am calling upon you to 
waive the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. Please make this step towards 
Ukraine. Please tear down this wall.
  Step two, the new Ukrainian Government has on an unprecedented scale 
opened the Ukrainian market, dramatically reducing customs 
restrictions. In return, we expect the United States to cancel their 
restrictions that apply to Ukrainian goods within the U.S. market. I am 
calling upon you, ladies and gentlemen, please make this step.
  Step three, the nonrecognition of a market-based economy status for 
Ukraine is an anachronism. Ukrainian producers are deprived of the 
rights enjoyed by their competitors. The time has come to restore 
fairness. Three days ago, Ukraine has officially requested the U.S. 
Government to grant market-based economy to Ukraine, and we are 
requesting that you make it happen by the fall.
  Step four, by November of this year, Ukraine must become a WTO 
member. I would encourage you, in the nearest months, please support 
our WTO accession.
  Step five, we invite the United States to during this year involve 
all political, financial, and technological resources to erect a new 
shelter over the

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destroyed reactor of Chernobyl power plant. I would ask the Congress to 
support virulent programs.
  Step six, we want to see more Ukrainian students learning in U.S. 
universities over the next 5 years. I would encourage the Congress to 
finance such educational programs for Ukrainian students.
  Step seven, Ukraine has agreed to waive visa regime for United States 
citizens. I would request the U.S. Government to, in the speediest 
possible manner, make a reciprocal step in relation to Ukrainian 
students, politicians, and business people.
  Step eight, on behalf of Ukraine, I would ask you to include it in 
the list of participants of the Millennium Challenge program.
  Following these priorities, we can make many others happen. For this, 
we have necessary possibilities in different areas. We welcome 
investments in the Ukraine's economy and are committed to creating a 
most favorable climate for the U.S. and all other international 
investors. It is in our own mutual interests to achieve as many success 
stories as possible of American enterprise in Ukraine.
  The U.S. and Ukraine have common strategic interests, and we have 
unity in one thing. Everywhere possible we want to uphold freedom and 
democracy. We are committed to such a responsibility because we know if 
somebody is deprived of freedom, this freedom has been taken away from 
us.
  Eleven years ago, my country voluntarily gave up the world's third 
largest nuclear arsenal. Ukraine made the world a safer place to live. 
Time has shown that this decision has not always met the kind of 
appreciation it deserved. Nevertheless, we remain committed to jointly 
counter the threats posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass 
destruction, missile and nuclear technologies.
  Ukraine will be a reliable partner to the U.S. in fighting terrorism. 
I am sure we will be able to overcome it and not only by power of 
force. It is our obligation to eradicate the sources of terrorism. We 
can defeat the ideology of hatred that nourishes it. I am fully 
convinced that the time will come when in the dictionary of world 
languages, the term ``terrorism'' will be followed by the footnote, 
``archaic term.'' The same footnote, I am sure, will also accompany 
other shameful phenomena like racism, discrimination, and slavery.
  We are witnessing the first successes of freedom in Iraq where 
Ukrainian soldiers are risking their lives shoulder to shoulder with 
their American counterparts. Ukraine is eager to continue its support 
to a democratically elected Iraqi Government in addressing its economic 
and security challenges.
  The array of subjects for our dialogue is endless, but I would prefer 
to see the leading role played not by governmental, but by public 
diplomacy. Before my departure for the U.S., I received a letter from a 
group of respectable Ukrainian and American organizations proposing 
concrete and relevant subjects for expanding our dialogue. These 
initiatives I am sure are worthy of being supported.
  Ladies and gentlemen, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took an oath before the 
whole world by saying, ``We shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet 
any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the 
survival and the success of liberty.'' I am subscribing to these words 
on behalf of Ukraine. This authority was given to me by my fellow 
countrymen who endured days and nights in bitter cold and snow on the 
Maidan. Ukraine is free and will always remain free. Citizens of 
Ukraine gained their freedom due to their courage and support of 
friends and proponents of democracy across the world.
  In these days I want to recall one of them, Pope John Paul II, who 
said, ``Following the path of truth is sometimes difficult, but never 
impossible.''
  We have embarked upon this road and will never step away from it. 
Together we are many, and together we are not defeated. God bless 
America. God protect Ukraine.
  Thank you.
  [Applause, the Members rising.]
  At 11 o'clock and 40 minutes a.m., His Excellency Viktor Yushchenko, 
the President of Ukraine, accompanied by the committee of escort, 
retired from the Hall of the House of Representatives.
  The Assistant to the Sergeant at Arms escorted the invited guests 
from the Chamber in the following order:
  The Members of the President's Cabinet; The Acting Dean of the 
Diplomatic Corps.

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