[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 151 (2005), Part 17]
[House]
[Pages 23933-23934]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                           2,000 DEAD IN IRAQ

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, his name is Staff Sergeant George T. 
Alexander of Clanton, Alabama. He died on Saturday, 5 days after a bomb 
exploded near his vehicle about 60 miles north of Baghdad. He was the 
2,000th brave American to give his life in the Iraq war.
  My deepest sympathies go out to his family, who I hope finds some 
comfort in the knowledge that Sergeant George Alexander is remembered 
by all of us as a true national hero. We mourn the loss of Staff 
Sergeant Alexander just as we continue to mourn all 1,999 who came 
before him.
  In my recent visit to Iraq, nothing made a greater impression on me 
than the intelligence, decency, and loyalty I saw in our soldiers. They 
really are the best our country has to offer. It pains me to think that 
any one of them could become casualty number 2,001; 2,002; 2,050; or 
2,060. And it pains me that we clearly do not have civilian leaders 
worthy of our troops.
  It pains me that these soldiers have been betrayed by their superiors 
who sent them to Iraq on false pretenses, on a poorly defined mission 
without all of the tools they needed and without a plan to bring them 
home.
  2,000 deaths is 2,000 too many for this mission, a mission which was 
immorally conceived and has been incompetently managed. The devastating 
truth is that Americans are not safer because of this war. We are not 
defeating the insurgency; we are inspiring it. That is not the fault of 
the men and women wearing the uniform; it is just the nature of this 
conflict.
  Every day that we occupy Iraq breeds more resentment, more vicious 
and violent anti-Americanism. As one military commander put it, for 
every insurgent killed, three more are created. How do we win such a 
war? And let us not forget that the very first casualty in this war was 
the truth.
  The President waxes idealistic about spreading freedom. But we all 
know that if spreading freedom had been the stated rationale for war 
back in 2002, there is no way this body would have authorized the use 
of force.
  No, this was about the world's most dangerous weapons in the hands of

[[Page 23934]]

most dangerous people. Remember, it was about yellow cake and aluminum 
tubes, mushroom clouds and nuclear winters. They engaged in a campaign 
of fear based on a lie.
  Saddam Hussein had no weapons of mass destruction, a very expensive 
lie that has cost America 2,000 of its finest patriots. Their campaign 
of deceit was absolutely reprehensible. But I think we also have to 
look forward, as well back; to focus on not just how we got into Iraq, 
but how we are going to get out.
  I held a hearing last month to explore in detail that very question. 
But the President meanwhile can offer nothing but the emptiest of 
platitudes: it is hard work. Stay the course. We will be there as long 
as we need to be there. Terrorism bad, freedom good. That is all well 
and good, but what is the plan?
  He says he is confident of victory. But what exactly constitutes 
victory? What are the benckmarks of success? What is the plan? What 
does the end-game look like?
  If the President will not lead, then I guess the rest of us will have 
to do it for him. There are three measures that we can take 
immediately: first, multilateral corporation. The Iraq campaign never 
was a global coalition. But now we can prevent further loss of life by 
bringing the U.S. Armed Forces home while simultaneously encouraging 
the United Nations and the NATO Alliance to establish a multinational 
interim security force for Iraq.
  Second, diplomatic nonmilitary initiatives. The U.S. must lead a 
diplomatic offensive, making its presence in Iraq a humanitarian 
partnership, rather than a military occupation.
  Third, post-conflict reconciliation. The U.S. should work with the 
U.N. to designate an international peace commission to oversee Iraq's 
postwar reconciliation. It is time for the President to admit his 
mistakes, eat a little crow and shift course.
  It is time to return Iraq to the Iraqi people and the troops safely 
home to their families.

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