[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 151 (2005), Part 21]
[House]
[Pages 28379-28382]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                 SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING NICARAGUA

  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 252) expressing the 
sense of Congress that the Government of the United States should 
actively support the aspirations of the democratic political and social 
forces in the Republic of Nicaragua toward an immediate and full 
restoration of functioning democracy in that country, as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 252

       Whereas the United States is strongly committed to 
     promoting democracy and the rule of law through the 
     democratically elected government and the civil society of 
     Nicaragua;
       Whereas the Democratic Charter of the Organization of 
     American States, of which the United States and Nicaragua are 
     signatories, stipulates that ``[t]he peoples of the Americas 
     have a right to democracy and their governments have an 
     obligation to promote and defend it'';
       Whereas after experiencing a revolution, loss of personal 
     liberties, destruction of property, and economic instability 
     a quarter century ago, the people of Nicaragua are committed 
     to maintaining a democratic form of government that functions 
     democratically and whose branches of government respect the 
     rule of law and human rights;
       Whereas in November 2001, during the last national 
     election, approximately 90 percent of voters in Nicaragua 
     turned out to vote, indicating a strong commitment to a free 
     electoral process and self determination;
       Whereas international observers, including representatives 
     from the National Democratic Institute, the International 
     Republican Institute, the Carter Center, and the Organization 
     of American States, monitored the Nicaraguan elections of 
     November 2001 and determined that the elections met minimum 
     international standards and that the outcome reflected the 
     will of the Nicaraguan people;
       Whereas ex-President Arnoldo Aleman and Sandinista 
     Liberation Front (FSLN) leader Daniel Ortega entered into an 
     agreement, which is widely known throughout Nicaragua as 
     ``the Pact,'' to exploit the legislative powers of the 
     National Assembly to undermine the Nicaraguan Constitution, 
     the Presidency of Enrique Bolanos Geyer, and key institutions 
     of representative democratic governance;
       Whereas polls indicate that an overwhelming percentage of 
     Nicaraguans oppose the Aleman-Ortega Pact, and tens of 
     thousands of Nicaraguans have taken to the streets in the 
     past year to call for an end to the Pact;
       Whereas in September 2005, the Secretary General of the 
     Organization of American States warned that the attempt by 
     the Nicaraguan national legislature to strip President 
     Enrique Bolanos Geyer's ministers and other senior government 
     officials of their official immunity had created 
     circumstances that would have made the country ungovernable 
     and generated endless conflict;
       Whereas with regard to the attempt by the National Assembly 
     through the operation of the Aleman-Ortega Pact to undermine 
     the privileges of the Nicaraguan executive branch, the 
     Organization of American States urged, in the strongest 
     possible terms, that ``the parties concerned enter into a 
     broad and constructive dialogue, free of pressures and 
     threats'' and that the parties ``respect the mandate freely 
     conferred upon President Enrique Bolanos Geyer and the other 
     elected officials by the Nicaraguan people'';
       Whereas the National Assembly, in reaction to pressure from 
     the international community, in October 2005, voted 
     unanimously to delay until after the term of President 
     Enrique Bolanos Geyer expires in January 2007, the enactment 
     of these constitutional amendments by approving the Framework 
     Law for the Stability and Governability of the Country 
     (Framework Law);
       Whereas, although the enactment and implementation of the 
     Framework Law has reduced the political tensions in 
     Nicaragua, the practical effect of the Pact remains largely 
     intact as Arnoldo Aleman and Daniel Ortega continue to wield 
     near total control over the National Assembly, the Supreme 
     Court, the Electoral Council, and the Comptroller's Office, 
     and the Human Rights ombudsman's office;
       Whereas free, fair, transparent, and inclusive electoral 
     processes, in conjunction with strong adherence to the 
     constitution and democratic institutions, are the bulwark 
     against anti-democratic forces;
       Whereas presidential and legislative elections in Nicaragua 
     are scheduled to be held in October 2006; and
       Whereas the prerequisites for free, fair, transparent, and 
     inclusive elections have not yet been met, including securing 
     a sufficient number of credible national and international 
     observers, completing the distribution of voter 
     identification cards, and ensuring that all qualified and 
     willing candidates are permitted to contest the elections: 
     Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring),  That--
       (1) Congress--
       (A) condemns the continued operation of the Aleman-Ortega 
     Pact as detrimental to democracy in the Republic of 
     Nicaragua, the future of democracy in Nicaragua, and the 
     stability of the entire region;
       (B) denounces the previous attempts by the National 
     Assembly to encroach unconstitutionally upon the powers of 
     the executive branch, undermine the governability of the 
     country, and advance the personal ambitions of some of its 
     current and former members;
       (C) applauds the diplomatic efforts of the Organization of 
     American States (OAS) and the Secretary-General of the OAS 
     for demonstrating the viability of the Inter-American Charter 
     as an increasingly effective instrument in the Western 
     Hemisphere for overcoming obstacles that impede institutions, 
     whether such institutions are executive, legislative, or 
     judicial in nature, from governing democratically;
       (D) concurs with the convening of a broad National Dialogue 
     to address the challenges that confront the Nicaraguan people 
     as they attempt to build a more effective democracy; and
       (E) supports the efforts of the Government of Nicaragua and 
     civil society to create the necessary conditions for free, 
     fair, transparent, and inclusive elections in 2006, including 
     by having effective and robust monitoring missions by the 
     Organization of American States and other international 
     observers, supporting the training of domestic election 
     observers, assisting in the auditing of voter rolls to ensure 
     accuracy, promoting the complete distribution without 
     discrimination of proper voter identification documents, and 
     encouraging the lawful inclusion of all qualified candidates 
     in the electoral contests; and
       (2) it is the sense of Congress that--
       (A) it should be the policy of the United States to support 
     democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in Nicaragua and 
     work cooperatively with regional and international 
     organizations to bolster Nicaraguan efforts to establish the 
     requisite conditions for free, fair, transparent, and 
     inclusive presidential and legislative elections in 2006;
       (B) it should be the policy of the United States to work 
     through the Organization of American States and other 
     regional and international organizations to encourage 
     political elements within Nicaragua to preserve, protect, and 
     defend the letter and spirit of that country's constitution; 
     and
       (C) to the extent that electoral or democracy and 
     governance assistance is provided, the President of the 
     United States should ensure that such assistance is provided 
     only for

[[Page 28380]]

     the purposes of training election observers and ensuring the 
     integrity of the electoral process as requested by the 
     President of Nicaragua, that such assistance be provided 
     through nongovernmental organizations on a non-partisan basis 
     in the United States and Nicaragua, and that the details of 
     such assistance be made public on a timely basis to promote 
     transparency and accountability in both countries.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Indiana (Mr. Burton) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) 
each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana.


                             General Leave

  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative in which to revise and extend their 
remarks and to include extraneous material on the resolution under 
consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Indiana?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume, and I rise today in strong support of this concurrent 
resolution that expresses the sense of Congress that the United States 
should actively support efforts in Nicaragua to move that country 
towards an immediate and full restoration of a functioning democracy.
  Further, the resolution calls on the United States and the 
international community, including the Organization of American States, 
to actively support the government of Nicaragua and civil society as 
they work to establish the necessary conditions to ensure a free, fair 
and transparent electoral process.
  Throughout the 1980s and the 1990s, Latin America and the Caribbean, 
with the notable exception of Cuba, made remarkable progress towards 
democracy. I believe much of the credit for this progress is due to the 
courageous leadership of many democracy-minded people in the region who 
grew weary of the brutal dictatorships, but also the dedication of 
people like former President Ronald Reagan and others in the U.S. and 
elsewhere who invested in the future of these countries by helping to 
plant the seeds of democracy and nurturing them over time.
  That investment is paying off, but we should be under no illusions 
that the work is complete. The truth is that, 15 years after the 
Managua Spring, democracy and freedom in Nicaragua are being eroded. 
While democracy is still holding on, it is not without its opponents, 
and in Nicaragua, the alarm bells are ringing.
  Right now in Nicaragua, the hard left and the corrupted right are 
making common cause in attempting to bring down the democratically 
elected government of Enrique Bolanos. Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega 
in alliance with convicted former president Arnoldo Aleman has entered 
into an arrangement known as the Pact that poses a real and present 
danger to every democratic institution in that country, from the 
national assembly, the national electoral council, to the supreme court 
right on down.
  For example, the Pact, through its control of the National Assembly 
of Nicaragua, tried to strip President Bolanos of his constitutional 
powers through what is known as the Stability and Governability of the 
Country Law. In October, however, the assembly, under pressure from the 
international community and perhaps the introduction of this 
resolution, voted to postpone this law until after President Bolanos 
leaves office in January of 2007.
  Delaying the governability law has allowed Nicaragua to avoid an 
immediate constitutional crisis. But as President Bolanos said quite 
clearly during a recent visit with members of our subcommittee here in 
Washington, which I chair, the future of Nicaraguan democracy remains 
under threat and that the United States needs to pay attention before 
it is too late.
  I believe that we must do what we can to ensure that the upcoming 
elections in Nicaragua are free and fair. Passage of this resolution 
will send a loud and clear message to the political elements that are 
attempting to subvert Nicaraguan democracy that the United States does 
not abandon friends who have stood so strong for the value of 
democracy.

                              {time}  2115

  While the recent actions of the Ortega-Aleman Pact indicate they may 
have abandoned their immediate efforts to overthrow President Bolanos, 
we should be under no illusion that they have given up their longer-
term goal of returning Nicaragua to the days of oppression and 
dictatorship. So many Nicaraguans died during the years of violence and 
civil war for the dream of a free and democratic Nicaragua. Their 
sacrifice should not be in vain. We must work with the democratic 
forces of Nicaragua to ensure that Nicaragua continues to thrive and 
benefit for the people of that nation.
  The resolution before us sets out a path which I believe and many of 
my colleagues on both sides of the aisle believe will ensure that 
democracy remains viable in Nicaragua. I urge my colleagues to show 
their support for democracy in Nicaragua by supporting this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this important resolution, 
and I want to commend my good friend from Indiana for submitting this 
very important piece of legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, although Nicaragua narrowly averted a political and 
constitutional crisis recently, the country remains gripped by an epic 
struggle to maintain its democratic form of government and its respect 
for the rule of law and civil society.
  Former Nicaraguan President Arnoldo Aleman and former communist 
dictator Daniel Ortega conspired to subvert the administration of the 
democratically elected President Enrique Bolanos to their perverse 
interpretation of Chinese water torture.
  Through their control of the National Assembly in Nicaragua, Aleman 
and Ortega slowly, but methodically, packed the Supreme Court, the 
Electoral Council, the comptroller's office, and other institutions 
with their stooges.
  They then planned to carve away key revenue-raising administrative 
offices, like TelCor, the agency in charge of telecommunications in 
Nicaragua, and place them under legislative control. The last step for 
the unholy Aleman-Ortega alliance was to begin the process of removing 
several members of Bolanos' cabinet and other senior officials from 
their government positions on very questionable grounds.
  Mr. Speaker, the dubious legal proceedings against President Bolanos' 
government sparked a resounding and near universal international 
outcry. From the Organization of American States to the Central 
American Court, to members of this body, led by my friend and 
colleague, Mr. Burton, chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, 
a cacophony of respected voices reiterated their unwavering support for 
true democracy and the rule of law in Nicaragua and their determined 
opposition to the return of corrupt caudilloism.
  Undoubtedly feeling the intense pressure, Sandinista leader Ortega 
broke ranks with former President Aleman and entered into a new 
agreement with President Bolanos that postponed the most onerous 
constitutional and administrative changes until after the end of 
Bolanos' presidential term in 2007.
  Mr. Speaker, while the new agreement between Bolanos and Ortega 
defused a volatile confrontation between the executive and the other 
branches of Nicaragua's government, it did not remove Aleman or Ortega 
loyalists from their government positions, at least to the extent that 
the Aleman-Ortega Pact still remains in place.
  Under normal circumstances, the influence that Aleman and Ortega are 
able to continue to wield, either individually or jointly over the 
operation of Nicaragua's government, would be troublesome enough. With 
presidential and legislative elections scheduled to

[[Page 28381]]

be held within a year's time in Nicaragua, their influence over the 
electoral process threatens to undermine the prospects for free, fair, 
transparent, and inclusive elections next October.
  Mr. Speaker, President Bolanos visited us last week and spoke of the 
many tasks that remain. ID cards need to be distributed to all eligible 
voters without discrimination based upon political affiliation. All 
willing and qualified candidates must be allowed to contest the 
elections. Perhaps most importantly, credible international observers 
from the Organization of American States and other institutions must be 
invited and encouraged to monitor the electoral process as soon as 
possible.
  Mr. Speaker, it is my hope that, through international interventions 
like the resolution before us today, Aleman and Ortega will recognize 
the destructive folly of their previous acts, maintain Nicaragua on the 
path of economic and political liberalization, and once again permit 
the Nicaraguan people to express their choice for the future in next 
year's elections. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this 
resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. 
Kucinich).
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, H. Con. Res. 252 expresses the sense of 
Congress that the Government of the United States should actively 
support the aspirations of the democratic, political, and social forces 
in the Republic of Nicaragua. I want to say it is possible that my good 
friend, Mr. Burton, may have already achieved the results that were 
intended in this resolution.
  This bill was crafted to address a pact formed by Arnoldo Aleman, 
former president of Nicaragua of the LCP Party, who had been sentenced 
to 20 years of house arrest for looting state coffers of $100 million. 
The pact was with Mr. Aleman and Daniel Ortega, former president of the 
Sandinista Party.
  The Aleman-Ortega Pact passed so-called constitutional reforms that 
weakened the power of the Bolanos presidency. It was in this context, I 
believe, that H. Con. Res. 252 was introduced.
  However, I believe the context, perhaps the mere introduction of the 
bill, helped to bring about a change of the context. In October, days 
after Nicaragua received a threat from U.S. Deputy Secretary of State 
Robert Zoellick that Nicaragua risked losing $175 million in U.S. aid 
if President Bolanos were toppled, Bolanos and Ortega agreed to 
postpone the constitutional reforms until the next president's term 
begins in 2007.
  So, again, this may be an example where the mere introduction of a 
bill helped to bring about the desired change, and I think that Mr. 
Burton and everybody who has been involved in the introduction of the 
bill should be commended for their work.
  H. Con. Res. 252, expressing the sense of Congress that the 
Government of the United States should actively support the aspirations 
of the democratic political and social forces in the Republic of 
Nicaragua may have already achieved its aims and may not be necessary.
  This bill was crafted to address a pact formed by Arnoldo Aleman, 
former President of Nicaragua of the Liberal Constitutional Party, who 
had been sentenced to 20 years of house arrest for looting state 
coffers of $100 million, with Daniel Ortega, former President of the 
Sandanista Party.
  The Aleman-Ortega pact passed constitutional reforms that weakened 
the power of the Bolanos Presidency. It was in this context that H. 
Con. Res. 252 was introduced.
  However, the context has since changed.
  In October, days after Nicaragua received a threat from U.S. Deputy 
Secretary of State Robert Zoellick that Nicaragua risked losing $175 
million in U.S. aid if President Bolanos were toppled. Consequently, 
the members of the pact agreed to postpone the constitutional reforms 
until the next president's term begins in 2007.
  I commend the sponsors of the legislation but would suggest that 
since the resolution has achieved its ends, it should be withdrawn.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 5 minutes to my good 
friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Serrano).
  Mr. SERRANO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Let me start by saying that I support, like everyone else, a free and 
fair electoral process in Nicaragua in the coming year. And I support 
democracy in Nicaragua, the separation of powers, the independence of 
the judiciary, and other institutions.
  What I am opposed to is the typical U.S. interference in Latin 
America. Our foreign policy traditionally, historically, has been to 
ignore Latin America, and then every once in a while to take some 
action that is so out of touch with reality in Latin America, and 
foolish, as this resolution is tonight.
  What we are doing on the floor of the House today is a clear example 
of this warped, nonexistent policy. If U.S. history in Nicaragua were 
one of supporting elections without taking sides and supporting checks 
and balances and independent institutions, I would feel differently 
about a resolution like this. But we have little credibility in 
Nicaragua today because the U.S. is perceived as having such a strong 
animosity to Daniel Ortega, my brother from California just called him 
a communist and I thought that had ended awhile ago, and the FSLN, that 
any actions we take are viewed as biased and certainly not objective or 
impartial.
  While I can go through sentences in this text that I have differences 
with, that is not what is driving me to speak on the House floor today. 
Would we not be providing a better example to the democratic movement 
in Nicaragua if we led by example and instead of voting on this 
resolution today, we stayed away from anything that appeared to show 
the United States taking sides and interfering yet again in Nicaragua?
  Given our long and troubled history in this country, we need to be 
careful not to interfere. Instead, let us support the OAS's effort and 
not take positions on internal Nicaragua elections.
  Let me also take a moment to comment on one line of the resolution 
that states: ``Congress condemns the continued operation of the Aleman-
Ortega Pact,'' which no longer exists, ``as detrimental to democracy in 
the Republic of Nicaragua, the future of democracy in Nicaragua, and 
the stability of the entire region.''
  Of course this is right on top of the fact that we now claim that 
Venezuela is the danger to the region so they have been replaced 
tonight by Nicaragua as the main danger to the region. I simply have to 
take issue with the ``stability of the entire region'' comment. I think 
what undermines the stability of Latin America is the total lack of 
attention on an ongoing basis to the concerns of Latin America and then 
kinds of efforts like this resolution that show up every so often.
  If this were coming to a vote, I would vote against this because I 
know what this is about. This is a little different than the Chavez-
Venezuela issue. On that one we did not like the results, and the 
results are the fact that either through his coalition, through pushing 
back and attempted coup, which has our fingerprints all over it, 
President Chavez and his coalition have been elected and reelected 
eight times. We do not like the results, so we do not like him.
  Here we suspect, like the rest of Latin America, that the result may 
be one we do not like so we are anticipating that by suggesting that 
they better get their act together, meaning let anybody win except the 
opposition because that obviously would be undemocratic.
  Mr. Speaker, there has to be a reason why Latin America went from 
military dictatorships to so-called democracies to again electing 
leftist leaders. Either something is in the water of Latin America or 
people are fed up with conditions. So what do we do? Instead of saying 
they are electing leftist governments and we should find out why and 
support the elected leaders in their desire to bring up the poor, we 
say beware Chavez, beware Bolivia, beware Peru, beware Chile, beware 
everybody, and especially beware Nicaragua: we did it to you once; we 
can do it to you again. If you do not elect the kind of government we 
want, you are in deep trouble with us and you are not democratic. That 
is not democracy.

[[Page 28382]]


  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller), vice chairman of the Western 
Hemisphere Subcommittee.
  Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Indiana for 
bringing this resolution to the floor. I am a strong supporter of this 
resolution.
  Democracy in Nicaragua has been and continues to be under threat from 
something known as ``the pact.'' The pact is an agreement based on 
corruption and desire for power between two men: former President 
Aleman and former dictator Ortega, known locally as the party 
caudillos, strongmen, party bosses; and they are both corrupt.
  Let us be clear: the pact today controls the Supreme Court of 
Nicaragua, the pact controls the Supreme Electoral Council, the pact 
controls the National Controllers Board, and the public prosecutor's 
office. These two corrupt caudillos have divided up power so they 
control it for themselves.

                              {time}  2130

  The Pact is alive and well. A side agreement to weaken President 
Bolanos failed largely because of civil society, but control of the 
country's institutions, those I named, still continue. So democracy 
continues to be threatened in Nicaragua. What is the goal of the Pact? 
To manipulate the 2006 elections for their benefit, for the benefit of 
former dictator Ortega and former President Aleman, to feed their 
corruption. The Pact wants to stay in power, including through 
controlling the supreme electoral council. Now, what type of people 
make up the supreme electoral council? I would note that two out of 
seven of the members have had their visas permanently revoked by the 
United States. And according to a survey published September 19 of this 
year by La Prensa, the leading newspaper, three-fourths, 74 percent of 
Nicaraguans believe that the supreme electoral council is capable of 
fraud. Evidence points to possible fraud by the supreme electoral 
council in the most recent election, the 2004 municipal election. Now 
the supreme court, controlled by Roberto Rivas, is extremely corrupt 
and influenced by the Ortega side of the Pact. Fully three members of 
the supreme court of Nicaragua have had their U.S. visas permanently 
revoked. And the court recently suffered the embezzlement of over 
$600,000 in confiscated narco-trafficking funds allegedly by Sandinista 
officials of the court.
  Democracy is indeed in danger in Nicaragua, but I am pleased to see 
that efforts of civil society, groups like the Movimento de Democracia 
and other groups, particularly the government of Nicaragua under 
President Bolanos to create free and fair and transparent elections 
continues to push for true democracy. The United States must actively 
support democracy. The United States must actively support the rule of 
law and human rights in Nicaragua and to work with international 
organizations, especially the Organization of American States, to 
ensure the conditions exist for democracy and to ensure the integrity 
of the election process. I am particularly pleased that the 
International Democratic Institute and the International Republican 
Institute are both involved, and I hope the Organization of American 
States becomes fully engaged now, sooner rather than later, in ensuring 
a transparent and fair election process.
  Mr. Chairman, I commend you for bringing this important resolution to 
the floor before us today. Democracy has had a good start in Nicaragua. 
It is under threat because of the Ortega-Aleman Pact. We must do 
everything we can to support true democracy and ensure free, fair and 
transparent elections, and that is why I strongly support this 
resolution and urge bipartisan support.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Kucinich).
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from 
California.
  I want to say that I was greatly concerned hearing the comments of my 
colleague from New York who raises some valid points about the United 
States' interventions in Latin America. Now, I think that, you know, on 
one hand, the sponsors of the legislation have already achieved their 
ends, and I just wonder if the gentleman from Indiana would yield to a 
question.
  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I will be happy to yield to my 
colleague.
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Chairman, you have sponsored a resolution here 
that, as I indicated earlier, the sponsorship moved some policy change. 
In light of that, would you have any interest in withdrawing the 
resolution and declaring victory?
  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I do not think so at this time. I think this 
resolution sends a very strong message, and I think we need to pass it.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker we have no additional requests for time, and 
I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Let me just end by saying, thank you to Mr. Lantos, my very good 
friend, for his leadership and his hard work on this and a lot of other 
legislation. Let me just say that Mr. Lantos and I were both here back 
in the 1980s when the war took place in Nicaragua and El Salvador, and 
we saw the horrible result of dictatorships. We saw the horrible result 
of civil war, and democracy has changed that whole region down there. 
And we think it is extremely important that we do everything we can to 
support democratic institutions so that we do not have the bloodshed 
that we saw back in the 1980s and we do not see the massive flight of 
people leaving that region to get to the United States and elsewhere to 
get away from those wars. So I think this resolution sends a strong 
message. Once again, I thank Mr. Lantos.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Conaway). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton) that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 
252, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the concurrent resolution, as 
amended, was agreed to.
  The title of the concurrent resolution was amended so as to read: 
``Expressing the sense of Congress that the Government of the United 
States should support democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in 
the Republic of Nicaragua and work cooperatively with regional and 
international organizations to bolster Nicaraguan efforts to establish 
the requisite conditions for free, fair, transparent, and inclusive 
presidential and legislative elections in 2006.''.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________