[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 151 (2005), Part 14]
[Issue]
[Pages 18251-19014]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
[[Page 18251]]
VOLUME 151--PART 14
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES--Thursday, July 28, 2005
The House met at 10 a.m.
The Chaplain, the Reverend Daniel P. Coughlin, offered the following
prayer:
Almighty God, strong is Your justice, penetrating all human events
and evaluating all human endeavors. Great is Your mercy for each of us
as we stand before You today.
Grant the Members of the House of Representatives freedom of spirit;
that each may act with a well-formulated conscience and discern the
far-reaching consequences of every decision that is made.
While here, working in the public service of the Nation, everything
that is done is viewed by all and open to review by others. But far
greater is Your judgment, Lord.
Aware that all must appear before Your judgment seat and each will
receive recompense according to what he or she did while in Your
service, we ask You, O Lord, to grant the vision of faith and trust in
Your great mercy now and forever. Amen.
____________________
THE JOURNAL
The SPEAKER. The Chair has examined the Journal of the last day's
proceedings and announces to the House his approval thereof.
Pursuant to clause 1, rule I, the Journal stands approved.
____________________
PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE
The SPEAKER. Will the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Roybal-Allard)
come forward and lead the House in the Pledge of Allegiance.
Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD led the Pledge of Allegiance as follows:
I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States of
America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one nation
under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
____________________
ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER
The SPEAKER. The Chair will entertain five 1-minute speeches on each
side.
____________________
PRAISING HOUSE REPUBLICANS FOR GREAT ACCOMPLISHMENTS
(Ms. FOXX asked and was given permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Ms. FOXX. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to praise the Republican
leadership and my Republican colleagues in the House for the tremendous
work we have done ahead of the August recess. The work we have done
will have an immediate positive effect on the lives of my constituents.
First off, we enacted effective immigration control with the passage
of the REAL ID Act. We also took action to stem the tide of China's
unfair trade practices. We are taking the necessary first steps to
ensure our domestic manufacturers have a level playing field to compete
on.
The passage of the National Energy Policy also symbolizes new
economic opportunities for my district. Not only does it decrease our
dependence on foreign energy supply, it will boost our economy by
providing up to $10 billion in tax incentives for renewable, reusable
energy sources. This will create new markets and possibilities for our
farmers.
Today we will greatly improve health care by passing H.R. 5. Health
care dollars should be spent on patients in the operating room, not on
lawyers in the courtroom.
Mr. Speaker, these are just a few of the many great accomplishments
we have made. As we head into August recess, I look forward to building
on that progress with my Republican colleagues.
____________________
URGING SUPPORT FOR THE THRIVE ACT OF 2005
(Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD asked and was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and extend her remarks.)
Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD. Mr. Speaker, 45,000 adult Americans die every year
from infectious diseases that could have been prevented by a simple
vaccination. Tragically, 40 percent of adults in our country are
underimmunized for preventable diseases such as influenza and hepatitis
B. The consequences are unnecessary pain, suffering, and loss of life
at a cost of more than $10 billion a year to society.
To address this tragedy, I am introducing the THRIVE Act of 2005 with
the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker) as part of National
Immunization Month. The THRIVE Act authorizes CDC to develop
immunization guidelines and increase patient outreach and provider
outreach. It directs the Secretary of HHS to launch a national media
campaign about the value of adult immunizations, and it establishes a
pilot project to distribute influenza vaccine for uninsured, at-risk
adults.
The THRIVE Act of 2005 is a critical step towards reducing vaccine-
preventable deaths in our country, and I urge my colleagues to support
this bill.
____________________
MESSAGE ON MTBE: BAD LAW IS NOT CONGRESS'S FAULT
(Mr. PITTS asked and was given permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. PITTS. Mr. Speaker, I am going to support the energy bill later
today, but I am amazed that Democrats in this town have convinced the
majority party that law-abiding citizens must clean up Congress's mess.
When Congress mandated use of cleaner-burning gas, MTBE was the only
way companies could obey its orders. Upon learning MTBE was linked to
environmental concerns, Congress did not accept responsibility, change
the policy, or invest in alternatives. Congress told the companies to
clean up the mess themselves. Trial lawyers loved it. Congress's
inaction signaled that obeying law warrants a lawsuit. Now they sue
anyone who might have even had a thought of using MTBE.
Mr. Speaker, these companies did not cover up bad data. They did not
set out to save money by cutting corners. They did not even choose to
use MTBE
[[Page 18252]]
over a cleaner alternative. Congress made them do it.
The Democrats' own energy chairman in 1990 admits that. He says MTBE
``was the only commercially viable alternative at the time.''
Democrats are quick to blame corporations, but slow to take
responsibility for their own foolish actions. Maybe that is why they
are still in the minority.
____________________
SUGGESTION FOR THE HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP
(Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts asked and was given permission to address
the House for 1 minute.)
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, while I am not an expert in
time management, I do have a suggestion that would allow the House to
better use its time.
Last night we spent well over an hour here, a lot of very busy
people, while the leadership variously cajoled, bribed, browbeat, et
cetera, a few Republicans who wanted to have it both ways, who wanted
to give people the impression they were opposed to CAFTA while they
were ready to cave in for sufficient inducement.
What we should have done, and I propose this for the future, is the
next time we have one of those tough votes where they are going to have
to do that with their Members, let us schedule an evacuation drill from
the House.
The fact is at the time the plane was flying over here and a roll
call was open and we evacuated the House, it took about the same time
as it took them to cajole and blackmail and browbeat their people last
night.
So why not do two things at once? The next time they know there is a
bill they are going to cram down people's throats that they do not want
to vote for and want to pretend to their voters they are against it,
and it is going to take them an hour or 2 to find out ways to get them
to help fool people, why not schedule in advance an evacuation drill,
and that way we can kill two birds with one stone? And since people
might not know it is a drill, they can threaten people who do not vote
with them: They can make them stay here in case there is a plane crash.
____________________
VIDEO CHOICE ACT OF 2005
(Mrs. BLACKBURN asked and was given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Speaker, the laws governing delivery of
television programming in this country are outdated, and we have not
kept up with emerging new technologies.
I have introduced the Video Choice Act of 2005 to bring these laws
into the 21st century.
Current law requires that all companies interested in offering cable
service or video service, as it is called in the industry, must
negotiate an individual agreement with a local franchising authority.
This mandate serves as a barrier to competition, effectively preventing
new technologies from entering the market. The Video Choice Act of 2005
will streamline the franchising process for new marketplace entrance
and give American consumers choice over their video and cable service
at a lower cost.
Our telecommunications services are rapidly changing and expanding.
Congress must act to ensure our laws do not crush innovation and
competition.
The bill is H.R. 3146. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn) is the
cosponsor on this legislation with me. I look forward to working with
him for its passage here in the House of Representatives.
____________________
WE NEED A NEW ENERGY POLICY
(Mr. DeFAZIO asked and was given permission to address the House for
1 minute.)
Mr. DeFAZIO. Mr. Speaker, we will adopt a so-called energy policy for
the United States later today. We are in the beginnings of a 21st
century energy crisis, skyrocketing prices at the pump, consumers are
being gouged, growing dependence on foreign oil. And what is the answer
of the Republican majority and this administration? Let us obligate the
taxpayers of the United States to borrow $15.4 billion as a gift, a
needed incentive to the oil industry to go out and produce more.
At 60 bucks a barrel and $2.40 a gallon and record profits and huge
piles of cash they do not know what to do with, we need to subsidize
the oil industry? I do not think so.
We need a new energy policy that will serve this country and the
challenges of the 21st century with new technologies, new efficiency,
and breaking our dependence on foreign oil. Unfortunately, we are
getting exactly the opposite here today.
____________________
RECOGNIZING DANIELLE SIMONETTA
(Mr. WILSON of South Carolina asked and was given permission to
address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. WILSON of South Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to salute an
individual without whom Members on this side of the aisle and indeed
Members of the entire House would be lost.
Danielle Simonetta has been a public servant for the last 8 years, 5
of which have been spent with us here in the House. A New York native
and a graduate of my alma mater, Washington Lee University in Virginia,
Danielle began her Hill career with the legendary Gerry Solomon and
then the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier) as a Committee on Rules
staffer. After 2 years with Mitch Daniels at the Office of Management
and Budget, she came back to us again and has spent the last 2\1/2\
years as the senior floor assistant to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
DeLay), majority leader.
In her time with leadership, she has worked tirelessly for the
members of the Republican Conference. Those who know Danielle know she
is a reliable source of information to us here on the House floor and a
constant advocate for us in scheduling the floor. Whether it is adding
a Member's last-minute suspension to the House schedule, advising
Members on the merits of a particular amendment, or bragging about her
beloved dog Otis, Danielle has always been here when we need her.
This fall Danielle will be leaving us to pursue an exciting new
career opportunity. In addition, she is putting the finishing touches
on her upcoming wedding. Congratulations to Danielle. We will miss her,
and we wish her well.
In conclusion, God bless our troops, and we will never forget
September 11.
____________________
THE AMERICAN PEOPLE DESERVE ANSWERS
(Ms. LEE asked and was given permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, as the questions surrounding the Bush
administration's case for war continue to mount, and the administration
continues to stonewall, the American people deserve answers.
I want to read from an editorial from yesterday's Los Angeles Times.
It says: ``Scandals metastasize. That is the pattern since Watergate.
What starts out looking like a small, isolated incident gradually
reveals itself to be a part of a larger abuse of power. Meanwhile, an
unraveling cover-up adds new elements. Is that happening now with the
scandal over White House leaks of the identity of a CIA agent?''
As new elements of this unraveling cover-up are revealed, we should
not lose sight of the larger abuse of power and the real scandal here.
As Chris Matthews said on Hardball on July 24: ``The larger scandal
in this White House/CIA leak story is not just who leaked the name of
an undercover agent, but whether we were given a case for war, the
deciding factor for many of us, knowing that it didn't hold water. As
we work to find our way out of Iraq, we should focus a bit . . . on how
we got in.''
Mr. Speaker, the American people deserve answers.
____________________
RECOGNIZING STEVE SAULS
(Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN asked and was given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend her remarks.)
[[Page 18253]]
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Steve Sauls,
an extraordinary advocate for the students and the school of Florida
International University in my hometown of Miami.
As an experienced member of the administration and leadership at the
university, Steve has worked incredibly hard to promote the needs and
the interests necessary to make FIU the fine institution that it is
today.
Steve is retiring from his current position as vice president of
government affairs for the university after 14 wonderful and productive
years and has accepted a job as vice president of corporate relations
in a private sector firm. I know that Steve will be immensely missed at
the university, my alma mater, and will leave a void that will be
difficult to fill. I have no doubt that Steve will continue to lead and
excel in his new position, and I wish him all the best and FIU all the
best in the years to come.
____________________
{time} 1015
SOCIAL SECURITY CELEBRATES ITS 70TH ANNIVERSARY
(Mr. PALLONE asked and was given permission to address the House for
1 minute.)
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, on August 14, we will be celebrating the
70th anniversary of Social Security, and that is 70 years of a
guaranteed, promised benefit to all Americans of a certain age.
I have to say, I was interested to note that I looked on the Social
Security Administration Web site, and I did not see any mention of the
70th anniversary. I think the reason is clear. This President, who
basically is trying to dismantle Social Security, does not want the
Social Security Administration to celebrate this landmark achievement.
Now, the President and House Republicans want Americans to forget how
important Social Security has been for seniors and for the disabled for
the last 70 years. It is a guaranteed benefit the Republicans want to
turn into a risky privatization plan.
I know that the President continues to be on the road pushing his
risky privatization plan. Most recently he was there with his mom, Mrs.
Bush. And we are hearing that when we come back after the August break,
we are going to see the Republican leadership in the House once again
move forward with their privatization plan that is going to only
aggravate Social Security's insolvency.
Remember: 70 years of a guaranteed benefit.
____________________
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2361,
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, ENVIRONMENT, AND RELATED AGENCIES
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on
Rules, I call up House Resolution 392 and ask for its immediate
consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 392
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall
be in order to consider the conference report to accompany
the bill (H.R. 2361) making appropriations for the Department
of the Interior, environment, and related agencies for the
fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and for other
purposes. All points of order against the conference report
and against its consideration are waived. The conference
report shall be considered as read.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman from Utah (Mr.
Bishop) is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I
yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Hastings), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.
This resolution waives all points of order against the conference
report and against its consideration.
Mr. Speaker, we now have before us the first appropriations
conference report. The gentleman from North Carolina (Chairman Taylor)
and those who have been working with him on the House side, as well as
on the Senate side, should be applauded for taking this appropriation
process and concept of prioritization and presenting the product that
we have before us. The Interior conferees have produced a conference
report which is fiscally responsible and does live within strict budget
discipline. It recommends for the fiscal year 2006 budget $26.2
billion, which is actually below last year's enacted level of $27
billion.
Even though the total number is lower, it still takes into account
significant and important and high-priority items, such as wildland
firefighting, $2.7 billion; a $61 million increase for our National
Parks; a $31 million increase in our National Forest System; and $106
million increase for the Indian Health Service. Indian programs have
been represented at a record $5.6 billion, which means the funding will
provide for schools and hospitals, construction, education, human
service needs, as well as law enforcement there.
With those increases there, it has to be significant, and there have
to be offsetting balances somewhere else, and that is where the process
of prioriti-
zation takes place. Once again, whether you like the total and the way
it has been done, at least this committee has indeed done that process
of prioritization.
I commend the Subcommittee chairman (Mr. Taylor); the chairman of the
full Committee on Appropriations, the gentleman from California (Mr.
Lewis); the ranking members who were involved in this, as well as all
the conferees, for shepherding this measure, this funding measure
through the conference process in a timely and orderly fashion in the
midst of a very lean budget climate.
Mr. Speaker, the conference report is obviously not perfect; none of
these ever are. We are not totally happy with all of the aspects of it.
I, for example, still have a concern over our process that we are doing
with Payment in Lieu of Taxes, or the PILT program. This House was wise
enough to fund that program at $242 million; the conference funds it at
$6 million less, at $236 million. That still is $30 million above what
the Senate tried to accomplish. This program, for example, is the basic
funding for rural communities; it is rent that is due on the land that
is government owned. If the Federal Government is going to own the
land, they need to be able to fully support that.
Hope springs eternal, and we in the West will continue to work on
this program in the future with the gentleman from North Carolina
(Chairman Taylor), the gentleman from California (Chairman Lewis), and
others to make sure that these programs are adequately addressed in the
future as well.
In closing, and notwithstanding these concerns, Mr. Speaker, the
overall conference agreement is a good, bipartisan product. It has been
done in a timely manner. It is the first one before us. It deserves our
support.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Utah
(Mr. Bishop) for yielding me this time, and I yield myself such time as
I may consume.
As my colleague from the majority mentioned, the rule is typical to
that for all conference reports, and I will not oppose it.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today not in opposition to the Interior and
Environmental Appropriations conference report, but, rather, in
disappointment that we have not done enough. Indeed, we live in trying
times with enormous fiscal constraints, many of which we have brought
upon ourselves. As the chairman and ranking Democrat of the
Subcommittee on Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies will
probably note today, they did the best that they could with what they
were given. Indeed, they did, Mr. Speaker.
I commend the gentleman from North Carolina (Chairman Taylor) and the
gentleman from Washington (Mr.
[[Page 18254]]
Dicks) for their hard and, perhaps most important, their bipartisan
work on this legislation. I do believe that they did the best with what
the majority gave them.
The Interior conference report includes $84 million for Everglades
restoration in my district and throughout south Florida. It increases
funding for the National Endowment of the Arts and Humanities, as well
as operations at our national parks and Indian health care.
The underlying report also includes a provision that I offered during
floor consideration prohibiting funds in the bill from being used to
work in contravention of a 1994 executive order requiring that Federal
agencies take the necessary steps to achieve health and environmental
equity across all community lines.
The inclusion of this provision in the conference report sends a
clear message to the Environmental Protection Agency that it must
change the way it goes about doing business. On behalf of every
community in the country which will benefit from this provision, I
thank the gentleman from North Carolina (Chairman Taylor) and the
gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks) for their commitment to working
with me on this issue of critical importance.
The conference report also includes a provision championed by my good
friend, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis), that stops EPA
from intentionally exposing pregnant women and children to pesticides
and requires the agency to establish standards which will come down on
the side of public health.
While I am pleased that the aforementioned is included in the
conference report, I am greatly concerned about the report's major cuts
in clean drinking water and conservation programs. These programs are
essential to protecting our environment and the health of our citizens.
It is offensive that this Congress has found the money for tax cuts for
the best-off of us in our society, but not enough for these critical
programs.
Finally, this legislation includes $1.5 billion in emergency funding
for veterans health care. Frankly, this money should have been
appropriated before the July 4 recess. Instead, the majority played
politics with the Senate, and our veterans were told no.
More than 1 year ago, Democrats came to this floor with the former
Republican chairman of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), arguing that the majority was
shortchanging veterans health care by more than $1 billion. What did
the majority do about our concerns? Absolutely nothing. Democrats got
stonewalled, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) lost his job,
and America's veterans got shafted.
This spring, Mr. Speaker, our Democratic prophesy came true. The Bush
administration finally admitted that it had pushed a budget which
shortchanged veterans health care by some $1 billion. Democrats
countered that $1 billion still was not enough, and the administration
waffled. Eventually and embarrassingly, the Bush administration finally
admitted that the actual shortfall was closer to $1.5 billion, the
amount appropriated in this conference report.
How is it that this body can willingly authorize sending our troops
into harm's way, yet refuse to provide them with the health care
benefits they were promised? I am pleased that the other body has the
backbone to fix what is wrong, but I am not pleased by the efforts of
the administration and House Republicans to cover up these shortfalls.
Shame on all of us for letting this happen.
Mr. Speaker, individuals on their own are not going to conduct major
environmental restoration, force power companies to reduce toxic
emissions from their smokestacks, or clean up our Nation's drinking
water. But collectively, collectively, we can all make this happen.
Enforcement is not free, and neither is environmental restoration. Is
there anybody in this body who is unwilling to pay just a little more
to ensure that every American has clean air to breath and safe drinking
water? If given the chance, who would not be willing to pool his or her
resources with others in their neighborhood to collectively ensure that
everyone has safe drinking water, or that no child would be forced to
grow up playing in backyards polluted by dangerous levels of mercury
and other toxins?
I will most likely support the underlying conference report, but I
say to my colleagues, we had an opportunity to do more in this
conference report. Our willingness to do so, however, was the missing
ingredient.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BISHOP. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Boozman).
Mr. BOOZMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time, and I appreciate all of the hard work in crafting the Interior
bill, the conference report; and I very much support it.
I really rise today, though, to talk about something a little bit
different. Mr. Speaker, in a few hours, U.S. Army Sergeant Arthur
Raymond McGill will be laid to rest. A third district native, Sergeant
McGill gave his life serving his country in Iraq when his convoy
detonated an improvised device. I rise today to mourn this tragic loss
and honor his courageous life.
Sergeant McGill grew up in the northwest Arkansas communities of
Gentry, Decatur, and Gravette. At the age of 17, he joined the National
Guard and later enlisted in the Army. He was on his second tour of duty
in Iraq when he was killed.
Sergeant McGill valued family more than anything else and wanted to
set a positive example for his daughter, Kaylee, who his aunt said was
the love of his life. Though his life was cut short, Sergeant McGill
did set a wonderful example for Kaylee and us all through his selfless
and noble service to his country.
Mr. Speaker, at the age of 26, Sergeant Arthur Raymond McGill made
the ultimate sacrifice for his country. He is a true American hero, and
I certainly ask my colleagues to remember his family, remember his
friends in their thoughts and prayers during these very difficult
times.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3
minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern), my good friend that I serve with on the Committee on Rules.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, the gentleman from
Florida, for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, when this House first considered the Department of
Interior appropriations bill, I came to the floor to express my deep
outrage that this legislation nearly eliminated funding for the Land
and Water Conservation Fund.
I join with my colleagues, the gentleman from New York (Mr. King) and
the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), in urging that the House and
the Senate conferees restore some level of funding for this vital
program. I am pleased that 119 Members shared our concerns about this
funding cut and signed on to our bipartisan letter. Mr. Speaker, I will
insert the letter for the Record at the conclusion of my remarks.
The Land and Water Conservation Fund has been an enormous help to our
local communities and the families who live in them. The Stateside
grant program has helped to preserve open space, slow urban sprawl, and
give our children safe places to play.
{time} 1030
It is a true partnership with Federal grants requiring a full match
from States and local communities. In all, the stateside program has
helped communities by funding 40,000 projects nationally. Success
stories can be found in every State and in 98 percent of U.S. counties.
The Land and Water Conservation Fund is especially near and dear to
my heart, having led the fight on the floor of the House back in 1999
to restore $30 million for the stateside grant program in the fiscal
year 2000 Interior appropriations bill after it had been zeroed out in
1995.
[[Page 18255]]
In my district, the Land and Water Conservation Fund State assistance
grants have provided much-needed funds to restore the historic
Worcester Common in Worcester, Massachusetts, and renovate the Briggs
Pool in Attleboro, Massachusetts. We have literally preserved dozens of
acres of open space that otherwise would have been sold off for
development that would not have been conducive to these communities. It
has also helped to complete construction this coming fall with the
Princeton playing fields in Princeton, Massachusetts.
The Land and Water Conservation Fund is based upon a simple concept.
It takes revenues from offshore oil and gas drilling and invests them
in our Nation's public land, letting States take the lead. For 40 years
this program has a proven track record and benefited from strong
bipartisan support.
It was the same bipartisan support that proved successful here today.
Clearly the level of funding provided in this bill is far from what is
required. In fact, the level of funding is at the same level it was
when we resuscitated the program back in 1999. So I am disappointed
with that. However, any amount appropriated to this program, no matter
how small or large, serves a valuable purpose.
I commend my colleagues for their hard work. I thank those who helped
reinsert funding for the Land and Water Conservation Fund back into
this bill. I hope that we can come to some sort of consensus that next
year we will restore funding to a level that is adequate, and to a
level that we all promised our constituents.
Mr. Speaker, I will insert for the Record the letter I referred to
earlier.
Congress of the United States,
Washington, DC, July 22, 2005.
Dear Conferee: We are writing to request that, as you move
toward conference with the Senate on the FY 2006 Interior
Appropriations Bill, you support the funding levels that were
included for the Land and Water Conservation Fund (LWCF) in
the Senate passed version of the bill.
Since its creation in 1964, the Land and Water Conservation
Fund (LWCF) has been a critical source of funding for the
National Park Service, Fish and Wildlife Service, Bureau of
Land Management, and Forest Service. This funding is used to
support the acquisition and maintenance of our national
wildlife refuges, parks, forests, and public domain lands.
In addition, the LWCF also funds a matching grant program
to assist states and localities in acquiring recreational
lands and developing facilities. An integral part of the
LWCF, the state-side matching grant program has provided
state and local parks and recreation directors with the
desperately needed funding to help preserve open space and
develop recreational facilities. Over the years, these
matching grants have been used successfully to fund more than
37,000 state and local park and recreation projects, enabling
millions of Americans to hike through magnificent scenery and
view historic sites, bike along seaside and river trails, and
picnic and play ball at local parks.
The Senate-passed FY 2006 Interior Appropriations Bill
provides $192 million for LWCF, which includes $30 million
for the state-side grant program and $162 million for the
federal program. This funding is absolutely essential for the
proper stewardship of our nation's magnificent natural
heritage, and therefore, we strongly urge you to maintain the
funding levels for LWCF state-side and federal grant programs
provided for in the Senate bill. Thank you for your
consideration of this request.
Sincerely,
Jim McGovern, Rush Holt, Peter T. King, Jim Marshall,
Robert E. Andrews, Michael H. Michaud, Michael M.
Honda, Howard L. Berman, Rahm Emanuel, Barbara Lee,
Donald M. Payne, Dennis J. Kucinich, Joseph Crowley,
Richard E. Neal, Henry Cuellar, Rob Simmons, Rosa L.
DeLauro, Shelley Berkley, Allyson Y. Schwartz, Melvin
L. Watt, John Spratt, Jim Oberstar, John Lewis, Nick
Rahall, Scott Garrett, Dan Lipinski, Mike Doyle, Betty
McCollum, Harold Ford, John T. Salazar, Jim Langevin,
Leonard L. Boswell, Elijah E. Cummings, Lloyd Doggett,
Gene Green, Nancy L. Johnson, John Shimkus, Jo Bonner,
Spencer Bachus, Mike McIntyre, Julia Carson, Vito
Fossella, Adam Smith, Doris O. Matsui, Solomon P.
Ortiz, Brian Higgins, Silvestre Reyes, Tammy Baldwin,
Mike Thompson, Charles F. Bass, Tim Holden, Jay Inslee,
Frank Pallone, Jr., Martin Meehan, Juanita Millender-
McDonald Ike Skelton, Grace F. Napolitano, Sander
Levin, Jerrold Nadler, Bernard Sanders, Chris Van
Hollen, John B. Larson, George Miller, Tom Lantos, Gary
L. Ackerman, Jim Matheson, Sherwood Boehlert, Ed Case,
Raul M. Grijalva, Dale E. Kildee, Jim McDermott, Earl
Blumenauer, Jim Saxton, Dennis Cardoza, Carolyn
McCarthy, Michael R. McNulty, Ellen O. Tauscher,
Timothy H. Bishop, Edolphus Towns, Peter DeFazio,
Anthony D. Weiner, John D. Dingell, Sherrod Brown, Wm.
Lacy Clay, William Delahunt, Louise Slaughter, Barney
Frank, Robert Menendez, Eliot L. Engel, Bobby Scott,
Ben Cardin, Tom Udall, Janice Schakowsky, Bart Gordon,
Lynn Woolsey, Stephen F. Lynch, Donna M. Christensen,
Thomas Allen, Thaddeus G. McCotter, Lois Capps, Emanuel
Cleaver, Mike Ferguson, Bart Stupak, David Price, Lane
Evans, Carolyn B. Maloney, Jeb Bradley, Steve Israel,
Pete Stark, Bob Etheridge, Mark Udall, Sue W. Kelly,
Jerry F. Costello, Luis V. Gutierrez, Christopher
Shays, Mike Ross, Charles A. Gonzalez, Neil
Abercrombie, Anna Eshoo.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate all of the discussion that has gone through
on this particular bill. We have had it on several different occasions.
There are a lot of good things that are in this particular bill.
The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings) has mentioned the one
portion of the $1.5 billion to solve the hole in the veterans funding
area, that once the issue was validated could have been an easy chance
for people to grandstand. But I am very proud of this entire Congress
in a bipartisan way, who gave instructions in a bipartisanship way,
which came as close to a unanimous vote as I have seen here on the
floor.
Mr. Speaker, it is an appropriate step to do, to now take this and
then review the process so that we can continue to go on. We have much
to do in this particular area, but in each year that I have been here
in this Congress, I have been very proud that we have tried to move
forward in different areas and make progress to fully fund and fully
maintain our commitments.
The same thing has gone on with all of the other programs in this
particular budget and this particular conference report. This committee
has once again done a great job in trying to come up with the principle
that all appropriators ought to be doing a prioritizing program. They
have prioritized the programs. Mr. Speaker, overall, we can be very
positive of that.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this rule to allow for
the consideration of the conference report on the fiscal year 06
Interior and Environment Appropriations bill. And I intend to intend to
vote for the conference bill.
Although I am critical of several aspects of this bill--including the
low overall spending level--without a doubt this process has been fair
and open. Because of the low allocation, there are some problem areas.
But the overall conference report is well worth supporting. With the
addition of $1.5 billion in spending for Veterans health care attached
to this bill, I believe that this conference report will get widespread
support in both the House and the Senate.
The conference agreement contains another year of healthy increases
in National Park Service operations funding. I do wish that the Clean
Water Act State Revolving Fund was higher. I also wish that the
Conference Report had retained the extra $10 million in NEA funding
that the full House approved in a floor amendment last May. It is
important to point out that this agreement contains successful
compromises on the issue of pesticide testing on humans and on federal
funding for the Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial to be built on the
National Mall.
Again I want to reiterate my strong support for this rule and the
conference report on the fiscal year 06 Interior and Environment
Appropriations bill. And I want to thank Chairman Taylor and his staff
for including the minority throughout this process.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time,
and I urge the Members to support the rule that provides for
consideration of this conference report to the accompanying H.R. 2361,
and I move the previous question on the conference report.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The question is on the
conference report.
[[Page 18256]]
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 6, ENERGY
POLICY ACT OF 2005
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the
Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 394 and ask for its
immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 394
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be
in order to consider the conference report to accompany the
bill (H.R. 6) to ensure jobs for our future with secure,
affordable, and reliable energy. All points of order against
the conference report and against its consideration are
waived. The conference report shall be considered as read.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings)
is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate
only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as
I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time
yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 394 waives all points of order against
the conference report and against its consideration. The resolution
also provides that the conference report shall be considered as read.
Mr. Speaker, there are few matters that we will consider this year as
important as this comprehensive energy plan. As we are all know too
well, our Nation badly needs an updated energy strategy. High oil and
natural gas prices are causing stress on our economy by raising the
price of energy on almost all consumer products, driving up costs for
American families, and on job-creating businesses.
Every industry from agriculture to tourism to manufacturing is
negatively affected by high energy costs. We need to update our laws to
reflect the changing global energy market, encourage conservation and
energy efficiency, and to foster the advance of new technologies that
make traditional fuels cleaner and make emerging energy sources more
reliable and competitive.
This conference report will do just that. This legislation reflects
the fact the energy challenges we face today are complex, that no
single approach is going to solve all of the problems. This
comprehensive energy strategy takes a balanced approach. It includes
incentives related to oil, natural gas, and nuclear energy, but also
emphasizes conservation, energy efficiency and renewables.
The energy plan updates and enhances the Energy Star Program,
promotes the use of clean coal technology, clarifies the process for
siting liquified natural gas terminals, encourages development of
hydrogen-powered cars, and extends tax incentives for the production of
renewable energy from wind, biomass and other resources.
With respect to electrical power issues, this legislation includes
consensus language providing for mandatory reliability standards for
electric transmission to help prevent blackouts like we saw in the
Northeast in 2003. It also encourages investment in transmission lines
to eliminate bottlenecks in the electric grid. There are also important
provisions providing for enhanced consumer protection against the kind
of market manipulation we experienced in the west coast electricity
market 4 years ago.
Mr. Speaker, I want to point out a couple of areas that are
particularly of interest to my part of the country, the Pacific
Northwest. We depend on clean, renewable hydropower for much of our
electricity consumed in our region; however, the relicensing process
that non-Federal dams must go through is too cumbersome and needs to be
reformed. It currently takes an average of 10 years to get through the
relicensing, but often that can take longer. This energy bill provides
for a much needed overhaul of this lengthy dam relicensing process,
potentially saving ratepayers millions of dollars while ensuring
protections for other river interests to remain in place.
License applicants will now have the ability to propose alternative
license conditions to those made by Federal source agencies. These more
cost-effective alternatives will then be accepted, provided they are
shown to provide the same level of environmental protection.
This conference report also preserves regional flexibility in
achieving certain national electric marketing and transmission goals.
This reflects the reality of what works in many areas of the country,
but may not work in other areas that have a hydropower-based system.
This legislation strikes the proper balance on these and many other
complex energy issues. I commend the gentleman from Texas (Chairman
Barton )and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the ranking
member, and the gentleman from California (Chairman Thomas) and the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the ranking member, for their
perseverance and leadership in crafting this conference report.
Mr. Speaker, it is time to take action to combat high energy costs
and reduce America's dependence on foreign oil. Let us pass this
balanced and bipartisan energy plan.
I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying
conference report.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Washington (Mr.
Hastings) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, after passage of this rule, the House will consider the
conference report for the energy bill. And before I explain why I
strongly oppose this conference report, let me congratulate the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), the chairman of the Energy and
Commerce Committee, for presiding over a full and open conference
committee. Last Congress Democrats were shut out of the conference
committee. Republicans wrote that bill in the dark of night and behind
closed doors. This time the chairman opened the process. He consulted
frequently with the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and held
public hearings.
The energy bill is an important piece of legislation that deserves to
be debated out in the open, and while I do not support the final
product, I want to commend the chairman for attempting to restore some
bipartisanship to this Chamber, and I hope others will follow his
example.
The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) deserves to be singled out
as well. His long and distinguished career has produced some of the
most important laws that govern our Nation. The gentleman from Texas
(Chairman Barton) said it best last night in the Rules Committee when
you talked about trying to discern the intent of one provision that
would change current law. The chairman told the Rules Committees that
as he was trying to explain the intent of the law, the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Dingell) leaned across the table and talked about what he
intended when he wrote that provision years ago.
And so I want to commend the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell)
for his work on this conference committee.
With that being said, Mr. Speaker, let me comment on the substance of
the energy bill. I must say that I agree with the editorial in this
morning's Washington Post which says, and I quote, ``The nicest thing
we can say about the comprehensive energy bill is that it could have
been a lot worse.''
We all know that our Nation is facing a severe energy crisis. The
President knows it, the House knows it, and, most importantly, our
constituents
[[Page 18257]]
know it. As we stand here today, the average retail price for gasoline
is $2.32, up 40 cents just this year. For a family of four this amounts
to nearly $3,000 spent annually on gasoline. That is a tax increase
courtesy of the Bush administration and the Republican-led Congress,
and the oil companies that are reaping the rewards of record profits.
Yet the conference report that we have before us today does nothing,
absolutely nothing, to lower energy prices for consumers. It fails to
reduce our Nation's dependency on foreign oil. It makes no real
commitment to the development of renewable energy sources.
In all, the oil and gas industries will receive a multibillion-dollar
package of tax breaks, and if that was not for the dedicated leadership
of the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps), these same companies
would have also been shielded from liability claims for their role in
polluting our Nation's water supply with MTBE.
But let us be clear: Though a few concessions have been made, this
bill is nowhere near what it should be. In fact, this bill is chock-
full of giveaways to the oil and gas industry at the expense of public
health and environmental safety.
If enacted, nearly 30,000 new oil and gas projects developed each
year will be exempted from clean water requirements which aim to
control erosion and run-off into rivers and streams. These same
companies, including the administration's friends at Halliburton, would
also be permitted to inject fluid laced with toxic chemicals into oil
and gas wells. This provision alone poses an enormous threat to the
safety of our Nation's drinking water sources, and if that was not bad
enough, this bill extends the reach of the Federal Government into what
should be local energy decisions.
Local communities like the City of Fall River, Massachusetts, in my
district would have virtually no say in the construction, expansion and
operation of liquid natural gas facilitates. Permits granted by State
agencies would no longer be subject to review by State courts. Rather
Federal appeals courts, which are far from experts on individual State
laws, would have exclusive jurisdiction. This provision undermines the
ability of State and local officials to protect their communities from
dangers surrounding LNG.
Mr. Speaker, the bill that we have before us today is not a
comprehensive approach. It does not solve our Nation's energy crisis.
And I cannot say it any more simply than this: The Energy Policy Act
will harm the environment, reward special interests at the expense of
consumers and taxpayers, and limit States rights.
Mr. Speaker, I think we could have done much, much better, and I
believe that it should be defeated.
Mr. Speaker, at this time I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Biggert.)
Mrs. BIGGERT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the rule and the
conference report to H.R. 6, the Energy Policy Act of 2005.
After a series of fits and starts over the past 4 years, Congress now
stands ready to approve the first comprehensive national energy policy
in well over a decade.
I want to congratulate the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), the
chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee, and the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Dingell), the ranking member, on a job well done. As
chairman of the Science Subcommittee on Energy, I am honored to have
helped develop this legislation. In particular I want to thank the
members and staff of the Energy Subcommittee and the full Science
Committee, as well as our colleagues in the other Chamber for all of
their hard work in crafting the research and development title of this
act.
This bill makes a much-needed and sustained investment in basic
science and applied energy research that will lead to advanced energy
technologies and future energy solutions.
{time} 1045
Not only will this balanced portfolio of research help expand and
diversify our energy supply while reducing energy demands; it will also
educate and train the scientific and technical talent necessary for our
Nation to remain competitive and secure.
In recognition of the fundamental role that science places in the
development of advanced energy technologies and in fulfilling DOE's
mission, this bill also elevates science within the Department by
creating an Under Secretary of Science. It also puts an Assistant
Secretary at the helm of the Department's nuclear energy research
programs. Leadership at this level is needed if we are to use research
and technology to reduce the volume and toxicity of nuclear waste and
capitalize on the many benefits of safe, emissions-free nuclear energy.
I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the conference report
which use science and technology to put America on the path towards a
more secure and energy-efficient future.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), the chairman of the Committee on
Energy and Commerce, an individual that has worked extremely hard on
this legislation along with the ranking member, the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Dingell), and deserves a great amount of credit for
bringing this legislation forward.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished member of
the Committee on Rules for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise, first of all, in strong support of the rule that
the Committee on Rules has put forward on this significant piece of
legislation. I think it is a very fair rule, and my guess would be that
it is going to be passed by voice vote.
I really want to talk about the underlying bill because this
afternoon, since this is a conference report, there is only going to be
an hour of debate evenly divided on each side. So I want to talk a
little bit about the policies in the bill right now.
Our Nation was founded on the principle that people had freedom and
this freedom entailed the opportunity to make choices. As we begin to
industrialize that principle of freedom, we begin to be encapsulated in
our, for lack of a better term, industrial policies; and part of that
policy has been our energy policy.
Now, there are some people and there are some countries around the
world that think an energy policy for a country should mean the command
and control policy where the government dictates, the government owns,
the government decides; but that is not what we in America believe. And
in the bill that is going to be before us this afternoon, the Domenici-
Barton Policy Act of 2005, we decided that ``energy policy'' means
government setting the frame work, government deciding the parameters
and the ground rules; but fundamentally we still believe in freedom of
choice and freedom of opportunity. We believe in private property. We
believe in economic choices.
So the bill before us does not dictate to the American people or to
the corporations and to the interest groups that make up America
exactly how we should develop our energy resources. It sets the ground
rules.
I want to divide the energy sector into two components, stationary
energy and mobile energy. On the stationary side, this is the best bill
that has ever been before the Congress of the United States of America.
It is going to fundamentally transform the way we develop our energy
resources to generate electricity, whether it is in our coal area where
there is great, great work on clean coal technology; in the nuclear
area where we really revitalize nuclear power; or whether it is in the
way we do the transmission grids; whether it is the way we site new
transmission lines; whether it is the way that we determine what the
reliability of our system has to be, has to be maintained.
This is an excellent bill.
[[Page 18258]]
Now, on the mobile source, which is primarily oil which we refine
into gasoline, this is a good bill. But I cannot tell the American
people that it is a great bill in the sense that it is going to reduce
your gasoline prices next week if the House passes it and the Senate
passes it and the President signs it.
Here is the fundamental problem we face on our mobile energy sources.
We consume 21 million barrels of oil every day in this country, and we
only produce 8. You subtract the 8 out of 21 and you get 13. So we are
importing about 13 million barrels of oil a day. On our best day, the
United States of America did not produce more than 10 million barrels
of oil a day, on our best day. There is nothing we can do that is going
to generate another 13 million barrels of oil produced in the confines
of the United States of America. It cannot be done.
Now, we can produce more and we have an inventory and the OCS has
been under moratory that will at least allow us to see what might be
out there. When we come back in September in reconciliation, we are
going to pass a provision that allows us to drill up in ANWR and maybe
produce as much as 2 million barrels of oil today. And we have a
component of this bill that will continue research on the hydrogen
economy so that perhaps we can come up with an alternative to the
internal combustion engine. And we have incentives in this bill to help
our automobile manufacturers develop the hybrid technology so that we
can get it more cost effective. We have some credits for people in this
bill that could purchase hybrid vehicles.
So we are trying to narrow the gap; but as long as we are consuming
21 million barrels and we are only producing 8, we are going to be
importing a fair amount of our oil. So we need to find a way to use
that oil more effectively and this bill does that.
It also makes it possible, perhaps, to build some new oil refineries
in our great Nation. We have not built a new oil refinery in the United
States of America in 35 years. This bill for the first time begins to
take some modest steps to make that possible.
I hope when the time comes, we vote for the rule this afternoon. I
hope on a bipartisan basis we overwhelmingly vote for the bill.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Capito), a member of the Committee
on Rules.
Mrs. CAPITO. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from the Committee on
Rules for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule and the Domenici-
Barton Energy Conference Report because it is the national energy
strategy that our Nation has waited on for decades. This legislation
will ensure adequate energy supply for consumers, help to drive down
energy costs, and provide jobs in the energy industry.
I would like to highlight one facet of it as particular importance to
me and my State. Coal provides thousands of jobs in West Virginia and
produces the energy needed by customers across the country. This bill
contains a number of provisions to support clean coal technology that
will allow coal to continue to provide for the Nation's energy needs
while also protecting our environment.
First, I am pleased that the conference report includes a 20 percent
tax credit for new Integrated Gasification Combined Cycle facilities.
IGCC facilities are on the cutting edge of new energy technology. Other
tax credits for Industrial Gasification and Advanced Combustion will
also further the use of clean coal. The bill also allows for power
plants to amortize the cost of air pollution controls over 7 years, an
important step towards cleaning up existing coal-fired facilities.
The Clean Coal Power Initiative, a 9 year, $1.8 billion program to
demonstrate advanced coal technologies, created by this bill, will
allow us to develop the next generation of clean, efficient coal use.
The Energy Policy Act is good for West Virginia coal, West Virginia
jobs, and great for our Nation's economy and energy security. I hope my
colleagues will join me in support of the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Washington for the time.
Mr. Speaker, I have enormous respect for the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Barton) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the ranking
member. They have worked in a bipartisan way in this conference
committee to produce this bill.
Mr. Speaker, the following is an editorial that appeared in The
Washington Post today entitled ``Energy Deficient'' and the editorial
that appeared in today's New York Times entitled ``Energy Shortage.''
[From the New York Times, July 28, 2005]
Energy Shortage
The energy bill that has been six years in the making and
is nearing the president's desk is not the unrelieved
disaster some environmentalists make it out to be. But to
say, as President Bush undoubtedly will, that it will swiftly
move this country to a cleaner, more secure energy future is
nonsense. The bill, approved by a House-Senate conference
early Tuesday morning, does not take the bold steps necessary
to reduce the nation's dependence on foreign oil, and it also
fails to address the looming problem of global warming.
These shortcomings are chiefly the fault of the White House
and its retainers in the House. To be sure, the Senate showed
no more courage than the House in its refusal to increase
fuel-economy standards for cars and trucks, even though
higher standards, by common consent, are the easiest,
quickest and most technologically feasible way to reduce oil
demand and cut foreign imports.
But the Senate did approve a renewable fuels provision
requiring power plants to produce 10 percent of their
electricity from nontraditional sources, like wind power, by
2010. It also approved a provision that would ask the
president to reduce domestic oil consumption by one million
barrels a day by whatever means he chose. The House conferees
rejected both proposals.
Meanwhile, both houses conspired in some spectacular
giveaways. One would ease environmental restrictions on oil
and gas companies drilling on public lands. The other would
shower billions in undeserved tax breaks on the same
companies, even as they wallow in the windfall profits
produced by $60-a-barrel oil.
The bill's most useful provisions may take years to realize
their promise. Again thanks largely to the Senate, the tax
provisions are far more hospitable to energy efficiency and
renewable fuels than earlier versions of the bill, and
include substantial incentives for buyers of fuel-efficient
hybrid cars.
More important in the long run, however, may be two
provisions, buried deep in the bill, that are aimed at
developing new energy technologies. One provision would
encourage the development and commercial application of
biofuels from agricultural products that, much like corn-
based ethanol, might someday be used as a substitute for
gasoline. The other provision is aimed at developing new
clean-coal technologies to turn coal into a gas and, more
important, capture emissions of carbon dioxide, a major
contributor to global warming.
These could be powerful new tools in any future effort to
reshape the way Americans produce and use energy. But the
success of both will depend on the willingness of the
government to put money into them. That, in turn, will
require a deeper commitment to a more adventurous energy
policy than this administration has so far displayed.
[From the Wasington Post, July 28, 2005]
Energy Deficient
Here's the nicest thing that we can say about the
comprehensive energy bill that the House and Senate are due
to take up, and will probably pass, before they leave town at
the end of this week: It could have been a lot worse. Unlike
the energy bill that the Senate filibustered in 2003, and in
contrast to some earlier versions, this genuinely bipartisan
bill contains fewer egregious pro-pollution measures and less
pork. It will jump-start the commercial use of new clean
coal, ethanol and biomass fuel technologies; promote energy
efficiency standards; encourage investment in the electricity
sector; and reinforce electricity reliability at last. It is
less expensive than previous bills: The $11 billion net cost
of the tax package plus the $2 billion direct spending comes
to a relatively modest (for an energy bill) $13 billion over
10 years, with further costs depending on future
appropriations.
Nevertheless, this is a bill that leaves most of the hard
questions for later. Aside from a few tax breaks for
purchasers of fuel-efficient cars, it makes no significant
attempt to reduce the enormous automobile fuel demand that
makes this country so dependent on imported oil. While it
provides incentives for the construction of a new generation
of nuclear power plants, it doesn't deal with
[[Page 18259]]
the unresolved long-term problem of nuclear waste. It leaves
out the whole question of mandatory controls on the
greenhouse gases that cause climate change, thereby costing
both an opportunity to raise revenue and create a market
mechanism that might have accelerated the development of
cleaner, more efficient technologies. It also perpetuates
distortions in the energy market, providing needless
subsidies for oil drilling offshore and on federal lands, and
for marginal oil wells. And, by the way, don't believe the
spin: This bill will not lower fuel prices anytime soon.
Given how long Congress labored over this legislation, and
how much negotiation was required to get it to this stage,
it's hard not to be disappointed by a bill that in effect
preserves the status quo. It's also hard not to wonder
whether the era of comprehensive, 1,700-page energy bills
designed to appeal to multiple constituencies has passed.
Clearly, some of the missing pieces--especially climate
change and automotive fuel efficiency--will have to be dealt
with separately in the future.
But it's also true that some of the less controversial
pieces of this bill, such as the electricity reliability
provisions and the efficiency standards for appliances, could
have been passed years-ago. Now that this process is over,
congressional leaders should step back, focus on the nation's
most urgent long-term energy needs and get to work on more
carefully targeted legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr.
Blume-
nauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy in
permitting me to speak on the rule on the energy bill.
One is just struck by the rhetoric surrounding this because only
people who are captive inside the beltway bubble would believe the
rhetoric about this being a positive development for our country.
People do not have to take the word of politicians for this. Any person
can deal with reputable independent analysis from academics, from
scientists, even looking at conservative think tanks to find out that
the arguments are not sustainable.
This is, unfortunately, serious business. It is not just a list of
special tax breaks and dodging hard issues. This is serious business
for our country because our addiction to huge amounts of foreign oil
that come from unstable parts of the world dooms us to costly
dependency and means that we will continue to finance both sides of
what they used to call the ``war on terror.''
This bill has no vision of a sustainable energy future for renewables
and meaningful conservation, not window dressing but meaningful
conservation. People are lining up in this country to buy energy-
efficient vehicles that are only available by a handful of producers,
and there is an opportunity lost to change that in terms of fuel
efficiency. Ten percent of the world's supply of oil is dealt with in
our addiction to inefficient energy transportation.
We are even falling behind not just the developed countries like
Germany and Japan who have much more efficient use of energy; we are
falling behind emerging countries. People on the floor are apoplectic
about China buying an oil company, Unocal. Well, China at least is
getting its energy house in order. As an emerging country, it has
officially committed to a much more dramatic and aggressive program for
renewables than the United States.
This bill is not an energy policy. It is a list of tax breaks and
special interest favors that does not by any stretch of the imagination
translate into a cohesive approach which global reality today demands
for this country, demands for any country. It spends over $7 billion in
subsidies to oil companies, the most profitable sector of our economy
already flush with cash. I will not detail the harmful provisions that
are going to come forward that are unnecessary exemptions for the oil
and gas industries for compliance with the Clean Air Act, the backdoor
immunity to MTBE producers and distributors that unfairly and
inappropriatly denies injured parties.
{time} 1100
That will be discussed, I think, further here in the course of the
debate.
But the point that I want to make is that instead of being a
milestone for energy policy in this country, people will look back at
what Congress does--because I have no doubt that the rule will pass and
the bill will pass--but it will be inexcusable, inexcusable, as people
are asked by our interns in the future, by our constituents, by our
children, how could we be so wrong-headed? What should have been a
milestone for energy policy at this critical time will instead be a
tombstone, a monument to an energy policy of previous decades that we
will enact to the detriment of our economy, the environment, and our
children for years to come.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee).
Ms. LEE. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time and for his
very diligent and hard work on the Rules Committee, but also his hard
work in terms of addressing the issues relating to this energy
conference report.
Once again, and I want to talk a little bit about the substance, this
administration and the Republican leadership, I believe, quite frankly,
have put the profits of their friends in the energy industry ahead of
the needs of the American people, ahead of the needs of our economy and
our environment. Instead of reducing high gas prices, and I know in
California we have some of the highest gas prices, and these gas prices
are squeezing businesses and consumers at the pump. This bill,
unfortunately, provides over $12.8 billion in giveaways to the oil and
gas industries who are now making excessive profits and squeezing our
consumers in terms of gas and oil prices.
Instead of encouraging the development of renewable energy and
putting the United States economy at the forefront of the green
revolution, this shortsighted bill, and that is what I say it is, it is
very shortsighted, it will only increase our dependence on foreign oil.
It will further subsidize corrupt and oppressive regimes throughout the
world. It also puts our troops on the front lines, quite frankly, of
our energy policy.
Instead of protecting our environment and our health by taking modest
steps to curb greenhouse gas emissions and increase vehicle gas
mileage, this bill would allow oil and gas companies to further pollute
our skies, our water and our environment without paying the
consequences. The health of the American people, I believe, is quite at
risk as a result of this bill.
We need a comprehensive energy bill with a vision for the future that
embraces ingenuity, reduces our chronic addiction to fossil fuels,
fights global warming, which we all recognize is a huge problem. Just
look at the weather changes this year. Last year. We have got to
address global warming. This bill could do that. It could help us
address pollution. It could help us protect our planet. But it puts our
economy unfortunately on the wrong path rather than on the path to
long-term sustainability.
While I want to commend our ranking member for at least making this
bill much better than what it was, from what we remember when it left
this body, it is still a bill that I believe forces us to rely on
foreign energy sources rather than move us toward energy independence.
I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for the time. Unfortunately, I
am going to have to vote against this bill.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3
additional minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), chairman
of the Energy and Commerce Committee.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I want to try to set the record
straight about this bill and add some comments that I did not make in
my previous statement. The Senate had 14 conferees on the bill, 8
Republicans and 6 Democrats. Thirteen of those conferees signed the
conference report. We had all the Republicans in the Senate and five of
the six Democrats sign this conference report. In the House, a majority
of the House Democrat conferees have signed the report, a majority. Of
the Energy and Commerce Committee conferees that were general
conferees, a majority of those conferees signed the conference report,
including the distinguished former chairman of the committee, John
Dingell of Michigan.
We have a bipartisan bill that has come before the House. As I
enunciated earlier, if your vision of an energy policy is a policy
where the government
[[Page 18260]]
tells you what you can do and when you can do it and how you can use
your energy, this is not your bill. But if your vision of America is a
vision of America that says it is okay to let the private sector, with
the appropriate environmental guidelines and open market transparency
rules and regulations, develop its resources for the good of all the
people, this is your bill.
In terms of incentives for alternative energy, this bill has got more
incentives at the individual level and at the general industrial level
than any other energy bill that has ever been before this Congress.
Whatever your energy source of choice is, there is something in this
bill to help you decide if you want to maximize that choice. What this
bill does not do is say every American has to drive a vehicle that gets
50 miles to the gallon whether they want to or not. Those vehicles are
available right now in the marketplace, and Americans have the right to
choose. This bill does not dictate that choice.
This bill also makes it possible, again without repealing or
fundamentally changing any existing environmental law, to do some at
least exploration and in some cases development of our onshore and
offshore energy resources. As I said earlier, it fundamentally
revitalizes the clean coal technology industry in this country and the
nuclear power industry in this country.
This is a good bill. It is a bipartisan bill. A majority of the House
Democrat conferees and every Republican conferee signed the conference
report. Last night when we were before the Rules Committee, the
gentleman from Michigan and I were both unanimous in that this should
come to the floor under a rule that both sides could support. I want to
commend the distinguished Rules Committee, in the gentleman from
Washington's view, presenting the best rule that has ever been
presented on the floor of the House of Representatives.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I do not mean to belabor this. I have
great respect for the skills, the great skills, of the chair of the
Energy and Commerce Committee. But it is just laughable to suggest that
this is not your bill if you think you ought to dictate to the American
public that you have to drive a car that gets 55 miles to the gallon,
as if that were the only choice. A meaningful choice to raise CAFE
standards the way other countries have done to their great advantage.
That would have made more choices available to the American public and
is something that is within our power, that we could do. It has nothing
to do with forcing Americans to drive a car that gets 55 miles to the
gallon. But the lack of a meaningful policy dealing with vehicle
efficiency means that it is very difficult. There is a huge waiting
list. It took me 6 months to get a hybrid SUV.
We are dropping the ball here. As to the notion that this is the best
opportunity in terms of renewable energy, talk to the people in the
industry who are ready, willing and able. Ask them if it is the best
bill ever. That is not what I hear from people in this industry. I
respectfully disagree.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Let me just say in conclusion that I have great respect for Chairman
Barton and Ranking Member Dingell. They have worked very hard on this
bill. I think it is a better bill that is before us than the one that
we passed here in the House. As Chairman Barton pointed out, Ranking
Member Dingell supports this bill. There was virtually a love fest in
the Rules Committee last night, in part a tribute to the process during
these last several weeks.
Having said that, some of us obviously have some philosophical
differences, and some of us feel compelled to vote against this bill. I
have no doubt that this bill will pass with strong bipartisan support,
but as I said at the beginning of my remarks, I feel compelled to
oppose the bill as well. I am concerned about some of what I consider
are giveaways in this bill that I think were unnecessary. One would
ease environmental restrictions on oil and gas companies drilling on
public lands. The other would give billions of dollars in, I think,
undeserved tax breaks to companies that, quite frankly, right now are
gouging Americans. Oil companies right now, I think, are gouging
Americans who are paying the highest gas prices in recent memory.
I think this bill could have been a better bill. Again, there are
philosophical differences here. There will be a debate on the
conference report. I have no objection to the rule. Again, let me close
by expressing my respect and admiration for Chairman Barton and Ranking
Member Dingell, notwithstanding the fact that I oppose their final
product.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance
of my time.
Mr. Speaker, 4\1/2\ years ago, President George W. Bush stood in this
Chamber during his first State of the Union Address and said, ``We have
a serious energy problem that demands a national energy policy. Our
energy demands outstrip our supply. We can produce more energy at home
while protecting our environment, and we must. We can produce more
electricity to meet demand, and we must. We can promote alternative
energy sources and conservation, and we must. America must become more
energy independent, and we will.''
Today, Mr. Speaker, this rule brings before the House a
comprehensive, bipartisan energy plan that will help us produce more
energy at home while protecting the environment; produce electricity to
meet increasing demand; and promote alternative energy sources and
conservation. This energy plan will help America meet its demands of
today while planning for the energy needs of future generations, and it
will allow us to become more energy independent.
Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the rule, House
Resolution 394, and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The resolution was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2985,
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the
Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 396 and ask for its
immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 396
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall
be in order to consider the conference report to accompany
the bill (H.R. 2985) making appropriations for the
Legislative Branch for the fiscal year ending September 30,
2006, and for other purposes. All points of order against the
conference report and against its consideration are waived.
The conference report shall be considered as read.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman from Florida
(Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart) is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of
debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Matsui), pending which I yield myself such time as I
may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded
is for the purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 396 is a traditional, standard rule for
consideration of the conference report for the fiscal year 2006
Legislative Branch Appropriations Act. The rule provides 1 hour of
general debate, equally divided and controlled by the chairman and
ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations.
The legislation before us appropriates $3.084 billion for operations
of the legislative branch. The bill is fiscally sound. It includes a
modest increase from the bill of fiscal year 2005.
[[Page 18261]]
In accordance with long practice, Mr. Speaker, each body determined
its own fiscal requirements. As such, the conference report includes
$1.1 billion the House of Representatives originally appropriated for
its operations earlier this year. It also includes the $759 million the
Senate appropriated for its operations. The appropriations for both the
House of Representatives and the Senate includes funds for Members'
representational allowances, leadership and committee offices. These
funds will help Members fulfill their duties to legislate and to
oversee.
These funds also help Congress complete the vitally important task,
as I have just mentioned, which is the oversight of the executive
branch. The Constitution grants Congress broad powers that include the
extraordinarily important power of oversight. This includes obviously
getting to know what the executive is doing, how programs are being
administered, by whom and at what cost, and whether officials are
complying with the law, with the intent of the law.
For the Capitol Police, who each and every day protect us, our
staffs, and our constituents visiting the Capitol, the bill
appropriates over $249 million. This level of funding will support the
current staffing level of 1,592 officers, an additional 43 officers for
the Library of Congress and 45 new officers for the Capitol Visitors
Center. Also included is an inspector general for the Capitol Police to
help the Capitol Police with administrative operations such as
financial management and budgeting.
The bill also includes an important piece of legislation, the
Continuity in Representation Act of 2005. As we all know, Mr. Speaker,
on September 11, 2001, flight 93 was headed toward us here. If it were
not for the heroic acts of the passengers on flight 93, we could very
well have faced a situation where Congress may not have been able to
function. We cannot allow this to happen. We certainly have to do
everything we can to not allow it to happen.
{time} 1115
H.R. 841 would accelerate elections in case a terrorist attack leaves
the House of Representatives with over 100 vacancies. It provides for
the expedited special election of new Members to fill seats left vacant
in ``extraordinary circumstances.''
The House passed this bill earlier this year by an overwhelming
bipartisan margin of 329 to 68. In the 108th Congress, the House passed
a similar bill by a vote of 306 to 97. Each time the Senate has failed
to consider this vital piece of legislation; so the Speaker wisely
asked that this very important legislation be included in this process.
We must not ignore the threat to our constitutional duty. It is time
that we have legislation such as this that can handle such an
inconceivably horrible possibility and does not leave our duty to
legislate and oversee in limbo.
Mr. Speaker, this is a good bill, essential to our continued ability
to legislate, to our power of oversight and the continuity of
government.
I would like to thank the gentleman from California (Chairman Lewis)
and the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), ranking member, for their
leadership on this. And I thank the distinguished gentlewoman from
California for her hard work and friendship.
I urge my colleagues to support both the rule and the underlying
legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. MATSUI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida for
yielding me the customary time, and I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, we are here to debate the rule for the Fiscal Year 2006
Legislative Branch Appropriations conference report, and although I
support this report, I would just like to express my general concerns
over the exorbitant cost overruns of the Capitol Visitors Center.
Funding contained in this report is based on the GAO's assessment of
needs, and I truly hope that this will be the last installment needed
to get the center completed.
Through this measure, we will also fund the operations for our
institution and the many supporting bodies that we rely upon daily,
like the Library of Congress, the Government Accountability Office, the
Congressional Budget Office, and the Capitol Police.
I would just like to take this opportunity to draw attention to those
who help keep Congress running. There is a tremendous operation that
helps my colleagues and me do the business of the American people, from
the personnel at the Congressional Research Service that aids our
offices in keeping up with the latest issues, to the Clerk's staff that
records every word we speak, tracks each bill introduced, and, no
matter the hour, is here to support us as we debate the priorities of
the Nation. It is also the curators who impart the history of this
great Capitol Building to visitors every single day, and painters and
archivists that maintain the historical integrity of the buildings. It
is not without the maintenance crews, food service workers, and so many
that I cannot even begin to name that keep the trains running smoothly
on the Capitol complex. I thank them all for their service.
Mr. Speaker, I look forward to seeing one of the first appropriations
conference reports move forward today.
Ms. MATSUI. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I have no further
requests for time, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The question is on the
resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 6, ENERGY POLICY ACT OF 2005
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 394, I
call up the conference report on the bill (H.R. 6) to ensure jobs for
our future with secure, affordable, and reliable energy.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 394, the
conference report is considered as having been read.
(For conference report and statement, see proceedings of the House of
July 27, 2005 at page 17793.)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) and
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton).
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I want to say at the beginning we currently do not have on the House
floor the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), one of the
opponents of the bill, but when he arrives, I want to assure those who
are in opposition to the bill that we will yield time so that they have
an opportunity to participate in the debate.
With that I want to say that this is a great day. The House is poised
to pass the most comprehensive energy policy that we have ever had
before this body, at least in the time that I have been in the House of
Representatives, which encompasses the last 21 years.
In the last Congress, the House was able to adopt a conference
report, but the other body was never able to invoke cloture and bring
that bill to the floor.
This bill builds on last year's bill. It is full of superb
legislation. It is a very balanced bill both for conservation and for
production. There is a very strong title on energy efficiency. There is
a strong title on renewable energy and clean energy. On a bipartisan
basis, we have even adjusted daylight savings time to help save energy.
The bill before us today is going to promote a new generation of
clean coal technology. It is going to promote the
[[Page 18262]]
use of our Nation's greatest domestic resource, which is coal. It is
going to do it in a clean, environmentally safe fashion. We are going
to introduce a new generation for nuclear power in this country. There
are many innovations that should make it possible the next 3 to 4 years
to begin to construct a new nuclear power plant.
With the help of the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and
Senator Craig in the other body, we have a reform in our relicensing
process for hydroelectric plants, which, as we all know, have zero
emissions. We also have parts of the bill that are going to vigorously
pursue the Hydrogen Fuel Initiative, which has the promise to help
relieve some of the dependency on the internal combustion engine which
we have developed in this country. We want to give American drivers the
opportunity to drive safe, affordable, and reliable, clean hydrogen
cars as soon as the year 2020. That is not as far off as it seems, Mr.
Speaker.
In the short term, we have provisions in the bill to make it more
efficient to use our boutique fuels. These are fuels that are a blend
of fuels between gasoline and different types of ethanol. Under current
rules there are as many as 19 different blends, many of them
manufactured or refined in only one refinery. The bill before us
reduces that number so that we have greater transportability of our
boutique fuels between those regions of the country that need those
fuel sources.
We have a brand new title on siting new liquified natural gas
terminals. We are dependent on about 10 percent of imports for natural
gas right now, yet we have not sited a new LNG facility in this Nation
in over 30 years.
The bill before us will look at the permitting process. It will
respect the States rights and local community rights, but it will
create a process where they get a decision, and hopefully some of those
sites will be permitted in the next 3 to 4 years, and we will be able
to import liquefied natural gas for our Nation's economic future.
We also have a sector that came over from the other body on a
comprehensive inventory in the oil and gas reserves in the Outer
Continental Shelves. This particular title is something that is a work
in progress, and I expect later today to engage in a colloquy with some
members of the Florida delegation to see if perhaps in the near future
we cannot refine that title to make it more acceptable to some of the
Coastal States that have concerns about the inventory.
We have a strong title on research and development that would
authorize programs for the study of energy efficiency, renewables,
nuclear energy, fossil fuels, and much more.
The electricity title is one of the best titles in the bill. It is a
title that has been put together over 6 years on a bipartisan,
bicameral basis. It is one of the titles that I am most proud of. It is
going to usher in for our electricity industry innovations across the
board, from the generation of electricity, to the transmission of
electricity, to the distribution of electricity, to the consumption of
electricity. It is truly a landmark piece of legislation in the
electricity title.
I want to thank the distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Dingell), the dean of the House of Representatives, who has been in
this body for almost 50 years, for his strong leadership on this bill
on the minority side. I cannot tell the Members what a pleasure it was
to have him sit with me in the negotiations with the Senate and to have
him sit beside me in the open conference markups and educate me on how
to do the parliamentary procedure and handle some of the sensitive
issues that came before the conference. He is truly a giant among
giants, and I cannot more proud. If I am as proud of anything in this
bill, it is the fact that the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell)
signed the conference report. And I think that is a tremendous credit
to him and how willing he was to work within the process.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
It is our intent also to join with the gentleman from Texas in
yielding some time to the opposition to this measure this morning.
I want to begin by commending the work of the gentleman from Michigan
(Mr. Dingell), the ranking member of our House Committee on Energy and
Commerce, for the strong leadership that he has provided as our
committee has considered this measure over the past 4 years. And I want
to commend the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), the chairman of our
committee. He has presided over the House-Senate conference on this
measure with grace. It was truly an open process. It was truly a
bipartisan process. And the passage of the Energy Policy Act of 2005,
which we will accomplish today, will be a lasting tribute to the
gentleman from Texas' (Mr. Barton) skill and to his leadership.
Today we demonstrably advance our Nation's energy policy. Long-needed
reliability standards will add stability and security to the
electricity transmission grid. Modernized provisions will encourage
cogeneration and other distributed means of producing electricity both
efficiently and with improved environmental performance. The bill opens
the door to a new generation of smart meters and real-time pricing
plans so that electricity consumers can save money by operating
appliances during times of lighter electricity demand. And we take
meaningful steps to deploy advanced clean coal technologies that will
encourage a greater use of coal for the electricity generation with
superior environmental performance.
Coal is our most abundant domestic energy reserve. Within our borders
we have 250 years of proven coal reserves. Our bill encourages electric
utilities to make coal, rather than natural gas, the fuel of choice for
new electricity-generating units, with an easing of the escalating
pressure on natural gas prices. The bill is a balanced measure which
deserves our support.
{time} 1130
Mr. Speaker, I urge its approval by the House.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that of the
majority time, 10 minutes be yielded to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), and I yield to the gentleman from Virginia
(Mr. Boucher) to make a similar request on the minority side.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I also ask unanimous consent that 10
minutes of our time be yielded to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
Markey), with the result that the majority will have 20 minutes, we on
our side will have 20 minutes, and the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. Markey) will also have 20 minutes.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). Is there objection to the
request of the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) and the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Boucher)?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
Markey) will control 20 minutes.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is a historic failure. It will not lower
gasoline prices. This bill does not do anything about fuel economy
standards for automobiles and for SUVs. We put 70 percent of all the
oil that we consume in the United States into gasoline tanks. This bill
is silent on that. It is 2005. We now import 60 percent of all of the
oil which we consume in America; most of it comes from the Middle East.
One would think that we could do something about the place we put the
oil. This bill is silent.
With regard to renewables, all utilities in the United States could
have been given a mandate that they have to designate a substantial
percentage of their electrical generating capacity over the next 20
years as renewable energy. This bill rejects that. It says, we are not
going to move the utilities towards a renewable energy future.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is a failure on two of the central technology
issues that the 21st century should be known for. I call for a ``no''
vote on this bill.
[[Page 18263]]
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I am in awe, as always, of the
gentleman of Massachusetts' rhetorical abilities.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my distinguished friend, the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), a member of the committee and a
conferee.
Mr. NORWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the
Energy Policy Act of 2005. After several years of trying, the time to
pass this vital legislation is now. The President has waited patiently
since his first week in office. We need to pass this today.
Blackouts have affected our country, gas prices are crippling family
budgets, and foreign energy resources have our Nation beholden to
overseas interests. We have not built a new nuclear power plant in a
generation. Additionally, we must begin to harness new energy sources
for new potential. This bill wisely addresses all of these things.
Taken together, the provisions in this legislation will diversify and
increase our energy supply in a careful and measured way. It deserves
passage.
Now, it does not have everything in it that every Member wanted. This
has been a long fight, and we all owe a great deal of gratitude to the
gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) for his patience over the last 5
years as he has tried to guide us to an energy policy for this Nation
that we have not had certainly since I have been in Congress. It is
time now to do that.
I thank personally the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) for his
fair and evenhanded way, as he has been just now, giving time to the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), who obviously opposes the
bill. But the rest of us in here need to pass this legislation today. I
urge us all to vote ``aye.''
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn), one of the conferees
on the energy conference.
Mr. WYNN. Mr. Speaker, let me begin by thanking the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for yielding me this time. Let me then proceed
to thank our ranking member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell),
for his strong leadership on this matter, and also our chairman, the
gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton), for his leadership. They have
done a Herculean job in bringing us this energy bill that will give us
a comprehensive and bipartisan energy policy for the future, a very
forward-looking bill.
Let me begin by applauding what is not in this bill. First of all, I
think it is very significant that in this bill there will be no
drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Reserve. Our Arctic and sub-
Arctic ecosystems will continue to flourish.
This bill also does not shield manufacturers of the fuel additive
MTBE from lawsuits. This means that States and localities and
municipalities will be able to hold these manufacturers liable when
they pollute underground water supplies. These are two major
environmental victories of which we should be very proud.
But let us look at the positive things that are, in fact, in the
bill, because here we see an energy policy emerging that will help
America attain security and independence.
First of all, we put in this bill mandatory reliability standards.
Now, there are some folks in the Northeast that sat in the dark and
suffered through scorching heat in a power outage some years ago, so
this is very important. These mandatory standards will help us avoid
the problems that we encountered when whole States began to go dark and
air conditioners went off. This is very meaningful. We have never had
mandatory electricity reliability standards for performance, for
training of personnel, and for maintenance of the system.
Let me look at another area, the area of hydrogen. We have almost $3
billion in incentives for hydrogen fuel development. Now, why is that
important? Because it looks to the future. We have a past which
reflects a dependence on fossil fuels, oil, gas, and cars that emit
huge amounts of pollution. We are looking at a future when cars and
buildings will run electricity generated by hydrogen fuel cells,
hydrogen energy generated through solar, through wind, and through
nuclear energy. This is very important. We will see cars that only emit
water. We think this is a good thing.
Now, will that solve the problem of the $2.50 gas we have today? No.
But this energy policy is looking toward the future, and I think it is
important to understand that we are undertaking a task much like
putting a man on the Moon in which we are saying, down the road, we
will accomplish great things, innovative things because we are making
those investments today, and those investments are, in fact, in this
energy bill.
We should also be pleased that other sources of energy are being
enhanced in this bill. Solar energy, wind energy, biomass, all receive
incentives for development of critical alternatives.
We are looking at a situation in which we can tell our children and
our grandchildren that we did something today to make their energy
security greater and their energy independence greater. Please adopt
the Energy Policy Act of 2005.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Mrs. Capps).
Mrs. CAPPS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
With great respect to our leaders, the gentleman from Texas (Chairman
Barton) and the gentleman from Michigan (Ranking Member Dingell), Mr.
Speaker, I do rise in opposition to the bill.
This bill is a missed opportunity to provide a secure energy future
for America. It is a bill packed with taxpayer-subsidized goodies for
energy companies. It is a bill that will not reduce our dependence on
foreign oil.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased about one part of the bill: it no longer
contains the liability waiver to the MTBE industry. Now, perhaps,
communities with MTBE-polluted groundwater will have a fighting chance
to get it cleaned up by the people who made the mess. I call on the
MTBE industry to do the right thing now, stop fighting in court and in
Congress, own up to your responsibility by sitting down and working out
cleanup plans with these affected communities.
Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, the rest of the bill is mostly bad news.
At a time of record-high energy prices, the bill hands out tens of
billions of dollars in taxpayer subsidies for the oil and gas, coal and
nuclear power industries already making record profits.
The bill also cuts States out of LNG siting decisions, giving power
to the Federal Government, which, of course, always knows what is best.
In addition, the bill does precious little to make America more
energy efficient or to reduce our dependence on foreign oil. There is
no effort to make our cars more energy efficient. Seventy-five percent
of the oil we use every day goes right into our gas tanks. This bill
acts like it is okay that mileage on our autos has gone down in recent
years, there is no connection between that and today's record gas
prices.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, this bill calls for new offshore drilling under
the guise of conducting a so-called inventory.
My friends on the other side will argue that this is just a study so
we know what is out there. MMS already conducts surveys every 5 years
on offshore resources. We already know where the offshore oil and gas
is: in the central and western gulf where drilling is currently allowed
and is under way, so why the inventory?
Putting it simply, this is just a first step in opening up offshore
areas now off limits to new drilling. This means new drilling off
States like Florida, North Carolina, and California. Make no mistake:
this inventory is the oil companies' attempt to begin dismantling the
long-standing, bipartisan moratorium on new drilling in these areas.
Voting for this bill means you support drilling off Florida,
California, North Carolina, and other States. I urge my colleagues to
vote down this bill.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished
[[Page 18264]]
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall), the chairman of the Subcommittee on
Energy and Air Quality.
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today, of course, in support of H.R. 6,
the Energy Policy Act of 2005; and I am very pleased with the
conference agreement before us today as the culmination of years of
hard work and determination amongst my colleagues and friends. I
certainly commend the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) and the
gentleman from Michigan (Ranking Member Dingell). I have been here 25
years, and I have never seen an operation like the one we have gone
through this last week where the ranking member, the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Dingell), and the chairman, the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Barton), worked together on hammering out a good bill; not perfect for
either one of them, but both of them working for what has been called
``the greatest good for the greatest number.'' These two men worked
together, did not agree on everything, but worked together for the good
of the people, basically for the young people of this country who will
have to fight a war for energy if we do not find our own energy, and we
have plenty of it here.
We need this bill before us today. We needed it 5 years ago. But I
gladly accept it, because we simply cannot go another day without doing
anything we have to do to increase our domestic production of oil and
gas, increase our energy efficiency, and step up our conservation
efforts, all towards the goal of being less reliant on foreign
countries, people that do not trust us, people that we do not really
trust for our energy needs.
I am especially pleased about the inclusion of my Ultra-deepwater and
Unconventional Offshore Natural Gas and Research and Development
program, which will enable the development of new technology to
increase natural gas production from the 1,900 trillion cubic feet of
technically recoverable reserves in North America, enough to meet over
85 years of demand at current rates of consumption.
Mr. Speaker, this is a good bill for the Nation, it is a good bill
for the Fourth Congressional District of Texas, it is good for our
country, and it is good also for this generation of high school juniors
and high school seniors who, using this energy policy, will be able to
ask themselves which university or college will I enter, rather than
which branch of service will I enter.
I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' for this very important
piece of legislation.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am pleased to yield 3
minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak), another of our
conferees.
Mr. STUPAK. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I think what we have before us today is a pretty good
energy bill. The conferees worked hard to find a compromise on this
legislation, and I think that the majority of our colleagues on both
sides of the aisle will support it today.
I want to give particular congratulations and thanks to the
leadership of the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) and the
gentleman from Michigan (Ranking Member Dingell), and also to Senator
Domenici and Senator Bingaman. By all working together, we do have a
bill.
Is it a perfect bill? No. And if we are going to work via compromise,
it cannot be a perfect bill. I would have preferred to see fewer
corporate tax breaks; and I think in conference, those of us on the
main committee, we were blocked out on those tax provisions. So while I
have some objections on some of these corporate tax breaks, overall I
think they are fair.
In addition, I would have liked to have seen stronger measures for
direct relief at the pump for Americans who are suffering right now as
we pay record-high gasoline prices. In fact, in Michigan last week, as
I noted to the conferees, gas spiked 80 cents in one day, it went up 80
cents, to $3.51. That was based on rumors and everything else. But that
is how volatile the situation is out there.
So I actually had a provision that said, stop filling the Strategic
Petroleum Reserve until a barrel of oil drops below $40 for 2
consecutive weeks. Unfortunately, the language did not make it into the
final bill. But we do encourage the Secretary of Energy to look at
this, and I would like to take this time to suggest to him that he do
something immediately to help out our domestic gasoline market. We just
cannot continue to see spikes of 80 cents.
Also, I would have liked to have seen stronger language on the
underground storage issue. While we did make some improvements on this
issue, I think we can ill-afford to allow our groundwater to continue
contaminating our drinking water. In particular, we cannot allow MTBE
to continue to contaminate drinking water across this country.
{time} 1145
On a positive note, I am very excited and pleased that finally after
all of the years of work, we have a permanent ban on oil and gas
drilling in and under the Great Lakes. Whether it is a State permit or
a Federal permit, you will no longer be allowed to do it. I am very
pleased with that provision that I have worked for for more than a
decade to put the provision in there.
Also there are some provisions on nuclear energy, and I know that is
sort of a controversial thing, but I, for one, believe if we are going
to start worrying on dependency on foreign oil, that if we are really
concerned about global climate change and climate change here in this
country, we must revisit the issue of nuclear energy, and I am pleased
this bill provides incentives to make the United States once again a
leader in this area, and protect our environment, protect our climate
and get America less dependent on foreign oil.
Mr. Speaker, as I said, this is not a perfect bill but is one that I
can support. After 13 years and seeing so many energy bills come before
this floor, none of which I have supported, I am pleased to be able to
lend my support for this bill, and once again I would like to thank the
leadership for their work on this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I think what we have before us today is a pretty good
energy bill. The conferees worked hard to craft compromise legislation
that I think the majority of our colleagues on both sides of the aisle
will support today.
Is this a perfect bill? No. I would have preferred to see some of the
corporate tax breaks pared back, but the Energy and Commerce conferees
were shut out of discussions regarding tax provisions.
In addition, I would like to have seen stronger measures to give
direct relief at the pump for the millions of Americans who are paying
record high prices for gasoline right now. I had a measure that would
have provided millions of additional barrels of oil for the U.S. market
by suspending contributions to the strategic petroleum reserve until
the price of oil dips below $40 per barrel for two consecutive weeks.
Unfortunately, that was dropped in exchange for language allowing the
Secretary of Energy to voluntarily suspend contributions if he sees
fit. I would like to take this time to suggest that he do so
immediately, allowing more oil into the domestic market.
I also would have liked to have seen stronger wording for secondary
containment of underground storage tanks. While we did make some
improvements on this issue, we can ill afford to allow our groundwater
to become contaminated with gasoline from leaking underground storage
tanks. In particular, we cannot allow MTBE to continue to contaminate
drinking water across the country.
I am happy that the ``safe harbor'' provisions for manufacturers of
MTBE that were in the House bill were dropped. Instead, there is a
provision allowing lawsuits to be sent to Federal court if a defendant
wants to make a request to do so. During the conference, I asked
Chairman Barton about the MTBE provisions in the bill and whether the
claims filed after the date of enactment would require a case to be
sent to Federal court. The chairman indicated that it did not require a
case to be sent to Federal court, but gave defendants in prospective
suits the right to ask that the case be sent to Federal courts. I
wanted to be sure that we were not conferring any new substantive or
subject matter jurisdiction over MTBE cases and I was pleased to hear
from Chairman Barton that to his knowledge, the legislation was not
doing so.
I am happy to see that there are provisions in the bill to increase
incentives for the nuclear power industry. While I know that there are
[[Page 18265]]
those who oppose nuclear energy, I feel that if we are going to reduce
our dependence on foreign oil, and climate change we need to explore
increased nuclear technologies.
A provision I am particularly proud to say made it into the
conference is a ban on any new oil and gas drilling beneath our Great
Lakes. This provision will improve public safety and protect the source
of drinking water for more than 30 million residents of the Great
Lakes. I've worked on this for more than a decade and this will benefit
the people of the Great Lakes for generations to come.
Lastly, I am happy to report that this bill does not include drilling
for oil and gas in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.
Mr. Speaker, this is not a perfect bill, but it is one that I can
support and I thank Chairman Barton and Ranking Member Dingell for
their tireless efforts to come to the compromise before us today.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, this bill contains about $80 billion worth of giveaways
to the oil and gas and other industries in our country. Those giveaways
are coming from somewhere.
The United States has a huge deficit. We do not have any money. There
is only one part of our government that is running a surplus, and that
is the Social Security Trust Fund, and what the Republicans are doing
is erecting a huge oil rig on top of the Social Security Trust Fund to
drill for the revenues that will be given to the wealthiest industries
in America--the oil and gas industries--that are reporting the largest
profits in the history of any industry in the history of the United
States.
The Republicans are tipping the United States consumer and taxpayer
upside down and shaking money out of their pockets.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, we thank the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) for using his chart once again.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
Thomas), the distinguished chairman of the Ways and Means Committee.
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. Speaker, they have a saying in racing that to finish
first, first you have to finish. It is a pleasure to stand up after
several frustrating years and Congresses to be here supporting an
energy bill. As we move from a society totally dependent upon fossil
fuels to alternative energy, it is important to make sure that the
infrastructure that will carry us through to alternate energy is
functioning adequately, and I am pleased that that has been done in
this bill. I am also pleased that, as principally led by Senator
Domenici for a number of years, that we are beginning once again to
look at an obvious source of energy that has been overlooked, nuclear
energy.
And I want to compliment the new chairman of the Energy and Commerce
Committee for his understanding that time is secondary to getting
people to a level of agreement that allows us to present this bill on
the floor today.
Of course, no bill is perfect, but if you do not have a bill, you
cannot stand up and criticize it as the gentleman just did in the well.
I am very pleased with this work product in terms of its balance. We
tried to create balance within the tax area. We are willing to spend
money on an experimental basis on a number of alternative sources. As
some do not prove out, I am hopeful that we do not turn them into
perennial payments just because they started in the bill; that we move
and look for those alternate sources of energy that can begin to
augment the fundamental hydrocarbon structure and then move beyond that
as expeditiously as possible.
It is a balanced bill. I think you will see balanced support. Once
again, I want to compliment the chairman for doing something that
heretofore has not been done. It is always easy when you do it. It has
not been done before. Congratulations to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Barton).
Mr. Speaker, the need to complete this comprehensive energy bill
leads us to consider it without the normal accompanying statement of
managers used to clarify and enhance understanding of the legislative
text. Our colleagues, the chairman of the Committee on Finance and the
ranking minority member of that committee, agree with me that those who
follow tax legislation can and should use the Joint Committee on
Taxation's publication, ``Description and Technical Explanation of the
Conference Agreement on H.R. 6, Title XIII, Energy Tax Incentives Act
of 2005, JCX-60-05, as the functional equivalent of a statement of
managers for the purposes of completing their understanding of what the
tax incentives provide.
The joint committee publication has been submitted for publication in
the Congressional Record. It can also be accessed on the joint
committee's website--http://www.house.gov/jct/_for those who are
interested. It is an extremely useful tool the public can employ to see
just how much we have accomplished with this bill.
I would also note, as a matter of clarification, section 1326 of the
conference report, which provides for a 7-year depreciation peliod for
natural gas gathering lines, is meant to prospectively clarify the
depreciation of property meeting either of the two standards in
subsection (b) of the section. This provision should not be interpreted
as undermining any taxpayer's position versus the IRS in regard to
current law, but instead as a clarification of the treatment of
property meeting either of the standards described in subsection (b)
after April 11, 2005.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Rush), a valuable member of our Energy and Commerce
Committee.
Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this conference report. I
do not think that this piece of legislation is perfect, and there are
many provisions in this bill that I disagree with, but overall I
support passage of this conference report, because it contains many
provisions that are important to me and to my district, including
provisions affecting ethanol and the Low Income Home Energy Assistance
Program, also known as LIHEAP.
During the markup of this House version of the bill in the Energy and
Commerce Committee, we passed my amendment, which will significantly
increase authorized funding for LIHEAP to $5.1 billion. And I am very
pleased that this increase was sustained during the conference
committee and the hearings of the conference committee.
Mr. Speaker, I want you to know that this provision is so important
to my constituents and to constituents similar to mine who suffer
during the ravaging winter months and are often at a point where they
have to make a decision between paying high energy costs and paying for
medical care or paying for food.
I want to talk for a moment about this process that we have gone
through this year. This year's process has been infinitely better than
last year's shoddy process, whereby the majority went behind closed
doors and drafted a conference report with zero input from the
minority.
And, Mr. Speaker, I want to let you know and let the Members of this
House know that I really appreciate the fact that Chairman Barton has
displayed a willingness to be fair and to work with me and other
Democrats on this energy bill. We have a long history of bipartisan
cooperation in our great committee, the Energy and Commerce Committee,
particularly and especially when the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Dingell) was chairman. I want to commend the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Barton) for continuing this tradition. It should serve as a blueprint
for the rest of the Congress. We would have a lot less sniping and get
a lot more work done in the full House of Representatives were we to
follow the leadership of Chairman Barton, the ranking member and the
Energy and Commerce Committee.
And I urge my colleagues to vote yes for this conference report.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, when it has never been clearer that the
United States needs to catch up to the rest of the world dealing with
energy efficiency and global warming, even the supporters of this
legislation agree with the taglines in the New York Times and the
Washington Post, ``it is not a disaster'', ``it could have been
worse''.
Forget about explaining to our grandchildren; how will the Members of
this Congress explain to next Congress'
[[Page 18266]]
interns about why we settled for the lowest common denominator,
continued to finance both sides of the war on terror with our continued
dependence on Middle East oil. If we could not get landmark
legislation, hopefully this bill will be a tombstone for the energy
policy for the last century.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Michigan (Mr. Upton).
Mr. UPTON. Mr. Speaker, Ben Franklin certainly would be proud,
because as the father of daylight savings time, we are finally
implementing his ideas in this legislation.
I want to thank the many Republicans and Democrats that are
supporting this legislation in both bodies. And, of course, on daylight
savings time today, it starts the first Sunday in April, it goes
through the last Sunday in October.
We learned, my coauthor, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
Markey), and myself learned that there was a U.S. Government study done
back when maybe I was in junior high school that we said that we would
save 100,000 barrels of oil a day for every day that we extended
daylight savings time. That was when we had 50 million fewer Americans.
Well, guess what we do in this bill? Beginning in 2007, we will
change daylight savings time. It will start now the second Sunday in
March, it will go through Halloween, through the first Sunday in
November.
We know that traffic fatalities will decrease. We know that crime
rates will decrease. We know that folks will get home with an hour more
of sunlight, whether they are coming home from school or whether they
are coming home from work. And by having it kick in 2007, we will allow
other countries, whether they be Canada, Mexico, perhaps Europe, to
establish their timelines the same as ours. We will add a little more
sunshine to everybody's day.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Solis).
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Speaker, I want to tell you that I am in opposition to
the Energy Policy Act of 2005. In my opinion, the bill does nothing to
reduce our dependency on foreign oil. It does not reduce gas prices. It
does not make our Nation more secure.
Instead, the bill will increase gas prices for consumers in
California, where I come from, by requiring the increased use of
ethanol. It threatens our water supply by rolling back the Safe
Drinking Water Act, the Clean Water Act, and a trade-off I do not find
acceptable at all. It overrides our States rights to oppose drilling
offshore by including language requiring an inventory.
Mr. Speaker, I commend my colleagues for choosing not to include MTBE
safe harbor provisions in the bill, but that alone does not guarantee
that this is a good bill.
The bill is a missed opportunity. I do not support this legislation.
And I know we must continue this debate on cleaning up our environment
and protecting our consumers.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Burgess).
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, this has indeed been a long process. I
thank the chairman and I thank the ranking member for providing us with
the leadership that has given us this balanced legislative product.
Mr. Speaker, conservation, production, alternative energy sources,
and new technologies, hybrid vehicles, fuel cell vehicles are all part
of this energy bill that we have before us today.
In my district back in Texas, significant because we have a big solar
panel production plant in Keller, Texas, we have a wind turbine plant
in Gainesville, Texas, up in Cook Country. And while people know that
we have lots of wind and lots of sun in Texas, you may not know that we
have garbage in Texas. And in Denton, Texas, my hometown, we have a new
biodiesel plant, and the energy for that biodiesel plant is taken
entirely from methane from the city dump, truly a balanced way to
achieve new sources of energy.
Mr. Speaker, again I thank the chairman for the leadership in
bringing this bill for us today, and I urge my colleagues to support
it.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Speaker, I am voting against this legislation. It
does absolutely nothing to lower the outrageous price of gasoline at
the pump. It provides precious little for research and development of
renewable energy sources.
What it does do is give huge subsidies to the oil and gas industries
that are making record profits. But the main reason I am voting against
this dog of a piece of legislation is because it gives major
megasubsidies to the nuclear industry so that they can build more
nuclear power plants.
{time} 1200
What is the problem with this? When you have nuclear energy it
produces a deadly by-product. That deadly by-product is nuclear waste.
This Nation has never figured out what to do with the nuclear waste. We
cannot safely store it. Our solution is to put it in a hole in the
Nevada desert where we have ground water problems, seismic activity,
volcanic activity. Why would we be spending billions of dollars of
taxpayers' money to produce more nuclear waste that has a radioactive
life of 300,000 years?
Before we waste taxpayers' money on nuclear energy, let us figure out
how to deal with the nuclear waste. This is a slap in the face and an
insult to the people I represent.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I want to first recommend the
gentlewoman of Nevada to look at section 1290 of the bill which is an
item that the Senior Centers in Nevada strongly supports.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida
(Mr. Stearns) for purposes of a colloquy.
Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Bilirakis)
and I would like to engage the gentleman from California (Mr. Pombo) in
a colloquy.
First of all, we want to thank the gentleman for his willingness to
work with the entire Florida delegation to reach an agreement that will
allow the States to increase control of their waters.
Included in H.R. 6 is a provision ordering an inventory and analysis
of oil and natural gas resources in the Outer Continental Shelf. Many
are concerned that this inventory is merely a precursor to drilling off
Florida's coast against the wishes of the Governor and our two U.S.
Senators and the Florida delegation.
Currently, there is a moratorium against drilling in this area, over
here, until 2012, and these areas called the stovepipe and bulge, here
and here to 2007. The top of the stovepipe is about 16 miles off the
coast of Pensacola, home to a large amount of military operations.
Mr. Speaker, can we have the chairman's assurance that he will
continue to work with the Florida delegation to find a solution that
encourages and ensures that drilling or exploration will not occur in
the areas off the Florida coast against the wishes of the State?
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. STEARNS. I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. In addition, the chairman has stated in the past that
each individual State should have the ability to control its own
waters, and the decision to drill or take an inventory should rest with
the State legislature and the Governor. Can the gentleman assure us
that he will work with us to provide States with that ability?
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. STEARNS. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, I will continue to work with both of the
gentlemen and the entire Florida delegation to resolve all of these
problems so that we do what is in the best interest of
[[Page 18267]]
Florida the other States and the country. I appreciate all the work
that the gentlemen have put into this already.
Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, I would say the importance of this is it be
a long-term solution for the State of Florida instead of having to go
to reiteration every 2 years dealing with this moratorium. As you know,
we worked almost 3 hours in the night trying to come up with a
solution. We have a workable plan that we discussed with the chairman,
and we very much appreciate the chairman's support, interest, and help.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. We know the chairman is a man of his word.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Gene Green), a valuable member of our Committee on Energy
and Commerce.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank our ranking member on
our subcommittee for allowing me to speak for 3 minutes.
The comprehensive energy legislation is a positive step towards a
stable energy future for America, and I want to thank all the Members
who worked so hard in putting this together on such an aggressive
schedule. I especially appreciate our ranking member, the gentleman
from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), of our full Committee of Energy and
Commerce, and also our Chair of our subcommittee, the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Boucher), for their hard work. I congratulate the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) on both his fairness in the committee
mark-up and also in the floor action that we had. We actually made
democracy work. But also I know the hard work as I watched a lot of
conference committee on TV in the effort to get this legislation where
it is today. I think it is a great achievement.
The folks who are opposing it, their biggest argument is we do not do
anything about lowering oil prices. Well, the easiest thing we could do
is actually produce more domestically instead of importing it from
everywhere, but they are the same folks that are opposing any more
domestic production.
This bill does so many good things. Energy infrastructure, the bill
addresses the bureaucratic blocks that hamstring the growth of our
energy infrastructure, particularly regarding natural gas terminals and
pipelines. And I am pleased the conference committee has chosen to
follow the blueprint of the Terry-Green LNG legislation we introduced
last year that first recognized LNG as an international and interstate
commerce and thus subject to ultimate Federal jurisdiction.
We need to open at least 10 to 15 liquefied natural gas terminals in
the lower 48 in the next 5 to 10 years in order to stabilize our
natural gas prices, both residential and commercial prices, and protect
millions of our manufacturing jobs.
The petro-chemical industry is in dire need of stable natural gas
feedstock prices as elsewhere along the Gulf Coast. Our community would
end up looking like the Rust Belt. This committee report helps that.
Domestic production, I am disappointed, did not go far enough in
domestic energy supplies. America's vast offshore energy resources
remain largely off-limits even though our coast would not be threatened
by development. Contrary to political scare tactics of certain
organizations, oil and gas can be safely produced, whether it is
Florida, California, or the east coast. We have been doing it off
Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama for years. Lower 48
production uses pipelines and not tankers so the Valdez is not even an
example they can use.
Mr. Speaker, the other concern I have is the loss of the MTBE issue,
but I understand the Senate did not want to take it up. So I guess the
folks who want to sue for MTBE can go to the courthouse. MTBE actually
lowered our air pollution problems in my community in Houston. It was
under the 1990 Clean Air Act. I would just hope businesses and
communities would still continue to try to find another substances that
would clean up our air.
In conclusion, I am concerned about ensuring that we have adequate
traditional energy sources because we have to rely on them for the next
few decades. I will support anything we do in research to get
alternatives, but we also need to make sure we can keep our lights on
for this decade.
The comprehensive energy legislation is a positive step towards a
stable energy future for America.
I want to thank all Members who have worked so hard on putting this
together on such an aggressive schedule. This is a great achievement.
I. Energy Infrastructure
The bill addresses bureaucratic roadblocks that have hamstrung the
growth of our energy infrastructure, particularly liquefied natural gas
terminals and pipelines.
I am pleased that the conference committee has chosen to follow the
blueprint of the Terry-Green LNG legislation we introduced 1 year ago.
Our bill was the first to recognize that LNG is international and
interstate commerce, and thus subject to ultimate Federal jurisdiction.
We need to open up 10-15 LNG terminals in the lower 48 States in the
next 5-10 years in order to stabilize natural gas prices, residential
and commercial electric prices, and protect millions of manufacturing
jobs. The petrochemical industry is in dire need of stable natural gas
feedstock prices, or else the Gulf Coast could end up like the Rust
Belt.
This conference report ensures that ``not-in-my-backyard'' LNG
opposition will not drive electric prices through the roof and drive
manufacturing jobs overseas to Asia and Europe in search of affordable
natural gas.
II. Domestic Production
I am disappointed that the legislation does not go nearly far enough
to increase domestic energy supplies.
America's vast offshore energy resources remain largely off-limits,
even through our coasts would not be threatened by development.
Contrary to the political scare tactics of certain organizations, oil
and gas can be produced safely off of Florida, California, and the East
Coast. Beaches and coastal areas in the lower 48 have no need to fear a
Valdez-like accident from offshore production.
Lower 48 production uses pipelines, the safest form of transportation
in the world, and will not mean more oil tankers.
In many decades of oil and gas production in the Gulf of Mexico, we
have not had disasters that ruined any of the beaches or estuaries in
Texas, Alabama, or Louisiana. Tourism at Texas beaches like Galveston
and South Padre Island is a huge industry and we protect it seriously.
I challenge opponents of offshore production to name one serious oil
spill that has harmed a Gulf beach or estuary.
Critics like to say that this bill is projected to do little to
reduce gas prices that are squeezing Americans. That may be true in the
short run, although if ANWR exploration is approved in the budget that
will change. Ironically the real reason there is not enough gas price
relief in this bill is the opponents of the bill themselves.
The best thing we can do to stabilize gas prices is produce more oil
at home--we cannot wave a magic wand and lower the price of Middle
Eastern oil.
III. MTBE
I am also disappointed that the Senate is unwilling to help clean up
MTBE spills from leaking underground storage tanks.
MTBE was developed to eliminate lead in gasoline, and by fulfilling
the 1990 Clean Air Act's oxygenate requirement, MTBE has done much to
reduce smog in American cities. Unfortunately, oxygenates are
problematic when they are stored in leaky tanks.
MTBE producers, many of which are not huge oil companies, never would
have made MTBE without the Clean Air Act of 1990.
In a catch-22, they now face multiple lawsuits for complying with
federal law. As a result, U.S. industries are likely to be less willing
to make environmentally beneficial products at the direction from
Congress in the future.
This bill is a great first step and I support its final passage.
However, America's energy policy is not complete and it will require
more work for future Congresses.
IV. Conclusion
I am most concerned with ensuring we have adequate traditional energy
resources, because we will have to rely on them for the next several
decades. An abundant, clean energy future is possible, but it is still
many, many years away.
But I want to note that this bill is balanced: it has important
energy efficiency, energy conservation, and renewable energy incentives
and requirements. We will have more solar, wind, biomass, geothermal,
hydro, clean coal energy as a result of this legislation.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on the conference report.
[[Page 18268]]
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Washington (Mr. Inslee).
Mr. INSLEE. Mr. Speaker, it is truly sad that a Nation that produced
the Apollo Moon Project today will produce something with the success
of the Hindenberg.
The only thing that can be guaranteed about this bill is that it will
fail. It is guaranteed that it will fail to reduce our dependence on
Saudi Arabian oil.
According to the Department of Energy, our dependence will rise under
this bill from 58 percent to 68 percent failure. It is guaranteed to
fail to deal with global warming, and the reason is you took the money
that should have gone to emerging high-tech industries that need the
help, the Davids, and you gave 64 percent to the Goliaths of the oil
and gas industry. Guaranteed failure.
It is guaranteed to fail, to send our jobs to Japan because you took
out of the bill the provision that would bring these new fuel-efficient
cars to be manufactured in America where they should be. Guaranteed
failure.
The only success that this bill will have is an energetic fleecing of
American taxpayers. And if you can find a reason that you can take
money from your taxpayers and give to the most profitable business in
America at $60 a barrel oil, good luck. I cannot explain it. I do not
think you will be able to either.
Vote against this bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The Chair would advise Members
that the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) has 5\1/2\ minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) has 6 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) has 12 minutes
remaining.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor), one of the distinguished subcommittee chairmen
of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
Mr. GILLMOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
I am very pleased to rise in support of this bill, and I want to
commend the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) for the outstanding job
he did as chairman of the conference committee. It was about the most
fair and open process that I have seen, and I think it has contributed
to the success of this report.
We are long overdue for a good national energy policy. We need to
increase fuel supply. We need to encourage conservation. We need to
encourage the use of renewable fuels, and we need to increase the
reliability of our electrical grid. This bill does all of that and much
more.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report to H.R. 6 and
urge all my colleagues to do the same. In addition, I want to commend
Chairman Barton and Energy Subcommittee Chair Hall for their dedication
and hard work in making this bill a reality.
A good national energy policy needs to address the issue from many
aspects. It should, I think, deal with increased supply, with
conservation, and with increased use of renewable fuels. It should also
deal with improvements in the delivery systems for energy, including
the reliability of our electrical grid. This bill makes significant
improvement in all of the areas, plus more.
This bill is not perfect, but it steps our country in the right
direction. Certainly, anyone of us could have written an energy bill
that we liked, but getting it to the President's desk is another story.
The worst type of legislation, in my opinion, is the kind you cannot
get a majority to support.
Like it or not, an energy has to be about understanding our past
legacy, solidifying our present reality, and preparing for our future
destiny. I believe this conference report achieves those three goals.
Plenty will be said today about the many provisions contained in this
conference report, I would only like to take a brief moment to address
two of them that directly impact our nation's past, present, and future
energy history: leaking underground storage tanks and state energy
production tax credits.
Regarding LUST, or the Leaking Underground Storage Tank program, I am
pleased that H.R. 6 contains language to help states more aggressively
tackle the problems of leaking fuel in their groundwater. Currently,
the Federal government has collected gasoline taxes of over $2 billion
to provide cleanup. In reality, however, not much more than the
interest on yearly receipts is actually used. We must reverse this
trend.
H.R. 6 contains many new requirements that I believe will make our
underground tank programs more effective and efficient and our
environment safer and healthier. Specifically, this conference report
requires at least 80 percent of all dollars appropriated from the LUST
Trust Fund to be sent to the States for operation leaking underground
tank programs. It provides increases in State funding from the LUST
Trust Fund for States containing a larger number of tanks or whose
leaking tanks present a greater threat to groundwater. H.R. 6 also
requires onsite inspections of underground storage tanks every three
(3) years after a brief period for the state to update its backlog. In
addition, the conference report establishes operator-training programs,
where they do not already exist, institutes a specific new funding
category to cleanup tank-related releases of oxygenated fuel additives
in gasoline, like MTBE, prohibits Federal facilities from exempting
themselves from complying with all Federal, State, and local
underground tank laws, and asks States to submit an annual inventory to
the U.S. EPA detailing the number of regulated tanks in its state and
which of those tanks are leaking. Finally, and most importantly, this
legislation allows states to stop deliveries of fuel to non-compliant
regulated tanks in order to achieve legal enforcement.
These are all strong improvements that not only meet with the spirit,
if not the letter of recommended by the General Accounting Office, but
most of these same provisions have previously passed the House. I urge
their support.
Another item I feel worthy of my colleagues' support is a measure
protecting our states' abilities to enact laws providing incentives for
energy production. When we are trying to encourage energy production,
we should not pit good environmental protection against the retention
of good jobs. My state has opted for tough, expensive, new equipment
standards on its coal-fired electricity plants and has coupled that
with the encouragement of good paying coal jobs. This effort though is
in jeopardy because the law is murky enough to make it subject to
accusations of Commerce Clause violations. Removing this cloud of
uncertainty will further contribute to our nation's energy security,
environmental protection, and growing economy.
H.R. 6 contains a section that mirrors legislation that I introduced
clarifying that a state may provide a tax credit for in-state
electricity production from coal technologies.
Such a credit is considered to be a reasonable regulation of commerce
in accordance with the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution,
further encouraging states to move forward and take advantage of their
respective resources spurring new and cleaner energy production.
I am happy we were able to provide greater protection for the Great
Lakes.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Waxman).
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Speaker, to Americans who are paying record prices
for gasoline, do not look for any relief in this legislation. You would
think when you pay record high prices for gasoline because of supply
and demand that those who are receiving such high prices ought to have
enough money to reinvest it to develop more energy.
Well, what are we doing here? We are asking the taxpayers to give
more money to the oil, gas, coal, and nuclear industries in order to
produce more energy domestically. For those who think that maybe at a
time when we are dealing with a supply and demand problem that we also
ought to reduce the demand, there is almost nothing in this
legislation.
In fact, the other body, that means the Senate, had a provision that
would have called on the President to come up with some ideas to reduce
the demand for energy and the waste of energy and waste of oil
particularly, just the President to come up with some ideas. Well, that
was forced out of the bill.
We have nothing to make automobiles more fuel efficient, nothing to
reduce the demand. For those who think perhaps we ought to look for
alternative renewable fuels, well, the Senate had a provision on that
issue. It was not a very strong one. That was struck from the bill.
[[Page 18269]]
The Republican Party has always had a tension between those who
believe in fiscal responsibility and reducing government spending and
those who want to reward their friends. This bill reflects the
Republican Party, and many Democrats', support for their goal to reward
their friends in big business.
Then the worst part of this bill, at a time when we are fighting in
the Middle East, when we are asking our young men and women to risk
their lives in part to protect our security from those who have been
financed by oil imports into the United States and around the world, we
are going to become even more dependent on importing more foreign oil.
This legislation is more than just a lost opportunity; it is a bill
that I do not think is worthy of our support.
Now, the bill is not as bad as it could have been, but it is not
nearly as good as it should be. The American people deserve much
better. They deserve a visionary, bold energy policy that truly makes
our country energy independent. And the bill is also a strike at
environmental protection.
There was nothing more pathetic than the colloquy a few minutes ago
with some of my colleagues from Florida who were worried about the
beginning of drilling off the shore of Florida as we in California have
worried about that as well. And they asked the chairman of the full
committee for assurances that he will continue to work with them if the
State does not want to allow the offshore oil drilling off the coast of
Florida as we do not want it done in California. And they were assured
that, of course, they would continue to be worked with.
Well, those same gentleman offered amendments, and I supported them,
to say that we should not start down that road to drilling off the
coast. And then they offered an amendment, which I supported, to say,
if the State does not want drilling off the Continental Shelf, off that
coast, to let the State opt out. That was defeated.
Now what we have in that colloquy is we will have people continue to
work with us.
Well, we have taken the step towards letting the oil companies drill
off the coast of our Nation. We have taken the step to open up more
national lands that we wanted to protect to be developed by the oil
companies. In another bill we will open up Alaska lands to further
drilling.
We cannot drill ourselves out of our energy problems. We are not
going to drill ourselves out of the global climate problems. We have
got to get a better energy bill than the one before us. I urge Members
to vote against it.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from California (Mr. Pombo), the distinguished chairman of the
Committee on Resources.
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
While I want to start off by congratulating the gentleman from Texas
(Chairman Barton) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and the
great work that went into putting this bill together, I would say this
is a good bill. It is not a great bill. I think we started with a great
bill in the House, but in the spirit of compromise in working with the
other body, we were able to come up with a good bill that is finally
going to be able to pass.
There is a lot that we need to do to have energy independence in this
country and to lessen our dependence on foreign energy sources. A lot
of that we did not include in this bill. Unfortunately, ANWR is not in
this bill. It increased domestic production. We do not go as far as we
should have in being able to streamline the process to bring in more
alternative energy and renewable energy. A lot of that we were not able
to get in. But it is a good first step. It is a way to move forward.
There are a lot of things that we were able to get into this bill
that over a period of time will increase domestic production. It is a
great start. It is a great way for us to begin to lessen our dependence
on foreign oil.
One of the things that is frustrating with all of the process is that
a lot of my colleagues voted against every single increase, anything
that had to do with increasing energy independence in this country. We
need to continue to work on this.
Again, I congratulate the chairman because I do believe this is a
good bill.
{time} 1215
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).
Mr. EMANUEL. Mr. Speaker, as we consider this energy bill, here are a
few numbers we might want to keep in mind: $7.4 billion. That was Exxon
Mobil's income in the second quarter, an increase of 32 percent. Net
profit at Shell rose 35 percent, going from $4 billion to $5.5 billion.
BP's second-quarter profits soared by 29 percent, revenues were $5
billion. ConocoPhillips' earnings up 33 percent.
One more number: $14.5 billion. That is the total amount of taxpayer
hand-outs to oil and gas companies in this bill, the same companies
reporting very good profit margins. With oil at $60 a barrel, not $14,
not $28, not $32, we are paying oil companies to execute their business
plans. So American taxpayers, American consumers are being asked to pay
twice, once at the pump and then again on April 15.
The sad truth is that this conference report is a lost opportunity.
There are some very, very good provisions in the bill, but instead we
have missed an opportunity to present a comprehensive energy policy and
filled it instead with gifts to Big Oil. We could have accomplished
things on conservation, we could have accomplished things on renewable
sources, but we chose to give $14 billion of taxpayer money away to
companies to do their business plans. I urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp), a member of the
Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. CAMP. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton),
chairman of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, for yielding me this
time, and also the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), both of these gentlemen, for
their leadership on the Energy Policy Act.
As a conferee to the tax title on H.R. 6, this bill delivers a huge
win for Michigan soybean growers by securing an extension of the
Federal Biodiesel Tax Incentive through 2010, a program that many
farmers in my district depend on. Biodiesel makes sense on every level,
our environment, national security, reducing dependence on foreign oil,
and it is certainly better for farmers in Michigan. The tax incentive
is expected to increase demand for biodiesel, most often made from
soybeans. And soybeans are Michigan's fourth largest commodity in terms
of farm income, and by far the largest crop grown in mid-Michigan.
I am also pleased that the conference report includes legislation I
have been working on that provides consumers with a tax credit for the
purchase of hybrid advanced technology, lean-burn diesel, and
alternative-fuel vehicles. This incentive will help reduce the amount
consumers pay at the pump, lessen our dependence on traditional fossil
fuels, and achieve cleaner air.
This bill reflects a balance between oil and gas production and
efficiency and conservation. I urge my colleagues to vote for this
important legislation.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman
from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for yielding me this time and for his
leadership, as well as the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall) of the
subcommittee, but let me particularly offer appreciation to the
chairman of the full committee and the ranking member of the full
committee for the hard work and dedication that they have offered, and
also the spirit of the conference, which was open and allowed the full
debate on what has been an enormously difficult challenge.
This Congress has been swimming the difficult tides of negotiations
in an
[[Page 18270]]
effort to pass a comprehensive energy bill for a very long time, and I
believe today that we have that comprehensive legislation. Always when
we say comprehensive, we think perfect. It is not perfect. It is not
the perfect storm. But it does give us a roadmap that we can follow.
I happen to agree with the elimination of the ANWR provision and the
elimination of the MTBE liability provision, but I do think there are
enormous strides we have made in renewables. And I want to thank again
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Boehlert) and the gentleman from
Tennessee (Mr. Gordon) of the Committee on Science, of which I am a
member. We did work on renewables. I am delighted that amendments that
we had, and I offered, are in this legislation regarding biomass for
minority farmers and ranchers and the utilization of fuel cells that
will help the research on how we can be more energy-efficient.
I am delighted to note that we will be working further on a 2-year
study back to Congress for those areas offshore, Texas and Louisiana,
where environmentally safe development is going on. Domestic
development will now get a 2-year report from the Interior Department,
which will give us a roadmap on how we can work.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation also contains building standards to
ensure that more of our buildings are environmentally safe or energy-
efficient. So we have to have conservation as well as domestic
development. As I indicated, we have some challenges in this
legislation, but I do believe we have an effective roadmap.
We also have some aspirations, and I look forward to working on
developing a program to add geologists that can help us find good, safe
energy resources, and I would hope my colleagues would vote ``aye'' for
this very good roadmap for America.
Mr. Speaker, let me first say thank you to Energy and Commerce
Chairman Mr. Barton, and Ranking Minority Member Mr. Dingell for there
hard and dedicated work on this important conference report. For
several Congresses now, we have been swimming the difficult tides of
negations in an effort to pass a comprehensive energy bill that would
be beneficial to all Americans. I would like to thank as well Mr.
Boucher, Mr. Ralph Hall, Mr. Boehlert, and Mr. Bart Gordon.
While this report may not be perfect, it at least provides for no
drilling and development of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, ANWR.
In addition, the report has no MTBE liability clause. Despite this
fact, I think it is important to work towards providing some protection
for the States, and I look forward to working with Mr. Barton and Mr.
Dingell in this effort. Further, under the report, there are no EPA
restrictions with respect to the Clean Air Act. In addition, EPA can
still regulate diesel fuel and certain Enron contracts will now be
governed by FERC.
Let me also note that I was able to obtain the following provisions
in the report:
BIOENEREGY LANGUAGE
There are authorized to be appropriated to the Secretary for
integrated bioenergy research and development programs, projects, and
activities $49,000,000 for each of the fiscal years 05-09. This funding
shall be used for the training and education targeted to minority and
social disadvantaged farmers and ranchers.
OIL AND GAS 2 YEAR STUDY
Under this provision, two years after the date of the enactment of
this Act, and at two-year intervals thereafter, the Secretary of the
Interior, in consultation with the heads of other appropriate Federal
agencies, shall transmit to Congress a report assessing the contents of
natural gas and oil deposits at existing drilling sites off the coasts
of Texas and Louisiana.
BUILDING STANDARDS
This section calls for an assessment whether high performance
buildings are employing voluntary consensus standards and rating
systems that are consistent current state of the art technology and
research and development findings. High performance buildings have been
defined as those that effectively integrate energy efficiency,
durability, life-cycle performance, and occupant productivity. This
study shall be agreed upon, in conjunction with the National Institute
of Building Sciences, no later than 120 days after the enactment of the
act. The results of this study will provide the groundwork for future
research, if deemed necessary and useful, as well as recommendations on
new performance standards. This standard is important because it
focuses building-related standards directly and the building industry
indirectly on the concept of whole buildings or high performance
buildings. The goal is to take the knowledge we have accumulated
through years of Federal research and development and make sure that it
is reflected in a comprehensive set of standards that represent best
practices and current knowledge. For instance, if we are building low
income housing, we hope the builder would take into consideration
safety of the inhabitants and how construction decisions will affect
the tenants' monthly costs. If for a little higher construction cost,
it is possible to cut monthly energy bills in half, then we have a
winner.
SECONDARY ELECTRIC VEHICLE BATTERY USE PROGRAM
The act establishes a research, development, and demonstration
program for the feasibility of using batteries in secondary
applications, including utility and commercial power storage and power
quality. The study will evaluate the performance, life cycle costs, and
supporting infrastructure necessary to implement this technology. This
is a good provision environmentally. If hybrids and other electric
vehicles take off we are going to have a problem of what to do with all
the batteries. This provision funded a series of research projects to
look for uses for these batteries which are likely to outlast the
vehicles, in utility applications and elsewhere.
In closing let me note that I also sought to include a provision that
was not included in the report. This provision would have required the
Secretary of Energy to establish a program to encourage minority
students to study the earth sciences and enter the field of geology in
order to qualify for employment in the oil and gas and mineral
industries. While this provision did not make the cut, I am dedicated
to including this provision in an appropriate piece of legislation by
the end of the fall session.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is socialism at its worst. The headline makers
of capitalism: Exxon Mobil, Chevron, and Texaco are reporting the
biggest profits in the history of any industry in the history of the
United States and bragging about it on the front pages of the
newspapers of our country. They are bragging about it.
Right now, Adam Smith is spinning in his grave so fast that he would
qualify for a subsidy in this bill as an energy source. That is how bad
this bill is.
This bill so fundamentally violates all principles of capitalism that
Exxon-Mobil, that Chevron-Texaco would come to the American people's
Social Security System, put up an oil rig, and start drilling into the
savings of American taxpayers, because that is who will subsidize all
of these giveaways.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume to note that although we love the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. Markey) and his visuals, it is like the ``I Love Lucy'' reruns. We
have seen them before.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr.
Pickering), the vice chairman of the committee.
Mr. PICKERING. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this
legislation. It is a good step forward to increase our energy supplies,
diversify our energy supplies, provide cleaner air, help our farmers,
and strengthen our economy.
I first want to commend the chairman of the committee, the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Barton), who has done a tremendous job of leading us to
a great accomplishment, along with the ranking member, the gentleman
from Michigan (Mr. Dingell). It is an honor to serve on the committee
where we have had an open process, a bipartisan process, to reach an
agreement to move our country forward.
It is a bill that will give us clean coal, nuclear, new technologies
for the future, fuel cell, hybrid, as well as increasing the production
of our traditional fuels. It is a well-balanced bill, it is a well-
crafted bill, and I am proud to support it and urge all the Members to
support.
And to my friend, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), he
has been a happy warrior. It is good to know that in that bastion of
capitalism, Boston, that we do have a proponent for Adam Smith.
Mr. Speaker, my very strong support of this bill.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I too reserve the balance of my time.
[[Page 18271]]
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Hinchey).
Mr. HINCHEY. Mr. Speaker, this is a troubling moment. If we were in
the military, I think that we might be charged with dereliction of
duty. The most important security issue that this Nation has to deal
with is the issue of energy, doing things to decrease our dependence on
foreign energy, particularly foreign oil. We are now importing about 60
percent of the oil that we use on a daily, monthly, and annual basis.
This bill does little to deal with that problem.
Instead, what it does do is it gifts the oil industry with enormous
amounts of tax concessions and tax breaks. The oil industry, of course,
is now suffering from a very serious problem: They have more cash on
hand than they know what to do with. They do not know what to do with
all the money coming in from these high gasoline prices, high heating
prices, and yet now we are going to dump a whole bunch more money on
them.
We should be doing something that looks forward. If this bill were
before the Congress in 1955, some people might say it was a forward-
looking bill. But in 2005, it does nothing but look backward and does
nothing to help our energy dependence and overall energy situation. I
hope we defeat it.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume to make a request of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
Markey). Could the gentleman yield me 1 minute of his time, if
possible; or do you have your speakers all utilized?
Mr. MARKEY. Well, I have three more speakers. Could the Chair tell me
how much time is left on both sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Barton) has 1\1/2\ minutes remaining, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Boucher) has 4 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. Markey) has 5 minutes remaining.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, the proponents of the bill still have more
time left than the opponents of the bill, and the time was divided 40
minutes to 20 minutes. So what we have been trying to do, honestly, is
just to harness our smaller number of minutes.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the
time I control, which I believe is 1\1/2\ minutes, have an additional 1
minute added to that.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. One minute to each side?
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Well, no. I need 1 more minute from somewhere,
Mr. Speaker. So if we cannot get it from the other side, I just ask
unanimous consent to add 1 minute to the time I control.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the gentleman from Texas
has 1 additional minute.
There was no objection.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman
from Alabama (Mr. Bonner).
Mr. BONNER. Mr. Speaker, knowing that time is precious and that our
colleagues from Florida have already engaged the gentleman from
California, I would like to raise this question in a colloquy.
Mr. Speaker, as these discussions continue toward a plan that could
affect future oil and gas leasing in the Gulf of Mexico, can the
gentleman assure the delegations from all the States that border the
Gulf of Mexico that any proposed plan would equitably and fairly
consider the interests of those States?
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BONNER. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, I pledge to the gentleman that as we move
forward with a long-term solution, that the interests of all the States
bordering the Gulf will be protected, and the gentleman will be part of
those discussions.
Mr. BONNER. Reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, one final question. Can
the gentleman also ensure that the Governors and appropriate officials
from those States will be included in those discussions?
Mr. POMBO. If the gentleman will continue to yield, the answer is
yes.
Mr. BONNER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn), a member of the committee.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank our committee chairman
for the excellent work. In my district in Tennessee, our farmers are
pleased that we are bringing this conference report to the floor. They
understand affordable fuels, and they are looking forward to working
alternative fuels. Our small business community is excited about
available energy.
Most importantly, Mr. Speaker, I think this sends a message that
America, this Nation, this Congress, is serious about a comprehensive
plan and is ready and willing to address the future needs of this
Nation's energy supply.
{time} 1230
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, in this bill there are so many preposterous provisions,
it is impossible to list them all. But amongst them is a provision
which after 35 years strips Governors and mayors of an ability to block
an LNG, a liquefied natural gas facility, from being built in the
middle of a densely populated area. This photograph shows Boston. This
is my district. This is where one of the facilities has already been
built, but it was built with permission.
Now post-9/11 with terrorists targeting sites with the highest
potential harm to Americans, this bill blocks Governors, police, and
fire departments from blocking facilities from going into densely
populated areas. But the bill also allows the Pentagon, Secretary
Rumsfeld, to protect against one of these being built next to a
military facility. Imagine that, the Republicans will protect the
Pentagon but not civilians in densely populated areas from an LNG
catastrophe which could maim or kill tens of thousands of people.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) has 4 minutes remaining.
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is packed with royalty relief for big oil and
gas companies, tax breaks for big oil and gas companies, loan
guarantees for the wealthiest energy companies in America, even as they
are reporting the largest quarterly profits of any corporations in the
history of the United States.
It is politically and morally wrong for the United States Congress to
come to this floor to pass legislation which will take money from the
American taxpayers to hand over to the corporations who are now
charging $2.30, $2.40, $2.60 at the pump to American consumers and
reporting the largest profits in history. If they need to do new
research, they have the money in their own pockets. That is capitalism.
If they want to do new drilling out in ultradeep areas of the oceans,
they have the profits to do that.
The American taxpayer should not be funding that drilling because, as
American consumers, they are already paying for that drilling. The oil
companies are saying publicly that they are making so much money they
do not know what to do with all of the profits. But even as they say
that publicly, they are coming here to the House floor, they are saying
to the Members, we want to erect huge oil drills on top of the Social
Security trust fund and drill $80 billion of subsidies out of American
taxpayers' pockets and hand it over to the oil, the gas, the coal, the
nuclear industries that are reporting the largest profits in history.
It is a moral and political failure because it is what is not in this
bill that is the important energy agenda for our country. Our country
puts 70 percent of all of the oil that we consume in gasoline tanks. We
only have 3 percent of
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the oil reserves in the world. OPEC has 70 percent. That is our
weakness. Our strength is that we are the technological giant of the
world.
There is nothing in this bill about improving the fuel economy
standards for SUVs and automobiles. There is nothing in this bill that
will mandate that electric utilities increase their use of renewable
energy so we can break our dependence upon these sources of energy that
weaken our foreign policy by getting us deeper into the Middle East,
emitting more pollutants which cause more asthma, more breast cancer,
more prostate cancer as the environment alters genes to increase
disease in our society. None of that is addressed in this bill in 2005.
If we could roll back the clock to 1905, this would be a very good
bill. It would be about oil, gas and coal. It is 2005, however. We
should be talking about the new agenda, the new technology agenda for
our country. This bill is a political and a moral and a technological
failure.
In addition to draining revenues out of the taxpayers' pockets to
subsidize the wealthiest industries, we ignore the technologies which
could break our dependence on imported oil and could send a signal to
OPEC which would drive down the price of oil which would help our
country's national security. I urge a ``no'' vote on this historic
failure.
Mr. BOUCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the distinguished ranking member
on the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report.
I begin by commending my colleagues, all of them, for the work they
did. I want to pay particular tribute to the staff which worked long
and hard and did a superb job, and that is the staff on both sides of
the aisle and at both ends of this building: Senate, House, Republicans
and Democrats. I want to pay particular tribute to my friends who
served as conferees, all of them, whether they signed the conference
report or not.
I want to pay particular tribute to the gentleman from Texas
(Chairman Barton) for his outstanding leadership and for the fair and
decent way in which he conducted the business of the conference. And I
want to pay tribute to Senators Domenici and Bingaman who did such an
outstanding job in making it possible for us to have the kind of
negotiations which brought us here.
I would observe that the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) ran the
conference the way it used to be run, in an open, decent, and fair
fashion; and I express to him my thanks for the way in which he
conducted himself and the honorable and fine way in which he conducted
the business of the conference in the House.
My colleagues will remember I voted against the measure in April. It
was my view at that time that it hurt consumers, taxpayers, and the
environment. Consumer protections in electricity and natural gas
markets now, however, will be strengthened, and taxpayers will no
longer be on the hook for MTBE cleanups, and the environmental risk has
been reduced. Environmental laws have been protected, and it is a much
better piece of legislation.
I repeat, the conference was kept as open as it could be because of
the leadership of my friend and colleague, the chairman of the
committee. Again, I repeat thanks for the outstanding work of the
conferees and the staff.
What does this bill do? First of all, it is a much more balanced and
collective piece of legislation than that before. It may even be better
than either the Senate or the House bill in almost all of the
particulars. It begins to set forth a comprehensive and balanced
approach to the development and the use of energy resources. And rather
than important industries being encumbered with costly mandates,
carrying unfortunate economic effects, it lets things work in the way
that will achieve the purposes of this Congress.
It is major progress in establishing reliability of the electric
grid, incremental progress in efficiency standards on developing
renewable energy sources, and potentially very significant progress for
clean coal technologies and significant progress for energy research
and development programs, including research in very deep water,
something about which there has been some unjustified criticism raised
lately.
Some of my colleagues will be calling this a missed opportunity. My
auto-worker constituents will be glad that we missed an opportunity to
impose harsh fuel efficiency requirements on home-grown auto
manufacturers. They already make many models that are very fuel
efficient that American consumers can buy right now.
Others of my colleagues will cite subsidies for traditional energy
industries, and sometimes on this matter they are right. I tried, but
failed, to reduce many of these. But we need to encourage development
of multiple domestic sources of energy, and many of the subsidies in
this bill will help us develop those sources; and I would remind my
colleagues that Congress has not infrequently, indeed, many times in
our history, provided economic incentives for the economic development
of this country. We are a richer, better, stronger, and happier country
for that reason.
Are we overpaying some particulars? Probably. Would this be the bill
I would have drawn had I begun with it? No. It is not a perfect bill,
but it is a solid and a good beginning to developing an energy strategy
for the 21st century. It is the best that can be constructed at this
time. It has been done by honorable leadership of our chairman and
members of the conference who worked so hard. I urge my colleagues to
support this legislation.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my
time.
Mr. Speaker, I call the body's attention to the quote above the
podium from Daniel Webster that starts off: ``Let us develop the
resources of our land.'' That is what this bill is all about.
I do not recognize the bill that my friend from Massachusetts just
talked about. I think America is a land of hope and opportunity. We are
a land of can-do and optimism. America is not a land of fear. It is not
a land where we want the government to tell us what to do and how to
make choices.
Our country is built on the premise that men and women, given the
proper information, can make intelligent choices about what is best for
them. This bill before us is based on that principle. We have strong
environmental protection. We have strong protections against those that
misuse the authorities, but this bill is based on the premise that we
believe in private free market capitalism to develop the resources of
this land in a cost-efficient fashion which benefits all of America.
All of America.
And there are numerous provisions in this bill to give incentives to
renewable and clean energy resources. There are numerous provisions in
this bill to increase the efficient use of those resources. But, yes,
there are provisions in this bill that say it is okay to use clean
coal; it is okay to build a new nuclear power plant in this country if
we do it in the proper way with the proper permits and the proper
inspections. And, yes, it is okay to build new LNG facilities to bring
more natural gas into our great Nation if we need it and if it is done
with the proper consultation with State, local, and Federal agencies.
This is a very, very good bill. It is for America's future. Please
vote ``yes'' for this bipartisan, bicameral, for-America bill.
Mr. HASTERT. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in strong support of the
Domenici-Barton Energy Policy Act.
I want to congratulate the House Conferees and thank them all for
their hard work. I would like to especially recognize the efforts of
the Chairman of the Conference, Mr. Barton and the Dean of the House,
Mr. Dingell.
Working together with their Senate counterparts, the House Conferees
did what many said was impossible: complete the most comprehensive
energy legislation in a generation in less than one month.
Mr. Speaker, completing this job was important for our Nation.
Americans have waited too long for this legislation to get finished.
Americans need this legislation to lower their energy
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costs, to drive economic growth and job creation and to promote greater
energy independence.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is important to the Nation for a number of
reasons.
First, this bill addresses the burden that higher gasoline prices
place on American consumers by reducing our dependency on foreign oil.
This legislation encourages domestic production of oil by
streamlining the permit process for new wells. It also promotes greater
refining capacity so more gasoline will be on the market; and it
increases gasoline supply by putting an end to the proliferation of
boutique fuels.
In addition, this bill helps us reduce our dependence on foreign oil
by unleashing the power of the American farmer.
This legislation includes a historic Renewable Fuel Standard, which
will result in the doubling of the use of clean-burning and renewable
ethanol. The production and use of 7.5 billion gallons of ethanol by
2012 will displace over 2 billion barrels of crude oil. America has a
strategic reserve of motor fuels in the cornfields of Illinois, the
fields of rice in California, and the cane fields of Florida and its
time we tap it.
This legislation also helps alleviate the hidden tax on American
consumers, farmers, small businesses and manufacturers that comes in
the form of higher natural gas prices. Increased natural gas prices
have had an adverse impact on the American economy for too long.
Several provisions in H.R. 6, including the streamlining of the LNG
infrastructure permitting process and the inventory of America's off-
shore resources, are significant steps toward ensuring that our Nation
has an adequate and affordable supply of natural gas.
Additionally, this bill provides incentives for the development of
clean energy technologies. Included in this legislation are tax credits
and funds for the promotion and development of clean coal technologies.
There are important incentives for the construction of new nuclear
power plants, including the President's proposal for risk insurance to
protect against the difficult and lengthy regulatory process of
building a nuclear plant. And, this bill continues our Nation's
commitment to producing electricity through the use of solar,
geothermal and wind power.
Another important component of this legislation enhances our
electricity transmission infrastructure so it can meet the needs of our
growing economy and help reduce the potential for future blackouts.
This bill requires the adoption of strict transmission reliability
standards and provides incentives for building additional transmission
capacity. This bill also includes measures to update our Nation's
electricity laws which will attract much-needed capital to this vital
sector of our economy.
However, this bill is not just about the creation of energy, it also
contains several important provisions which will help conserve energy
as well. This bill establishes new mandatory efficiency standards for
federal buildings. And, it sets new standards and requires product
labeling for battery chargers, commercial refrigerators, freezers and
other household products.
Mr. Speaker, I could go on and on about all the positive and
important elements in this legislation. But I believe it's enough to
say that we should support this bill and send it to the President
because it's the right thing for the American people. They should
expect to have an affordable, reliable, efficient, and environmentally
sound supply of energy and this bill assures that they will.
Again, let me congratulate Mr. Barton and all the House Conferees and
urge my colleagues to support this historic legislation.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the energy legislation
that we are debating on the House floor today. As an energy scientist
who spent nearly a decade working at one of the Nation's premiere
alternative energy research labs I understand the complex and
challenging nature of moving toward sustainable energy sources. Having
served in this body for more than 6 years, I understand the
difficulties in balancing competing interests to obtain a policy that
benefits the Nation. Unfortunately, this bill does not strike a balance
that provides a productive and clear vision that will lead this Nation
towards energy independence.
The Energy Policy Act does not provide any solutions to reaching
energy independence or reducing our destruction of the world the next
generation will inherit. This legislation provides subsidies to
industries that produce environmentally damaging and finite energy
sources instead of investing in research that would allow our children
to be the first generation to realize a nation that is powered largely
by renewable energy sources. It is a bill that is designed to meet the
needs of special interests instead of demanding higher standards for
corporate America.
Instead of investing in cleaner, long term solutions, this bill
brushes aside our Nation's future energy needs in order to provide
billions of taxpayer dollars to the oil, gas and other traditional
energy industries to promote short-term, polluting energy sources.
These tax incentives should not be going to industries that are
thriving, but should be used to invest in our future by increasing
research funding for alternative energy sources such as wind energy,
fuel cells and fusion.
The domination of special interests means much more than wealthy
industries receiving tax breaks that will make them even richer. It
means that more of our children will suffer from asthma because we did
not demand stricter regulations on polluters. It means that children
across this Nation will drink contaminated water because we chose to
insulate an industry from being held accountable for their negligent
actions. It means that our children will not have the opportunity to
take their children to view the natural treasures that inspired them in
their youth because we needed to open up these lands to allow oil and
gas companies to expand their operations.
We will never drill our way to independence domestically, yet we have
an energy bill that is stuck in the past that yet again seeks to drill
a little deeper, in more places. This legislation includes a permanent
authorization of an oil and gas leasing program in the National
Petroleum Reserve--Alaska without preserving any key wilderness and
cultural areas in this 23 million acre region. Further, this bill
authorizes an inventory of the oil and gas resources underneath the
Outer Continental Shelf, OCS--a first step towards reversing the two
decade moratorium that prohibits oil and gas drilling on the Outer
Continental Shelf.
This bill also fails to protect American consumers. I am frustrated
that an amendment I offered with Representative Nancy Johnson to ensure
that consumers receive accurate information regarding the fuel
efficiency of automobiles was gutted because it was characterized as an
attempt to change CAFE standards. This is a consumer protection issue
and not an attack on the automobile industry that vigorously opposed
our legislation. Americans do care how efficient their car is, and it
is a failure of our government that we cannot provide consumers that
walk into a showroom to pick out a new car with a sticker in the window
that reflects accurate information on the car's city and highway gas
mileage.
Before I conclude my remarks I would like to recognize that there are
some good points in this bill. For example, the bill provides
continuing support for the highly successful Energy Star program at the
Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Energy, which
promotes energy efficiency in buildings and products. The bill also
authorizes annual 10 percent increases in research on energy efficiency
and renewable energy. Additionally, it includes a few creative ways to
reduce the consumption of energy, such as Representative Markey's
provision to extend daylight savings time by one month.
We need a responsible and sustainable approach to addressing our
Nation's energy needs. On behalf of the residents of the 12th District,
I pledge to continue to work toward the development of a balanced,
comprehensive energy plan--one that finds environmentally friendly,
sustainable ways to decrease our dependence on foreign oil and slow the
degradation of our planet.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my concerns about the
conference report to the Energy Policy Act of 2005. I believe that the
passage of the conference report for H.R. 6 is a momentous event. This
conference report is a culmination of many years of hard work and
negotiating on both sides of the aisle and in both Chambers of
Congress. Our country is finally adopting a national energy policy, an
action that is long, long overdue.
The conference report for H.R. 6 includes numerous important measures
to promote the use of clean and renewable fuels and emerging energy
technologies, improves the delivery and reliability of electricity
transmission, requires energy conservation and mandates efficiency
standards.
With all of these great provisions in H.R. 6, I am disappointed that
the conference report includes a provision to conduct an inventory of
all oil and gas resources beneath all waters of the Outer Continental
Shelf. I have constantly fought to protect Florida's coast from
offshore oil drilling. I have joined my colleagues in the Florida
delegation, Republicans and Democrats, in defeating numerous attempts
to weaken the drilling moratorium on the OCS.
To Floridians, an inventory of oil resources means drilling. To
Floridians, there are too many uncertainties of the impact that seismic
testing will have on sensitive ecosystems and marine life. To
Floridians, anything but a full and permanent moratorium of drilling
off our shores means doom.
[[Page 18274]]
I support identifying alternative domestic sources of energy. In our
uncertain world, the United States must look closer to home for its
energy needs. However, the shores of Florida are too close to home.
Florida is a unique ecological gem in our country and the world, and
cannot be tampered with. It is also important to note that Florida's
leading industry is tourism. If inventorying would lead to drilling, it
would inevitably lead to a downturn in tourism to Florida.
While I support the vast majority of H.R. 6, I must stand with my
colleagues from Florida in voting against final passage. I remain
committed to working with Chairman Barton, Ranking Member Dingell and
my Florida colleagues in a bipartisan manner as we move forward, to
ensure that the OCS drilling moratorium continues to protect Florida.
Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this
legislation.
I applaud the work of the conferees and their willingness to find
compromise and drop the most controversial and anti-environmental
provisions, particularly the authorization to drill in the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge and the liability exemption for the petroleum
industry to finance the clean up of drinking water contaminated with
MTBE.
I think some of the electricity and utility provisions are more
balanced and appropriate.
But, I am still disappointed that this bill falls far short of what
this institution and our nation must undertake to remove our dependency
on oil and fossil fuels. You would think that in the two years since we
last attempted to pass energy legislation, we would have a different
bill. World oil supplies have tightened, the price of oil has shot up
to over $60 a barrel, and many of our foreign sources of oil, the
Middle East, in particular, but Africa and Venezuela as well, have
grown even less stable.
What we are considering today is an improvement over what the House
passed earlier this year, but absent the two controversial provisions I
mentioned it's still practically the same bill from last Congress. It
even has the same bill number, H.R. 6, as last time, as if it were
photocopied with complete indifference to the disturbing news and
international developments that have recently come to pass.
We are an oil-based economy, with about 60 percent of our oil
imported from abroad. While coal, uranium and some renewable sources
such as wind and hydro comprise a majority of the fuel used to generate
electricity, most of our economy is dependent or exclusively reliant on
oil, from fertilizers for agriculture, plastics for manufacturing to
gasoline and diesel for transportation.
Mr. Speaker, we need a crash course in developing cleaner alternative
sources of energy and a Herculean effort to reduce our present level of
oil consumption. Nowhere are we demanding greater fuel efficiency in
our vehicles. This conference agreement actually extends a loophole
that allows automobile manufacturers an exemption from today's weaker
fuel efficiency requirements for vehicles that use ethanol. During the
next 10 years, this loophole alone is estimated to increase our oil
consumption by 15 billion gallons of gasoline. Had we improved vehicle
fuel efficiency through higher Corporate Average Fuel Efficiency, CAFE,
standards, 27 miles for light trucks and 33 for cars back in the early
1990s, we could have displaced all the oil we imported from OPEC today.
This bill is shamefully silent on that issue.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is deficient and heads our country in the
wrong direction. It rushes us closer to the day oil shortages occur and
sets us backward on our ability to address it.
As a nation, we are blessed with a land of immense beauty and natural
wealth and a people of great ingenuity and resourcefulness capable of
overcoming vast challenges and obstacles. It is unfortunate that so
much of this legislation has the effect of exploiting the former and
reflects such little faith in the latter.
I urge my colleagues to reject this bill.
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Energy
Policy Act of 2005 and thank Chairman Joe Barton and my colleagues for
their hard work on this much needed legislation. The war on terror has
renewed our interest as a nation in reducing our dependence on energy
imports and in diversifying our domestic energy sector. Through the
Energy Policy Act of 2005, we can do just that through increased
utilization of our coal supply; of nuclear energy; of renewable fuels
such as hydrogen and of increased energy efficiency and conservation.
In southwest Pennsylvania, no matter what we do or where we go, we
depend on coal. Our computers, the companies we work for, our homes and
schools, are powered by coal. The stigma on the burning of coal has
always been its air emissions, but now major developments in clean coal
technology will expand the benefits of coal in environmentally friendly
ways. Establishing a comprehensive national energy policy which
includes clean coal technology is the first step in accomplishing this
task.
There is more than 250 years worth of coal energy in the ground of
southwestern Pennsylvania. It generates more than 55 percent of
Pennsylvania's electricity and more than half of the nation's. Coal is
America's most abundant energy resource, but to take full advantage of
it we need to reduce emissions. Many plants have turned towards the use
of natural gas, which in turn has led to less supply, tripling the
price in the past decade. The increases in natural gas prices has cost
90,000 jobs in the chemical industry alone and contributed to three
million manufacturing job losses.
The Energy Policy Act allows for more than $250 million per year for
the Department of Energy's fossil program for existing and new coal-
based research and development. It calls for a national center for
clean power and energy research as well as coal mining research efforts
to reduce contaminants in mined coal. Research is to be focused on
innovations at existing plants, new advanced gasification and combined
cycle plants, advanced combustion systems and turbines as well as fuel-
related research.
There is $1.8 billion included for the development of new clean coal
technologies to increase the demand for coal and create 62,000 jobs
across the country, from building new plants to mining coal. This
includes 10,000 high-paying research jobs in the fields of math,
engineering, physics, and science. Each job in the coal industry
created in Pennsylvania will generate seven supporting jobs such as
barge operators and train engineers.
An additional $2 billion included in the Energy Policy Act encourages
the use of new equipment to better clean the air and higher-efficiency
power generation machinery, making the use of coal more environmentally
friendly. This will lead to increased jobs for virtually every industry
in the region.
Pennsylvania is already at the center of the country's coal
production thanks to the hardest-working, most dedicated workers in the
world. Clean coal technology will allow the region to prosper and meet
America's energy needs for years to come.
The bill also boosts production of clean natural gas to help
alleviate soaring prices for the environmentally friendly fuel.
Specifically, the bill breaks the bureaucratic logjam that has stymied
work on approximately 40 liquefied natural gas facilities nationwide.
Nuclear power is a vital part of the energy mix in this country and
in our State. The Energy Policy Act of 2005 will encourage this clean-
burning energy source by promoting the construction of new nuclear
reactors. Building a nuclear reactor creates between 2,000 and 3,000
jobs. Running a nuclear reactor creates an estimated 1,500 jobs. These
are highly trained trade or professional positions that pay well.
The bill provides $2.7 billion for nuclear energy research and
infrastructure support, including development of safe uses for spent
nuclear fuel and advanced reactor designs, support for university
nuclear science and engineering programs and establishment of a program
dedicated to increasing the safety and security of nuclear power
plants. Westinghouse here in Pittsburgh is a major developer of nuclear
technology, and our universities are active in this area.
To meet rising energy demands in the future, we need continued
advances in energy efficiency and conservation--helping to reduce our
demand on foreign supply and stimulating economic growth. Included in
the Energy Policy Act are provisions that will save Pennsylvania
consumers and businesses money spent on energy, so they can invest,
spend and grow the economy and improve our standard of living.
These include a package of energy efficiency, renewable energy and
state energy measure that are key steps forward toward enhancing our
natural economic drive to use existing energy supplies more
efficiently.
The bill authorizes more than $2 billion for a hydrogen fuel-cell
program with a goal of launching hydrogen fuel-cell cars into the
marketplace by 2020. Hydrogen fuel cells for stationary source use are
being developed right here in Pittsburgh.
Financial incentives in the bill will spur renewable energy companies
to produce electricity from renewable and alternative fuels such as
wind, solar, biomass and waste coal. Funding is provided for energy
efficiency programs for public buildings, including schools and
hospitals, and increased fuel efficiency requirements for federal
vehicles.
The Energy Policy Act expands the Energy Star program, a government-
industry partnership for promoting energy-efficient products;
establishes new energy efficiency standards
[[Page 18275]]
for many new commercial and consumer products that use large amount of
energy--providing sufficient savings on monthly energy costs; and
dramatically increases funding for the Low Income Housing Assistance
Program, low-income weatherization programs, and state energy programs
to improve energy efficiency.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 recognizes that renewable fuels can be
made from a variety of materials, including the animal fats and other
biomass materials collected by renderers. Renderers collect and process
materials generated from the livestock industry, as well as used
cooking oils from restaurants. Rendering is environmentally beneficial
because the reuse of these materials prevents pollution of surface and
ground waters that might result from their improper disposal or
management. Rendered materials are now used to make detergents, fabric
softeners, perfumes, cosmetics, candles, lubricants, paints, plastics
and biodiesel.
Moreover, these materials can create renewable-based fuels and
feedstocks that in turn reduce the amount of fossil fuel material
needed to produce a gallon of motor vehicle fuel. For example, animal
fats and other biomass materials can be introduced as renewable fuel
feedstocks into the refinery processes, solely or in combination with
other conventional fossil fuel derived components, in order to produce
renewable fuels. This process will yield renewable fuel or renewable
fuel blending components commensurate with the percentage of renewable
material introduced to the process.
In establishing the renewable fuel provisions of the Energy Policy
Act of 2005, Congress has intended that these provisions allow the
broadest use of renewable materials to produce fuels and renewable fuel
blending components in order that we might reduce our use of virgin
oil, increase our fuel diversity and decrease our dependence on foreign
crude oil. Accordingly, implementing regulations should consider these
types of uses and establish compliance mechanisms to account for the
applicable volumes within the renewable fuel programs.
Again, I want to thank Chairman Barton and all the Conferees for
their hard work on this vital legislation and urge its quick passage.
Mr. McDERMOTT. Mr. Speaker, a grave threat to America today is our
addiction to oil, and voting for the Energy Bill is like franchising
drug abuse.
Republicans have written a bill that favors corporate America over
Main Street America. This bill does not, and will not, address any of
the critical energy issues that threaten our environment, our economy
and our middle class.
Sixty dollars for a barrel oil that breaks the backs and the budgets
of Mainstream Americans is a scandal. And this legislation serves as a
full, free and absolute pardon to those who failed to put America's
interests ahead of special interests.
Oil company profits have been driven obscenely high on the backs of
American consumers, and this legislation paves an express lane for Big
Oil to drive the American consumer into the ground.
At a time when America needs energy vision, Republicans have given us
their philosophy: leave no special interest behind.
Big Oil--step right up and fill the tank with the hard earned money
of America's middle class.
Big Coal--step right up and pardon that coughing in the background;
it's only Americans choking from new pollution spewing into the
atmosphere.
This legislation does not address the economic peril Americans face
every time they fill up at the pump, but it will give over $14 billions
in tax breaks and subsidies to big Republican donors.
This energy legislation represents thinking as old as the dinosaurs,
and just as extinct. America needs an energy vision and a commitment to
the rapid development of sustainable, renewable, energy resources.
The opportunities and technologies exist today to start us on a road
to energy freedom and independence. But we are not going to get there
with a bill that encourages predatory dinosaurs like Big Oil to roam
the earth and destroy everything and everyone in their path.
I urge my colleagues to vote against an energy legislation that was
written as if we lived in 2005--B.C.''
Ms. BALDWIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the energy bill on
the floor today. As our dependence on foreign oil increases, this plan
fails to directly confront our nation's future energy challenges. It
provides a false sense of security to the American people that this
Congress is serious about addressing our future energy needs and the
skyrocketing cost of oil.
Some of my colleagues have lauded this bill, saying that it is the
most comprehensive energy bill to be brought to the House floor in 30
to 40 years. While the bill may be wide-ranging, it provides no
solutions, no tools, and no blueprint for reducing our demand for
foreign oil or for giving families and small business owners relief at
the gas pump.
Over 58 percent of the oil used to transport our nation's food from
farms to consumers, heat our homes, and get us to work or school, is
imported from overseas. Even the Department of Energy acknowledged that
this bill will do next-to-nothing to lower gasoline prices or reduce
America's demand for foreign oil. In fact, the Energy Information
Administration, EIA, predicts our dependence on foreign oil will
increase to more than 68 percent by 2005 regardless of whether this
energy bill is signed into law or not.
If this bill does become law, Congress will have missed a monumental
opportunity to make real progress in reducing our demand for foreign
oil Even small efforts in this direction were rejected. For example,
during conference negotiations, Republican conferees voted against a
modest Senate proposal that would have required the President to reduce
U.S. oil consumption by 1 million barrels a day by 2015.
This energy bill also fails to raise the efficiency standards for
automobiles, which have not been increased in decades. Instead of
challenging our nation's talented engineers to build safe cars, trucks
and SUVs that can travel further on less gasoline, Republican conferees
wilted to lobbyists who do not seem to believe in the American worker's
``can do'' ingenuity anymore.
Instead of diversifying the portfolio of the energy resources we
depend on to power our nation, a Senate provision that would have
required electric utilities to generate 10 percent of its electricity
from renewable sources was dropped during conference. A handful of
States, including my home State of Wisconsin, have adopted similar
targets and have had tremendous success. The use of renewables in these
States has significantly increased while their benefits and popularity
among consumers have proved the initial ``doomsday'' predictions by
electric utilities wrong.
Rather than make Herculean efforts to bring renewable technologies to
the market and expand their use, the bill provides oil and gas
companies billions of dollars to subsidize their exploration and
production efforts. To me, these taxpayer subsidies do not make much
sense when the oil industry already expects to have 40 percent higher
profits this year, with Exxon Mobil, BP, and Royal Dutch/Shell
expecting to post a combined profit of more than $60 billion.
Despite the many misplaced priorities in this bill, I was pleased a
number of provisions were included in this conference report that will
benefit our Nation as well as Wisconsin. For example, conferees made
the wise decision to expand our use of renewable fuels, such as
ethanol, by 7.5 million gallons over 10 years. This is good for the
environment, good for our Nation's energy future, and good for
America's farmers. We could have done much more, but this is an
important step in the right direction.
I believe now is the time to make substantial investments in
improving technologies that generate more electricity from fewer
resources and developing alternatives that won't pollute our
environment. We must start today to ensure our Nation's energy security
in the future.
I also strongly support the electricity reliability language in the
bill that will help shore up the procedures and rules that govern the
flow of electricity across State borders. While the reliability
standards are long overdue, I believe they will help keep the lights on
and ensure that a blackout similar to the one in 2003 does not happen
again.
I also support the provision that will permanently ban oil and gas
drilling in the Great Lakes. The Great Lakes are among our Nation's
most valuable natural treasures and I believe they should not be
threatened by potential oil spills or have their beauty or recreational
appeal tainted by massive oil rigs.
Furthermore, I applaud conferees for not including a provision that
would open up the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge for oil and natural
gas production and exploration. Destroying one of America's most
pristine wilderness areas for a few months of oil is not the long-term
answer to reducing our-dependence on foreign nations for oil. Energy
bill conferees also deserve credit for not including a safe harbor
provision that would have shielded the manufacturers of the gasoline
additive, MTBE, from lawsuits. This measure would have made taxpayers
shoulder the burden of cleaning up hundreds of contaminated water
supply systems across the country at a cost of more than $30 million.
[[Page 18276]]
Despite these positive provisions, Congress has had almost five years
to get its priorities right, to put the American people before special
interests, and to put forward a plan that curbs our demand for foreign
oil. It is now clear that Congress has failed, and that this bill
represents a lost opportunity. This House should not pass a bill that
provides a false sense of security to the American people while failing
to truly address the energy challenges our Nation will face in the
future. I urge my colleagues to vote against this energy bill.
Mrs. MALONEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this
conference report.
As I've said before here on the floor of the House, America needs an
energy policy. We need an energy policy that actually brings down
record high gas prices, protects our environment, and truly reduces our
dependence on foreign oil by encouraging energy efficiency and the use
of renewable sources of energy. Unfortunately, this bill fails on all
fronts.
We are heavily reliant on oil to power our cars and fuel our
lifestyle, and 58 percent of the oil we consume is imported, often from
politically volatile regions of the world. Promoting conservation and
raising efficiency standards must play an important role in overcoming
our dependence on oil and reducing our reliance on imports. Today, more
than two-thirds of the oil consumed in the United States is used for
transportation, mostly for cars and light trucks. Increasing fuel
efficiency would lower pressures on oil prices, enhance our national
security, curb air pollution, and reduce the emission of greenhouse
gases, which cause global warming. And yet, instead of truly addressing
energy conservation and fuel efficiency, H.R. 6 hands out huge new
subsidies to the oil, gas, coal and nuclear industries.
This energy bill also harms our environment and threatens our
drinking water by rolling back important safeguards in the Clean Water
Act and the Safe Drinking Water Act, protections which are critical in
keeping our waterways clean and safe. Under this bill, in fact, fluid
laced with toxic chemicals and contaminants could actually be injected
into oil and gas wells that penetrate underground water sources,
risking contamination of our drinking water. I absolutely can not vote
for an energy bill that might put the drinking water of my constituents
at risk.
I don't think any of us believe that this energy bill is the last
word on energy policy, and much remains to be done to meet the great
challenges that lie before us. Until more is done, I oppose this
conference report, and urge my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. HIGGINS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in objection to H.R. 6, the
Energy Policy Act conference report under consideration by the full
House of Representatives and the Senate this week. While the conference
report removes many of the worst provisions from the original House
bill, this final version does little to reduce our nation's dependence
on foreign oil, to decrease rising oil and gas prices, to increase our
national security, to protect our environment, or to encourage
investment in renewable energy sources. In addition, provisions in the
report could directly impact my constituents by excluding local voices
and local input during hydropower relicensing, which is what is taking
place at the Niagara Power Project, just outside my district, right
now.
While I applaud the hard work of my colleagues in removing many of
the most egregious aspects of the bill--reducing the giveaways to oil
and gas companies, removing the MTBE provision and excluding drilling
in the Great Lakes and Alaska--I am most concerned about how this bill
will affect my constituents in Western New York where we are currently
embattled in a fight with the New York Power Authority over its bad
faith negotiations to mitigate the environmental, aesthetic and
economic effects of storage and use of NYPA equipment essential to the
hydropower dam on Buffalo's waterfront, the Niagara River, Lake Erie
and Western New York's economic recovery.
Buried deep in the conference report is language that will make it
easier for hydropower project owners to squash local concerns and
second-guess federal agency licensing conditions by countering with
their own favorable alternatives. Under current law, applications to
operate a hydroelectric facility are reviewed by federal environmental
agencies. Those agencies, with input from concerned citizens, states
and local governments, can place conditions on the approval of a
license, requiring the applicant to provide specified protections for
water and wildlife. The conference report allows applicants and other
interested parties to offer alternatives to those government
conditions, but those alternatives must either cost less to implement
or increase electricity production. Federal agencies are then forced to
accept those alternatives. This means dam owners can control their own
licenses. While the language in the conference report is an improvement
from the original House language, this would, in effect, give
hydropower dam owners special rights to influence federal licensing
decisions and reduce the state, local government and concerned citizen
roles in the decision-making process. That is a step backwards from
current law that I am not willing to take. In Buffalo we need more
local control, not less.
In additional direct impact on my constituents, this bill will do
nothing to reduce sky high oil and gas prices. The Administration's own
Energy Information Administration acknowledges that with this bill,
``changes to production, consumption, imports, and prices are
negligible.'' They even find that gasoline prices under this
legislation would increase by between three and eight cents per gallon.
Clearly, this measure is a short sighted political move aimed at
winning friends and contributors instead of what it should be--a long
term plan to ease the energy burden on consumers and make the United
States safer and energy independent--and that's a shame.
As a member of the Committee on Government Reform's Subcommittee on
Energy and Natural Resources, I know all too well how energy needs
shape our foreign policy and our national security agenda. Our
desperate need for oil pits us against China and India. It forces us
into a position of funding governments and world leaders who funnel our
payments to groups that are currently planning to do us harm. And our
need for oil from foreign markets forces our brave Armed Service men
and women into harm's way to protect our vital interests.
But oil needn't be the lead driver in our national security policy.
We have resources at home like water, wind and sun that, with research
and investment, can produce cleaner energy sources and cheaper
alternatives, can reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and can create
jobs and spur spending here at home. Just outside my district, with the
water heaving over the Niagara Falls, we convert water into electricity
every day. It's a shame this bill doesn't do enough for similar options
around the country.
All too often I hear from my constituents in Western New York that
too many low-income families, disabled individuals and senior citizens
are not able to afford their energy costs. My district is particularly
hard hit with extreme cold temperatures, which cause more families to
face unaffordable heating costs and put families and seniors at a
higher risk of life-threatening illness or death if their homes are too
cold in the winter or too hot in the summer.
Because of its detrimental effects on the people in my district I
will vote against the Energy Policy Act conference report today. It
ignores my constituents' needs and only adds to their troubles by
reducing local decision making, increasing oil and gas prices,
increased their tax burden, creating more pollution, and leaving them
less secure from foreign threats. I urge my colleagues to do the same.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, the energy bill conference report before us
today is horrible for the consumer, horrible for the environment, and
makes America neither energy independent nor more secure as a nation.
This conference report does too little to promote renewable energy
and energy efficiency. By promoting the interests of corporations over
consumers, and pollution over conservation, this bill makes the United
States much less secure.
America's continued reliance on Middle East oil for the majority of
our energy needs is the single largest factor that contributes to our
lack of national security. This conference report fails to adequately
address our reliance on foreign oil.
Worst of all, the conference report includes a huge provision,
inserted in the middle of the night after the conference finished its
work, to give $1.5 billion to big oil companies from Texas.
It would be wrong for anyone who cares about our nation's well-being,
or the fight against extremism in the Middle East, to vote for this
legislation. I urge my colleagues to join me in voting against it.
Mr. GORDON. Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to thank Science
Committee Chairman Sherry Boehlert and Energy Subcommittee Chair Judy
Biggert for their hard work, leadership and willingness to work with
the minority in developing Title IX, the Research and Development title
of this bill.
I would also like to call attention to a few provisions of the bill
that I believe really illustrate the importance of utilizing our wide
base of domestic science and technology resources in industry, the
D.O.E. National Laboratories, universities and colleges, and training
and trade organizations.
Section 924(b) directs the Secretary of Energy to initiate a program
in the field of advanced small-scale portable power technologies.
Institutions such as Tennessee Tech
[[Page 18277]]
University, Vanderbilt University and the University of Missouri are
conducting valuable work with fuel cells, advanced batteries,
microturbines, nanotechnology, and thermo-electricity. Advances in
these fields will have limitless applications both military and
civilian.
Section 932(e) establishes a bio-diesel demonstration program for a
new breed of fuels that have the capability of replacing most or all of
the petroleum diesel component in current bio-diesel mixtures with a
non-petroleum product. Middle Tennessee State University has generation
units that it could make available to test these new fuels at various
levels of concentration, and I hope that DOE would consider MTSU as an
appropriate site to conduct these tests.
Section 933 establishes a university program to demonstrate the
feasibility of operating a hydrogen-powered vehicle by utilizing an
innovative suite of off-the-shelf components in current automotive
technologies. Research is being done today at Middle Tennessee State
University that would show the practicality of running current engine
technology off purely sun and water as the power sources.
Section 983 addresses the critical issue of declining U.S.
competencies in math, science and engineering by awarding a grant to a
Southeastern consortium of research universities for partnerships with
teacher training colleges and National Laboratories to design,
implement and disseminate K-16 less on plans in math and science. One
of the country's premier organizations in this field is the Oak Ridge
Associated Universities (ORAU). By utilizing the expert resources in
teacher training institutions such as Middle Tennessee State
University, I believe ORAU can play a major role in stemming the
growing gap in our global technological competitiveness.
Section 1010 seeks to recognize the contributions smaller colleges
and universities can make in research and development activities and
encourage this through greater collaboration with the traditional
research institutions. By identifying the colleges and universities
according to the Carnegie Classification system, this amendment defines
accurately the categories of research institutions that will benefit
most from collaboration.
Section 1104 instructs the Secretary to support expanding ongoing
activities of the National Center for Energy Management and Building
Technologies. This important organization brings the Sheet Metal and
Air Conditioning Contractors National Association, the Sheet Metal
Workers, universities, and the national labs together to make sure that
technology and skills are transferred in the heating and cooling
industry. In my opinion, logical opportunities for expansion involve
additional universities that are near other national laboratories like
Oak Ridge and to initiate research, technology transfer, and training
for related technologies such as ground source heat pumps.
Sec. 404 instructs the Secretary to award grants to institutions of
higher education that have substantial experience in coal research and
show the greatest potential for advancing clean coal technologies.
Schools such as Southern Illinois University, the University of
Pittsburgh, Carnegie Mellon University, Virginia Polytechnic Institute
and State University and the Center for Electric Power at Tennessee
Technological University have programs dedicated to the cost-effective
and environmentally-responsible usage of our most plentiful domestic
energy source.
I would also like to highlight the contributions of several of our
members to very key components of Title IX:
Mr. Honda's commitment to the progress of the Next Generation
Lighting Initiative, the Stanford Linear Accelerator, and the Joint
Genomics Institute, Nanotechnology research and development, and his
work with Mr. Larson on transit bus demonstrations of fuel cells.
Mrs. Woolsey and Mr. Udall's continued dedication to deploying clean,
newable and efficient energy technologies in transportation, buildings
and electric power production.
Mr. Costello's diligence in ensuring that utilization of our vast
domestic coal resources only gets cleaner and more efficient and
universities play a major role in these efforts.
Mrs. Lofgren's vision in support of domestic fusion energy research
and international fusion projects that may ultimately harness the power
of the sun and give the world an inexhaustible source of energy.
Mr. Lincoln Davis' work to ensure good science continues at Oak Ridge
National Lab, particularly in the field of High-End Computing.
Mr. Miller's efforts to establish a nationwide network of Advanced
Energy Technology Transfer Centers, to get technologies off the
laboratory shelf and into the marketplace.
Sheila Jackson Lee's work in electric vehicle battery recycling,
building standards, offshore oil and gas resources and most
importantly, her tireless commitment to science at minority-serving
institutions.
John Larson's continued support for the development and utilization
of fuel cell technologies that will carry us into a future hydrogen
economy.
The Science Committee contributed virtually all of Title 9, the
research and development title of this bill. While Research and
Development programs typically have not been controversial, I believe
the Title 9 provisions represent a major part of this legislation. The
R&D programs authorized in this bill will provide the means to produce
the energy that this country will need for the future.
Mr. GILLMOR. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of Subtitle B of Title XV
of the conference report to H.R. 6, the Domenici-Barton Energy Policy
Act of 2005. This section makes many important policy changes that aim
to increase funding of and direct additional care for underground
storage tanks and the leaks of regulated substances that sometimes come
from them. As the Chairman of the authorizing Subcommittee for the
Solid Waste Disposal Act, I have been involved in oversight of the
Leaking Underground Storage Tank program for the last five years and
have personally taken an interest in the writing of this particular
Subtitle. I, therefore, want to make some brief comments about the
provisions in Subtitle B and the reasons and intent behind them.
Section 1522. Leaking Underground Storage Tanks
This section is the longest surviving section of several Congresses
of work on underground storage tank legislation, starting with an
effort to amend this program in the 104th Congress to get more money
out of the Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund and down to the
states to ensure better compliance with the law. Specifically, this
section amends the Solid Waste Disposal Act to direct the Administrator
of EPA to distribute to States at least 80 percent of the funds from
the Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund for use in paying the
reasonable costs for State enforcement efforts pertaining to
underground storage tanks. This limit of 80 percent should be viewed as
the floor and not an allocation ceiling. The Committee understands that
past congressional legislation that twice passed the House without a
single vote in opposition contained an 85 percent limit, but in
deference to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and its
Office of Underground Storage Tanks (OUST), the limit in the bill was
lowered to 80 percent to allow some flexibilty for the Agency to meet
its historical allocation to the States without statutorily binding
OUST. In addition, this section establishes guidelines for revisions to
the allocation process that the Administrator may revise after
consulting with state agencies responsible for overseeing corrective
action for releases from underground storage tanks.
This section also contains language that flows from Section 122(g) of
the comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability
Act of 1980 (42 U.S.C. 9622(g)) and mimics the intent of the Small
Business Liability Relief and Brownfields Revitalization Act (Public
Law 107-118). In seeking a cost recovery action, the Administrator (or
State) shall consider the owner or operator's ability to pay by
weighing the ability of the owner or operator to pay all corrective
action costs and still maintain its basic business operations,
including consideration of the overall financial condition of the owner
or operator and demonstrable constraints on the ability of the owner or
operator to raise revenues. In requesting consideration under these
provisions, the owner or operator shall promptly provide the
Administrator (or State) with all relevant information needed to
determine the ability to pay corrective action costs and allow for
alternative payment methods as may be necessary or appropriate, if the
Administrator (or state) determines that the owner or operator cannot
pay all or a portion of the costs in a lump sum payment. Owners and
operators are to be held fully accountable for misrepresentation or
fraud and the Administrator (or State) is authorized to seek full
recovery in the case of fraud or misrepresentation of all the costs for
the corrective action without consideration of the factors in this
section.
This section addresses two other items. First, it prohibits the EPA
Administrator from providing LUST Trust Fund dollars to states that
have permanently diverted their underground storage tank cleanup funds
to non-emergent items that are completely unrelated to underground
storage tank programs. There has been concern that some states were
using their underground storage tank funds to cover the costs of other
state funding priorities. This provision is meant to apply
prospectively and address the most egregious examples of this practice.
This section also allows the EPA to withdraw approval of a State
underground storage tank program that has been
[[Page 18278]]
chronically abusive in the way it has run its program. These provisions
are not in any way meant to insist on the withdrawal of approval for
stats that are making best efforts to comply with Federal standards
that provide for State approval, but have had some trouble. The
language clearly instructs the EPA Administrator and OUST to work with
States, give States leniency whenever needed, and give States every
effort to make their programs work. EPA must have the ability to compel
``bad actors'' into compliance, but not to use these authorities as a
weapon against States making ``good faith'' efforts.
Section 1523. Inspection of Underground Storage Tanks
On-site inspections are one of the best ways to ensure routine
compliance with LUST program rules. This section prescribes inspection
requirements for underground storage tanks. These provisions, which are
consistent with the core recommendations made by the General Accounting
Office, or GAO, (now the Government Accountability Office) requires,
for the first time ever, that every state conduct routine inspections
of every underground storage tank (UST) every three years. The language
in paragraph (c)(1) of Section 1523 (a) reflects two concerns. In order
to give States time to pass the appropriate state laws and hire the
necessary personnel, which is essential since only 19 states currently
operate UST programs that could meet this three year guideline, the
provisions in this section allow the states no more than an initial 2-
year ``grace period'' to start their inspection programs. During this
2-year period, the provisions establish that states must eliminate
their backlog of un-inspected underground tank systems that have been
out of compliance with federal regulations that became effective in
1998.
This language reflects Congress's clear intent that States eliminate
any backlog in the inspection of and enforcement against non-compliant
tanks. This provision is intended to apply to those LUST systems in
operation on or before December 22, 1998. The legislation also
recognizes that States may not be in the best position to transition to
immediate implementation of the requirements in this section. In fact,
in a June 2000 Report to Congress on a Compliance Plan for the
Underground Storage Tank Program, EPA stated that a significant number
of new inspectors would need to be hired or retained and trained by EPA
or the States to make meaningful inspections occur. In addition, EPA
estimated a total annual cost of hiring an inspector at $70,000 and
$1,000 for one month of training.
Next, this section establishes a mandatory requirement that States
conduct on-site inspections of every underground storage tank located
within their State that is regulated under Subtitle I of the Solid
Waste Disposal Act at least once every three (3) years. To aid the
States in this effort, the legislation allows the States to contract
with third-party inspectors to carry out these inspections.
Finally, since 62 percent of the States either do not conduct regular
inspections or inspect their USTs between every 4 to 10 years, the
legislation allows a State to petition the U.S. EPA for a one-time
grant of a one-year extension to the first mandatory three (3) year
inspection cycle in order to meet the requirement of inspecting all
tanks. While the language contemplates giving States every opportunity
to do meaningful inspections and comply with all legal requirements,
any grant of leniency must be demonstrated to EPA by the State and EPA
is not required to provide the extra year. In addition, pursuant to
section 9008 of the Solid Waste Disposal Act (42 U.S.C. 6991g), nothing
in these provisions prevents a State that wants to have a more frequent
inspection regime of their underground storage tanks from having them.
Section 1524. Operator Training
In its May 2001 report and subsequent testimony before the
Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous Materials, GAO stated that
one of the main causes of leaks from underground storage tanks was poor
operation of the tank system by owners and operators. In its
recommendations to Congress, GAO suggested instituting operator-
training programs as an important prevention tool against future leaks.
This section instructs the Administrator, with the cooperation of the
States, to publish guidelines for use by the States that specify
training requirements for persons having primary responsibility for on-
site operation and maintenance of underground storage tanks, persons
having daily on-site responsibility for the operation and maintenance
of underground storage tanks, and daily on-site employees having
primary responsibility for addressing emergencies presented by a spill
or release from an underground storage tank system. This comprehensive
list reflects the concern that responsible persons are not only in a
position to prevent leaks, but also to respond quickly once they occur.
Of note, the language is clear that in designing these operator
training requirements, EPA should make every effort to differentiate
the types of training between those persons, like underground storage
tank owners and regional managers, who require more comprehensive and
involved training and those persons, such as convenience store or
gasoline station clerks whose job turnover is high and responsibilities
are low, where training obligations should be more basic and minimally
intensive in nature.
Section 1525. Remediation from Oxygenated Fuel Additives
While nothing in law prevents EPA from using existing Leaking
Underground Storage Tank Trust Funds to remediate fuel that contains
oxygenated additives, this section recognizes the growing concern about
groundwater and drinking water contamination by oxygenated fuel
additives from leaking underground storage tanks. Specifically, this
section creates a new dedicated authorization of Federal LUST Trust
fund dollars to be used to carry out corrective actions with respect to
releases of a fuel containing an oxygenated fuel additive that presents
a threat to human health or welfare or the environment. Oxygenated fuel
additives include, but are not limited to, methyl tertiary butyl ether,
ethanol, ethyl tertiary butyl ether, TAME, and DIPE.
Section 1526. Release Prevention, Compliance, and Enforcement
This section authorizes funds to be used to conduct inspections,
issue orders, or bring actions under this subtitle by a State to carry
out State regulations pertaining to underground storage tanks under
this subtitle, or by the Administrator, for tanks regulated under this
subtitle. Since many persons are concerned that appropriate protective
measures are being taken by the States in regards to all underground
storage tank systems, whether public or private, this section
establishes right-to-know reporting requirements for all government-
owned tanks. In these reports, the States submit to the Administrator a
list identifying the location and owner of each underground storage
tank that is not in compliance with section 9003 and specifies the date
of the last inspection and describes the actions that have been and
will be taken to ensure compliance of the underground storage tank with
this subtitle. The Administrator shall require each State that receives
Federal funds to make available to the public a record of underground
storage tanks under this subtitle. The Administrator shall prescribe,
after consultation with the States, the best manner and form to make
available and maintain this record, considering the most practical and
efficient means to maintain its intended purpose. This section also
establishes incentives for performance measures that may be taken into
consideration in determining the terms of a civil penalty under Section
9006 of the Solid Waste Disposal Act.
Section 1527. Delivery Prohibition
Testimony received by the Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous
Materials has stated that the use of a delivery prohibition, by States,
against habitually non-compliant tanks has been the most effective
enforcement tool in motivating underground storage tank owners and
operators into resolving outstanding problems with their systems. This
section of the bill makes it unlawful, two (2) years after the date of
enactment, to deliver, deposit into, or accept a regulated substance
into an underground storage tank at a facility that has been identified
as ineligible for fuel delivery or deposit. EPA is required to work
with States and underground storage tank owners and product delivery
industries before prescribing minimum guidelines for how this delivery
prohibition is supposed to work. In prescribing the minimum guidelines,
the EPA Administrator is required to address how to determine which
tanks are ineligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance of a
regulated substance under the LUST program; the mechanisms for
identifying which underground tanks are ineligible for delivery,
deposit, or acceptance of a regulated substance under the LUST program;
the process for reclassifying previously ineligible underground storage
tanks as eligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance of a regulated
substance under the LUST program; one or more processes for giving
notice to product delivery industries and to underground storage tank
owners and operators that an underground storage tank or underground
storage tank system is ineligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance
of a regulated substance under the LUST program; and a process for
figuring out which areas might not be subject to the delivery
prohibition. This language is intended to give the EPA Administrator
the flexibility to work with and help states that otherwise meet these
criteria and have successfully operated delivery prohibition programs
to continue to do so. In addition, this section requires States
[[Page 18279]]
without such delivery prohibition programs to meet these minimum
criteria in order to receive funding.
Section 1528. Federal Facilities
In 1992, Congress enacted the Federal Facilities Compliance Act to
send a clear signal to Federal departments and agencies that they
should not hide behind claims of sovereign immunity in order to avoid
compliance with State and local environmental requirements. This
section further reinforces the point that the Federal government must
be as protective of the environment and responsive to public health
laws at all levels of government as private citizens are. This section
also revises requirements for Federal agencies with jurisdiction over
underground storage tanks or systems, or engaged in any activity that
may result in specified actions regarding such tanks or regulated
substances related to them, including release response activities.
Specifically, these agencies need to report to Congress on their
compliance with UST requirements. This section also waives claims of
sovereign immunity with respect to substantive or procedural State
requirements. Finally, this section continues the President's authority
to exempt any Federal tank from compliance with such requirements if
the exemption is in the ``paramount interests of the United States.''
Section 1529. Tanks on Tribal Lands
Recognizing the unique governmental relationship between the Federal
government and sovereign tribal governments and their tribal lands,
this section seeks to protect persons on these lands in similar ways to
protection requirements in other States. Specifically, this section
instructs the Administrator, in coordination with Indian tribes, to
develop and implement a strategy, giving priority to releases that
present the greatest threat to human health or the environment, to
implement and take necessary corrective actions in response to releases
from leaking underground storage tanks on tribal lands, and to report
within two (2) years to Congress on the status of these programs on
tribal lands.
Section 1530. Additional Measures to Protect Groundwater
More recently, information has become public that has identified the
causes of leaks from underground storage tanks and suggested ways to
creatively address these sources of leaks. One of these sources, a
draft study, which covered 22 States, was released by the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in August 2004 showed that of all
new releases at new and upgraded UST sites, 54 percent were due to
improper installation and physical or mechanical damage to UST parts
and 12 percent were due to corrosion. Though EPA has not used its
existing authority to administratively require secondary containment,
some States (22) have implemented their own laws requiring this feature
or tertiary containment. On top of some technical feasibility
questions, barriers to some States enactment of secondary containment
requirements include costs, since installing a secondarily contained
system costs about $27,000-$32,420 or about 20 percent more than an
installed, single walled tank system. Additional concerns are impacts
on businesses with underground storage tanks because it renders an
underground tank system out of service for 21 days.
To address the helpfulness of this groundwater protection device as
well as allow states to contemplate other matters raised by groundwater
professionals and the petroleum equipment industry, this section allows
a State to choose between either secondary containment requirements or
installer and manufacturer requirements. If a State chooses secondary
containment, then any new installation of an underground storage tank
that is within 1,000 feet of community water system or potable water
well must be secondarily contained. In addition, any tank or piping
that is replaced on an underground storage tank that is within 1,000
feet of a community water system or potable water well must be
secondarily contained. Repairs to an underground storage tank system,
as defined by EPA, do not trigger any secondary containment
requirements and gasoline dispensers must also be addressed as part of
the secondary containment strategy. If a State chooses installer and
manufacturer certification as well as financial responsibility
requirements, this section requires tank installers and manufacturers
to follow professional guidelines for tank products or comply with one
of the new statutory requirements that are similar to subsections (d)
and (e) of 40 CFR 280.20. In addition, this section requires installers
and manufacturers maintain evidence of financial assurance to help pay
corrective action costs that are directly relatable to a faulty tank
part or installation. The lone exception to the financial assurance
requirement is where a tank owner or operator, who already maintains
evidence of financial responsibility under Section 9003 of the Solid
Waste Disposal Act, is also the installer or manufacturer of the
underground storage tank. With respect to the financial responsibility
option, the conference report references the existing financial
responsibility authority contained in section 9003(d) of the Solid
Waste Disposal Act that applies to owners and operators. It is the
intent of this legislation that all of the authorities and
flexibilities contained in 9003(d) would apply to underground storage
tank installers and manufacturers in the same way that they currently
apply to owners and operators of underground storage tanks.
Section 1531. Authorization of Appropriations
In order to avoid the creation of unfunded mandates, this section
authorizes appropriations for FY 2005 through 2009. Specifically, this
section authorizes $50 million per fiscal year from the General
Treasury to cover administrative expenses and those areas in the bill
that are not specifically authorized to receive direct appropriations
from the Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund. In addition, from
the Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund, $1 billion (or $200
million per year) is authorized for cleanups of releases from leaking
underground storage tanks, $1 billion (or $200 million per year) is
authorized for the cleanup of releases of oxygenated fuel additives
from leaking underground storage tanks, $500 million (or $100 million
per year) for on-site inspections and enforcement, and $275 million (or
$55 million per year) for delivery prohibition and State tank program
disclosure and operations improvements. Of further note, the reference
to Section 9508(c)(1) of the Internal Revenue Code in the newly created
section 9014(2) of the Solid Waste Disposal Act should be considered to
mean Section 9508(c) of the Internal Revenue Code in order to reflect
changes made to Title XIII, Subtitle F, Section 1362 that creates a new
Section 6430 at the end of Subchapter B of Chapter 65--amending Section
9508(c) by striking the existing subsection 9508(c)(2) and renumbering
subsection 9508(c)(1) as subsection 9508(c).
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this energy bill.
The American people need and deserve an energy policy that will reduce
energy prices, reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and reduce
pollution. This bill is not the answer.
While it is an improvement over the House bill, it is not good enough
for the American people. Several of the most egregious provisions have
been removed, thanks to the tireless work of the Democratic Members who
served on the conference committee. And I thank them for their
contribution.
We kept the heat on the MTBE give-away and the massive roll-back of
the Clean Air Act until they were withdrawn. We fought to protect the
Arctic National Refuge, making it too hot for the Republicans to
handle--forcing them to withdraw from the energy bill their plan to
drill in the pristine wilderness.
Nonetheless, like its predecessors, this energy bill is a missed
opportunity. It does not address the issues that the American people
care about--lower gas prices at the pump, a healthy environment, safe
water to drink, and cleaner air. This bill is still anti-taxpayer,
anti-environment, and anti-consumer.
It is anti-taxpayer with billions of dollars in gifts to the oil,
gas, and nuclear industries, including a new production tax credit for
eight years. There are some subsidies for emerging clean energy
technologies, such as renewable energy and hybrid vehicles, but not
nearly enough, especially compared to the give-away for the established
energy industries.
Then there is the special gift for the gentleman from Texas, the
House Majority Leader. After the gavel went down on the energy bill
conference, a provision was included that sets up a special $1.5
billion fund for the oil industry to conduct research on how to find
oil, and a leading contender to host the consortium is Sugar Land,
Texas. Consortium members, including Halliburton and Marathon Oil, can
receive awards from the fund.
There you have it: big oil, Halliburton, and Tom DeLay, all in one
neat symbolic package.
At a time when Congress is trying to scrape together enough Federal
funding for veterans' health care, Social Security, education,
Medicare, and Medicaid, why are we giving away taxpayer money hand over
fist to well-established, profitable companies?
Some of these energy companies are not simply profitable. The major
oil companies are raking in such enormous profits that they do not know
what to do with it all. The top three oil companies (Exxon Mobil, BP,
and Royal Dutch Shell) are expected to post a new record profit of $60
billion this year, while this quarter's profits are 40 percent better
than last year.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is anti-environmental. It authorizes an oil
and gas inventory of the Outer Continental Shelf, opening the door to
oil and gas drilling in the protected areas off
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our shores. The House has more than once soundly voted to reject this
proposal. Coastal Members from both sides of the aisle know that our
beautiful beaches, shores and fisheries are priceless and should not be
put at risk. But despite our best efforts, Republicans insisted on
keeping the inventory in this bill.
The energy bill carves out exemptions for the oil and gas industry
from the Safe Drinking Water Act, and the Clean Water Act. It is loaded
with provisions that override local and State authority in favor of
Federal authority. It gives the Federal Government the right to condemn
land to build electric power lines. It gives the Federal Government the
right to decide where gas pipelines and liquefied natural gas
facilities will be built. It weakens States' rights to protect their
own coastlines from oil and gas exploration.
Last but not least, the energy bill is anti-consumer. It fails to
protect consumers from high gasoline prices. It fails to adequately
protect consumers from price manipulations and future Enrons. And it
fails to protect our national security by reducing our dependence on
foreign oil.
Let there be no mistake. This bill is still anti-taxpayer, anti-
environment, and anti-consumer. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on
the conference report.
Mr. TERRY. Mr. Speaker, I would like to take a moment to congratulate
Chairman Barton on his leadership in driving this legislation to the
finish line.
This comprehensive energy bill is a vision. H.R. 6 aims to boost
domestic sources of energy, increase the use of clean renewable power,
and diversify the nation's energy portfolio. This legislation will not
completely solve our dependence on foreign oil overnight, but it puts
in place a number of tools to do just that. I applaud the increase of
the use of bio-fuels, especially ethanol, to 7.5 billion gallons by
2012. This is important to our Nebraska farmers as well as a benefit
for all Americans.
The repel of the Public Utility Holding Company Act (PUHCA) will
allow for increased private investment in US. electricity production
such as wind farms and other non-fossil energy sources. This is a smart
move.
I am pleased to see several provisions that I authorized in this bill
including a new provision to speed up the siting of new plants for
Liquefied Natural Gas. LNG accounts for 90 percent of fertilizer
production costs. Increased access to LNG will help our nation's
farmers. I also author a new program to provide incentives for the use
of stationary fuels cells and strong increases in renewable fuel
efforts. This legislation provides $4 billion over five years to speed
the arrival of affordable, viable hydrogen fuel cells; create a new
Department of Energy program to encourage the use of on-site energy
production from fuel cells and micro-turbines; and allow the use of
livestock methane as an eligible source under the renewable energy fund
for public power.
And finally this legislation includes tax incentive, which I
authored, for increased use of energy efficient products for the home
and office. This is a solid bill, much needed by our Nation. This
energy bill is an opportunity to ensure a better future. The bill
addresses present day energy problems while looking beyond the horizon
and I urge my colleagues to vote for the conference report.
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, the Energy Policy Act of 2005 will encourage
development of our Nation's diverse energy resources, reduce our
dependence on foreign sources of energy, and strengthen the country's
energy and economic security.
The U.S. has been at the top of the economic food chain for most of
recent history. One of the major reasons we've been so successful is
that we recognized early-on that the foundation for economic growth is
built with energy and minerals. But our continued success fostered
apathy and disinterest in the energy and mineral resources that created
this success. In the past, U.S. concerns about energy and minerals
supplies simply centered on the general issue of availability of these
resources for our national purposes. It did not matter if those
resources were located in the U.S. or in another country.
Over the years, inadequate domestic energy and minerals policies
created a regulatory system that discouraged domestic investment.
Capital began flowing overseas into resources-rich countries where
regulatory and investment climates in the energy and minerals sectors
were more attractive. As a result, the U.S. produced less and became
increasingly reliant on foreign sources of energy and minerals. Last
year, the U.S. imported more than 63% of its oil, placing our energy
needs increasingly at the mercy of foreign governments. Yet the U.S.
government continues the cycle of tolerating irresponsible energy and
mineral policies, thereby continuing to discourage investment in
domestic energy and mineral production. The end result is that the U.S.
continues to send money and jobs overseas and becomes more dependent on
foreign sources for our energy needs.
Crude oil prices have hit nominal all-time highs, and natural gas
prices are sustaining elevated price levels for the foreseeable future.
Additionally, U.S. trade deficit in energy is more than 25 percent of
our total balance of payments, and continues to increase at a rapid
rate.
Today, our problems are two-told. First, the issue of access to
domestic resources is still a significant hurdle to bolstering U.S.
energy and mineral security. Although industry's technological
advancements in exploration and production have sustained some minimal
growth, policies preventing access to the responsible development of
these resources still remain. Second, the U.S. is facing a global
resources future where we are more dependent than ever on foreign
sources of energy and minerals while at the same time no longer
``guaranteed'' to be the major recipient of energy and minerals from
our traditional foreign suppliers.
In fact, emerging economies such as China and India are forever
altering the global commodities markets, where demand by these
countries for resources such as oil, natural gas, coal, minerals and
metals, is outpacing expectations.
The road to a better quality of life starts with increased use of
energy and mineral commodities. Economic growth rates in China and
India have surged as have their demands for energy and mineral
resources.
The old ``Free World'' versus ``Evil Empire'' dichotomy of energy and
minerals availability has been replaced by a rough-and-tumble
marketplace for commodities. In that global marketplace, long-running
declines in prices for energy and mineral resources have been reversed;
and, in the case of mineral commodities, a three decade long decline
has been reversed almost overnight.
Our energy and mineral supply strategy for the long-term begins with
enacting a comprehensive national energy policy that encourages
diversity of fuel use, increased domestic production, and self-
sufficiency.
Among other critically important provisions in this bill, my
committee has jurisdiction over Department of Interior (DOI) and U.S.
Forest Service (USFS) programs that administer the domestic energy and
mineral programs for federal lands and the outer continental shelf.
Using FY 2005 budget estimates, the energy and mineral programs of
the DOI cost around $850 million per year.
But these programs will generate about $10.1 billion for the U.S.
taxpayer each year, primarily from energy development and production.
Outside of the Internal Revenue Service, these are the only programs
that provide significant revenue to the feral treasury.
But generation of revenue is not the only benefit of domestic energy
production on federal lands. Production of energy domestically keeps
money at home, creates jobs and reduces our dependence on foreign
energy imports.
Among other important issues, the provisions in the conference report
before us today: encourage increased domestic production of renewable
energy from resources like geothermal, wind, hydropower and biomass, to
name but a few; encourage domestic production of traditional energy
sources such as coal, oil and natural gas by streamlining the federal
permitting process sand providing potential incentives for technically
challenging oil and natural gas from the deep depths of the outer
continental shelf; encourage domestic development of the more than 2
Trillion barrels of oil from oil shale in the Western U.S.; promote a
``good Samaritan'' pilot project to help clean-up the more than 57,000
``orphan'' wells that have become wards of the federal government;
promote sequestration of carbon dioxide as a means of enhancing oil and
natural gas production from old and existing wells; maximize federal
coal production and returns to the U.S. treasury; seek to establish
North American energy independence by launching a commission to review
and make recommendations on how Canada, the U.S., and Mexico can
coordinate their energy policies to reach energy independence within 20
years; seek extensive review of the impact and challenges to U.S.
interests created by the Chinese government's aggressive pursuit of
global energy assets; and promote tribal energy development through
self-governance of energy resources in Indian Country.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 is a good first step in the effort to
lower energy prices and reduce our dependence on foreign energy. But
there is no question that we must do more to increase domestic
production. As demand across the globe continues to skyrocket, it is
imperative for America to produce more American energy. Doing so will
create jobs,
[[Page 18281]]
grow our economy and strengthen national security.
Tapping the abundant energy resources we have in America will become
more and more necessary as we go forward. All we need is the political
will in Congress to let an American workforce get these supplies here
at home.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the energy
conference report before us. While the reliability standards and
efficiency incentives in this legislation are not without merit, the
entire package is tragically little more than a case study in missed
opportunities and misplaced priorities.
First, and most astonishingly, this bill does nothing to wean the
United States from its dependence on foreign oil. In failing to make
meaningful progress on energy independence, the conferees scrapped a
measure designed to reduce our oil consumption by a million barrels a
day by 2015 and refused to make long overdue improvements in our
corporate average fuel economy, CAFE, standards for cars. The
predictable result will be less security for the Nation and continued
pricing pressure at the pump.
Second, rather than making robust investments in the renewable and
advanced efficiency technologies of the future, this legislation
lavishes billions of dollars on the polluting industries of the past.
Particularly during this period of record profits, does anyone really
believe taxpayers need to be giving oil and gas companies another tax
break? The conferees' decision to abandon the renewable portfolio
standard called for in the Senate bill is a serious mistake, and I
regret that a forward-looking alternative called the New Apollo Energy
Project I championed with Representatives Jay Inslee and Rush Holt was
blocked from receiving consideration on the House floor earlier this
year.
Finally, this conference report turns back the clock on decades of
hard-fought, bipartisan environmental protection. The Clean Water Act,
Safe Drinking Water Act and National Environmental Protection Act are
all undermined, while State authority over siting decisions for
liquefied natural gas importation terminals is preempted. Additionally,
the legislation abdicates all responsibility for the most looming
ecological challenge of our time: climate change. Senate language
calling for carbon caps to combat global warming was stripped from the
final bill, and an amendment I offered with Representatives Wayne
Gilchrest and John Olver to take the modest step of establishing a
national greenhouse gas registry was quashed in April by the House
Rules Committee.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation goes further where it shouldn't--and
not nearly far enough where it should. It is content to see the world
through the rear view mirror of a parked SUV while the rest of the
world is flying down the road in hybrids passing us by. At the dawn of
the 21st century, the United States deserves an energy policy worthy of
its people and of the historic leadership we have always provided on
the world stage. This is not that energy policy. I urge my colleagues
to oppose the conference report.
Mr. LEWIS of Kentucky. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my support for
the Energy Policy Act of 2005.
H.R. 6 is a truly balanced bill that will ensure the infrastructure
necessary to meet energy needs in the United States through future
decades, reduce dependence on foreign sources of oil, making us safer
at home, and create thousands of new jobs for American workers. This
was accomplished, in large part, by the inclusion of several important
energy tax incentives.
Along with investments in renewable and clean energy incentives and
domestic oil and gas production, H.R. 6 makes a significant commitment
to coal. As my colleagues know, coal produces 51 percent of our
Nation's electricity and many experts estimate that number will grow in
the coming years.
H.R. 6 includes a 7-year recovery period for new investments in
pollution control facilities installed in coal-fired electric
generation plants. The shorter recovery period will allow companies to
make it easier to comply with new EPA regulations.
For the first time we are making a real commitment to investing in
clean coal technologies. The bill provides more than $1.6 billion in
tax credits to fund IGCC and advanced clean coal projects.
It is estimated that we have a 250-year supply of coal. H.R. 6
ensures that this source continues to be a part of our Nation's energy
policy and today we make a real commitment to ensure that it is more
efficient and cleaner.
I would like to personally thank my chairman, Bill Thomas, and his
staff for their hard work on the energy tax incentives package.
Throughout the last 5 years, the Ways and Means Committee has been the
genesis of many massive social and economic reforms including several
important tax relief bills, a Medicare and prescription drug plan, and
a critical trade agreement. H.R. 6, the Energy Policy Act of 2005, is
yet another major accomplishment under Chairman Thomas's leadership.
Mr. WALSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my support for H.R.
6, the Energy Policy Act of 2005 conference report. In particular, I
want to thank the conferees for including a provision that will
establish the National Priority Project Designation. This national
award program, modeled after the Malcolm Baldridge Quality Award Act,
would promote and recognize large sustainable design building and
renewable energy projects. In April, I sponsored the National Priority
Project proposal as an amendment to the Energy Policy Act, which the
House adopted by voice vote. The Senate adopted a similar amendment,
also by voice vote, to its version of energy legislation in June. The
Solar Energy Industries Association and the American Wind Energy
Association have both endorsed this legislation.
This proposal establishes four categories of designations: wind and
biomass energy generation projects; solar photovoltaic and fuel cell
energy generation projects; energy efficient building and renewable
energy projects; and ``first-in-class'' projects. The legislation sets
minimum renewable energy generation thresholds for wind, biomass,
solar, fuel cell and building projects. Energy efficient and renewable
energy building projects must meet additional criteria to be considered
for designation, including: compliance with third-party certification
standards; comprehensive integration of renewable energy and energy
efficient features; and the use of at least 50 percent renewable energy
overall.
The DestiNY USA project, located in my congressional district, will
likely apply for consideration for designation under this program.
DestiNY USA is designed as the largest fossil fuel free building
project in the world, with plans to deploy up to 600 megawatts of
renewable energy generation capacity. It will employ the entire
spectrum of renewable energy generation sources, including solar, wind,
biomass, geothermal and micro-hydroelectric. DestiNY is just one
example of the type of innovative, high technology projects that could
qualify for designation. By providing an additional incentive for
creativity and a commitment to renewable energy, the National Priority
Project designation will help meet the goal of assuring ``secure,
affordable and reliable energy.''
Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the
conference report on H.R. 6, the Energy Policy Act. One of the
provisions in this bill is something I've been working on for years and
clarifies the depreciation period for natural gas gathering lines is
appropriately 7 years. I appreciate Chairman Thomas's work on this
provision for the years he has been the Chairman of the committee.
Further, I am glad to see that the conferees on the tax title of the
bill were able to reach a balance between incentives for production of
oil and gas and other energy production with energy efficiency
incentives and conservation incentives. I support this bill and commend
the conferees on their hard work.
Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Speaker, after some late nights and a lot of hard
work, I am pleased we have a conference report on the energy bill
today. The House of Representatives has passed energy legislation five
times, only to have the bills die. Keeping the lights on should not be
a partisan issue. Filling up a gas tank should not be a partisan issue.
Today we are finally voting to send this comprehensive plan to the
President's desk. With gas prices soaring, I want to thank Chairman Joe
Barton for his hard work on this much needed legislation and for
working with me to include a provision in this bill to curb the
production of boutique fuel blends and address this issue head-on.
The current gasoline supply includes specially formulated boutique
fuels which are required by law in certain communities.
When supplies are limited, gas prices rise quickly--sometimes
overnight. For example: Missourians can fill their gas tanks up in
Springfield and drive 3\1/2\ hours to St. Louis. When they get there,
they'll be filling their tanks up with a completely different type of
gasoline. But if St. Louis ever runs short on their boutique fuel, gas
stations there can't sell what consumers could buy back in Springfield.
This conference report caps the number of these special fuel blends
and allows communities faced with a shortage due to unforeseen
circumstances, such as a refinery fire, a waiver to use conventional
gasoline.
This plan relies on simple economics: If we create a larger market
for a greater amount of gasoline, we'll help drive prices down.
This proposal moves the country one step closer to lowering the sky-
high price of gas for consumers.
[[Page 18282]]
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, as Chairman of the Conference, I
would like to clarify a point regarding section 1233, ``Native Load''.
It is my understanding that section 1233 does not affect the
Commission's authority under sections 205 and 206 of the Federal Power
Act to ensure that rates are just and reasonable, and not unduly
discriminatory or preferential.
refund authority
As Chairman of the Conference, I would also like to clarify a point
regarding section 1286, ``Refund Authority''. This section provides the
Federal Energy Regulatory Commission with authority to order refunds
from overcharges on sales by large municipal utilities.
I understand the phrase ``organized markets'', and possibly other
related words following that phrase, may be ambiguous. I believe the
FERC should carefully consider the purposes of this section when
interpreting those words. That purpose is to protect all consumers from
exorbitant electricity prices, regardless of whether the seller is a
fully regulated public utility or, in the case of this provision, a
publicly owned and only partially regulated utility. The impact and the
injury from the exorbitant price is equally injurious and equally in
need of redress.
Therefore, I urge the Commission to give the words in question real
meaning and to note that the Congress could have chosen other words,
such as auction market or ISO or RTO managed market, to convey a more
narrow and specific scope.
ceiling fans
As Chairman of the Conference, I want to address a drafting error in
Section 135, ``Energy Conservation Standards for Additional Products.''
An incorrect section mistakenly included starts on page 101, line 14
and ends on page 102, line 4. Sentence (v)(l) was not agreed to and
should be removed later in a technical correction. Also, the phrase
``Ceiling Fans'' should be removed where it appears in section (v).
The proper language starts on page 107, line 8 and goes through page
112, line 10. This section (ff) is correct.
Congressman Nathan Deal authored the original language, which did not
receive consensus during negotiation of the conference report.
Congressman Deal worked with Members of the Conference, industry
representatives, and various environmental and energy efficiency
advocates come up with some compromise language. I want to thank
Congressman Nathan Deal for his hard work on this issue, and for
bringing the mistake to my attention. I will work to correct this
later.
boutique fuels
As Chairman of the Conference, I want to clarify some points
regarding Section 1541, ``Boutique Fuels'', This provision is an
amendment to section 211(c)(4)(C) of the Clean Air Act to limit the
number of boutique fuels.
First, it is my understanding that in section 1541 ethanol when
blended into gasoline in a concentration of 20 percent by volume be
considered a fuel additive.
Second, in implementing this new provision, the EPA must determine
the total number of fuels approved under 211 (c)(4)(C) as of September
1, 2004 and publish such a list in the Federal Register. The plain
meaning of this provision would be that fuels initially approved by the
Environmental Protection Agency before this date would constitute the
``upper limit'' on the number of fuels that may be approved at any one
time in the future under the provisions of this section.
Specifically, as long as a fuel was initially approved by the
Environmental Protection Agency before September 1, 2004, the fuel may
be sold and used pursuant to a State Implementation Plan and the
provisions of 211 (c)(4)(C) as such provisions existed before the
amendment of that section by the pending legislation. In addition, the
amendments that we are enacting to section 211(c)(4)(C) do not require
that a fuel actually be distributed or sold prior to September 1, 2004,
only that the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency
initially approved the fuel as meeting the requirements for a waiver
prior to September 1, 2004.
This interpretation of section 1541 would also hold if the
implementation date for the sale or distribution of any fuel previously
approved by the Administrator prior to September 1, 2004 was later
changed at any point in time. The amendments made today to section
211(c)(4)(C) would not prevent this sale or distribution from occurring
nor impose any additional requirements or limitations on the
implementation of matters related to the use of this previously
approved fuel or a program providing for its use.
Finally, the changes to existing law regarding waivers for fuels
approved as part of a State Implementation Plan only apply to those
fuels which were not previously approved by the Administrator of the
Environmental Protection Agency before September 1, 2004. Programs such
as the Texas Low-Emission Diesel program are not affected by the
provisions of section 1541 even though a later State Implementation
Plan revision or action by the State or federal Environmental
Protection Agency may have revised the beginning date of sale of the
fuel or other matters related to the implementation of the fuel
program.
Ms. EDDIE BERNICE JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that
the House is finally considering the Energy bill Conference Report
today. More importantly it is greatly improved.
I have had mixed feelings about the Energy bill. Members and staff on
both sides of the aisle have worked very hard to improve it. This hard
work has resulted in several key changes that will result in my
approval of this Conference Report.
One important change is that clean air initiatives were added. My
state of Texas ranks first in the nation in toxic manufacturing
emissions, first in the number of environmental civil rights
complaints, and second on the amount of ozone pollution exposure. The
clean air provisions are very important to me and my constituents.
I am also pleased to know that provisions for drilling in the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge have been removed from the bill.
The MTBE issue is also important to me. It is good to know that the
provisions granting retroactive liability protection for MTBE producers
have been removed.
Although the Energy bill is not a perfect one, the compromise we are
considering today is greatly improved.
Because of these changes, Mr. Speaker, I now support this legislation
and urge my colleagues to support it also. No bill is perfect and
certainly this one is not perfect but I appreciate the efforts made to
improve it.
Mr. HONDA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the conference
report on H.R. 6. President Bush and the Republican majority have
pushed this legislation on the premise that we need it to solve our
energy problems, that we need it to wean ourselves from our dependence
on imported oil which poses a threat to our economic and national
security.
Sadly, the bill we have before us today fails to do that. Today we
import 58 percent of the oil we consume, and projections predict that
we will have to import 68 percent to meet demand by 2025. Experts
indicate that at best, this bill would only slightly slow that rate of
growth of dependence, rather than actually decrease our dependence on
imported oil.
We cannot continue to increase our consumption of fossil fuels. By
definition, these fuels are finite in supply. They will run out some
day, plain and simple. And as long as we continue to rely on them, we
are going to be faced with an impending crisis.
The bill gives billions of dollars in tax breaks and subsidies to
encourage oil and gas production, but these will not do much more than
high gasoline and natural gas prices already do to stimulate domestic
production of fossil fuels. The energy industry is already the most
profitable industry in the nation, incentives should not be necessary.
This bill could have really done something to reduce our consumption
of oil by increasing fuel economy standards for vehicles, but it fails
to do so. Increasing standards is the single biggest step we could have
taken to reduce our oil dependency.
This bill could have really done something to reduce our dependence
on fossil fuels by including a renewable portfolio standard, which
would have required the use of sustainable energy sources, but it fails
to do so. Instead its subsidies and tax breaks encourage more of the
same old thing--finite fossil fuels and nuclear power plants whose
waste we do not know what to do with.
Instead of encouraging energy conservation, renewable energy use, and
curbs on emissions that damage our environment, the bill creates new
exemptions in some of our nation's bedrock environmental laws, like the
Clean Water Act, the Safe Drinking Water Act and the National
Environmental Policy Act.
The bill also repeals the Public Utility Holding Company Act, which
was instituted to protect the interests of consumers. In the wake of
Enron, this is the wrong direction to go. And the bill rejects the
wishes of State officials by granting the Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission new authority to approve the location of terminals to handle
the imports of liquefied natural gas.
To solve our energy problems in the future and reduce our reliance on
foreign sources of energy, we need a truly visionary energy policy that
employs renewable energy sources and encourages energy efficiency and
conservation. This bill does not provide that vision, and I urge my
colleagues to oppose it.
[[Page 18283]]
Mr. RAHALL. Mr. Speaker, this is now the third Congress energy policy
legislation has been under consideration. During the course of this
period I have consistently opposed the House versions of this
legislation. Today, however, I am pleased to be in the position of
voting for the pending conference agreement. The fundamental reason for
my being able to now support this legislation is because many of the
most troubling provisions in the past House versions which caused my
opposition are largely no longer present in the final product before us
today.
I have been troubled in the past by the inclusion of provisions
waiving the National Environmental Policy Act, the opening of the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to development, inappropriate and
unseemly taxpayer giveaways to Big Oil, as well as unwarranted
liability relief to certain fuel manufacturers. I was not gullible
enough to think that the conference would clean the slate entirely of
giveaways to Big Oil, but aside from that issue, these provisions that
I have long opposed are, for the most part, not present in the pending
legislation.
In addition, I have opposed past versions of this legislation because
they contained provisions which unfairly provided western coal produced
on federal lands a competitive advantage over all other coal producing
regions including my home State of West Virginia. Those provisions have
been mitigated in the pending measure.
And finally, I have been opposed to past versions of this bill
because they lacked visionary and significant incentives to burn coal
more cleanly and to utilize coal in a more efficient manner. The
pending measure finally contained incentives of that nature, which will
allow us to employ coal as a means to help wean ourselves from foreign
sources of energy.
This is not a perfect bill, by no means. It still contains royalty
relief for large producers of oil and gas in the Gulf of Mexico. It
also contains provisions which some believe can be a precursor to
lifting the wildly popular moratoria on oil and gas drilling off
portions of the American coastline. I do not support those measures. At
the same time, when I examine the tax title, and find almost $3 billion
worth of incentives to promote the commercial application of new coal
burning technologies, I find that finally, finally, coal is being paid
more than lip service in our national energy policy.
These incentives are extremely important. As I have often observed in
the past, we as a Nation, have expended a great deal of money in
developing clean coal technologies. Yet, the fact of the matter is that
they have not been deployed in the commercial sense.
After many decades of this effort, today, only a single integrated
gasification combined cycle coal plant exists owned and operated by
Tampa Electric. The reason is simple. Advanced plants of this nature
are much more expensive to construct and there is no incentive for the
electric utility industry to build them. Hence, the pressing need for
federal incentives, so that we can begin to achieve widespread
commercial application of these technologies, have a cleaner
environment, and reduce our dependency on oil and natural gas.
All in all, again, not a perfect bill but one which I believe will be
of some assistance in expanding our national energy mix.
Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report for
the Energy Bill.
Americans need an abundant supply of energy to maintain a high
quality of life and sustain our economy.
This comprehensive bill helps provide for our Nation's energy needs
by encouraging domestic energy production.
America has become too dependent on foreign oil, making our consumers
subject to volatile prices and the whims of often hostile,
antidemocratic leaders. We have seen the consequences as oil and gas
prices continue to rise. The price of imported oil recently reached
record levels of $60 a barrel. That is a full $10 more than six months
ago and nearly $20 more than two years ago. I am well aware of the
hardships this causes for consumers, workers and our economy.
In my district in California the cost of gasoline has risen to $2.89
a gallon. Many of my constituents commute to Los Angeles, which is 60
miles away. Many others are truckers who depend on stable gasoline
prices to put food on the table. These hard-working people are affected
daily by our country's dependence on foreign oil.
Nobody should make false promises that gas prices will immediately be
lowered.
This bill is not a quick fix, but it includes important provisions to
help meet our country's energy needs, while also promoting energy
efficiency, conservation and diversification, including incentives for
alternative sources like ethanol, solar and wind.
By decreasing our dependence on foreign oil and expanding production
of alternative sources, we are not only protecting consumers and
protecting our national security, but we are also protecting our
economy by creating perhaps one million jobs.
Improving our Nation's energy efficiency and cost efficiency is a
bipartisan issue.
I am pleased to support H.R. 2419 for the economic and national
security of our country.
Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, Chairman Barton, thank you
for the way you managed this difficult process. Being an outside
conferee on a bill this size can often be an exercise in futility. But
throughout this Conference, you and your staff remained responsive and
helpful. Also, I also want to commend all the conferees for working
hard to listen to each other and compromise when appropriate.
There are two sections of this bill which I am particularly excited
about from an acquisition policy point of view. First is the section
authorizing the continued use of Energy Savings Performance Contracts--
these contracts have, over recent years, provided agencies with an
effective tool to rapidly improve the energy efficiency of their
buildings without increasing costs to the taxpayer.
Some have suggested limitations to this program, but such limitations
will translate into reductions in the energy efficiency of government
facilities. In my opinion, that is heading in the wrong direction and
I'm happy to see such limitations were not included in the final bill.
Second, this legislation authorizes the use of Other Transactions for
the Department of Energy's critical research and development efforts.
These arrangements support research and development without using
standard procurement contracts, grants or cooperative agreements.
Other Transactions authority has been used successfully in the
Department of Defense for years to great effect. I appreciate the
Science Committee's willingness to work with me and the Senate to craft
language that allows the use of this valuable tool where appropriate.
It is a shame when the government is denied a technological advance
simply because our standard acquisition policies are not suitable for
the development of cutting edge solutions.
Finally, I want to note that the conference has decided to include a
request for a report on China and the CNOOC offer to acquire Unocal.
This report will be conducted simultaneously with the regular review
conducted by the Committee on Foreign Investments in the United States.
The report will essentially develop the same information required by
the CFIUS review. In other words, the Conference has decided to
duplicate the review process. The conference's time would be better
spent studying our Nation and how we plan to secure our energy over the
next 50 years instead of worrying about the actions of our most
valuable trading partners. With this one exception, the Energy Policy
Act is a step in the direction of answering those questions.
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 6, the
Energy Policy Act of 2005 conference report. If U.S. energy policy were
the Titanic, Republicans would give a tax credit for bailing water
rather than changing navigation techniques to avoid a future crisis.
Fossil fuels are increasingly expensive, polluting, contribute to war
and global unrest, and will run out within the next 50-100 years, and
yet President Bush and Republicans in Congress want to ride the sinking
ship of oil dependence to its disastrous conclusion.
This compromise between the House and Senate Republicans shows the
good, the bad, and the ugly of politics.
Good: After four years getting nowhere with drilling in the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge and exempting manufacturers of MTBE from legal
liability for groundwater contamination, the Republicans have finally
relented and removed these provisions from the conference report.
Bad: Now that everyone isn't focused on these high-profile issues,
there's a sinking realization that this bill does nothing to reduce our
dependence on foreign oil and will actually raise, not lower, the price
of gasoline, because it triples the use of ethanol. Ethanol is a
Midwestern farm subsidy, pure and simple. It's expensive, it emits some
air pollutants more than gasoline, and up to six times more energy is
used to make ethanol than the finished fuel contains.
Ugly: The bill exempts oil and gas companies from the Clean Water
Act, the Safe Drinking Water Act, and the National Environmental Policy
Act. To speed up oil production, oil companies can now inject fluids
laced with toxic chemicals into oil and gas wells that penetrate
groundwater. According to the bill, the EPA no longer has any ability
to regulate these activities or force oil companies to prevent
contamination of drinking water supplies.
[[Page 18284]]
If you asked the American people how to create a secure energy
future, they'd talk about solar and wind power, placing higher emission
standards on SUVs, and conservation, but the great minds in the
Republican Party don't believe in these proven strategies any more than
they believe in the science of global warming.
Since I know that Republicans don't like high gas prices, smog,
asthma, or ruined wilderness any more than I do, I can only conclude
that they are selling out the American people for their corporate
contributors. I will have no part of it and I vote ``no'' on this
shameful bill.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post today noted that the
nicest thing that it could say about the comprehensive energy bill is
that it could've been a lot worse. That's the sentiment that many of my
colleagues and I feel today--that while clear improvements have been
made in conference--a tribute to Chairman Barton's leadership--that
H.R. 6 essentially preserves the status quo.
There is no doubt that the underlying bill is a vast improvement on
the bill we marked up this spring in committee and on the floor. Two of
the most egregious provisions, liability protection for MTBE polluters
and drilling in the pristine Arctic wilderness are out. We are also
finally enacting electricity reliability standards and I was pleased to
have worked with my colleagues Mr. Towns and Mr. Fossella to preserve
New York's high reliability standards strengthening the underlying
electricity title. New York has unique needs that necessitate this
provision including having a high concentration of load in a small
geographic area. Additionally, nearly 40 percent of the State
population lives in NYC and close to three-fourths work there and 3
million New Yorkers use the underground subway system every day.
Finally, New York is home to the NYSE and other critical financial
institutions. Although, we should have done this years ago in response
to the rolling blackouts of 2003, I am proud to be a part of the
inclusion of such an important policy development.
However, I am deeply disappointed that this bill neither reduces our
dependence on oil nor addresses climate change. The Energy Information
Agency has stated that under the Energy Policy Act, by 2025, U.S. oil
consumption is projected to increase to 28.3 million barrels per day
and our country would increase its imports of foreign oil by 85
percent. It even found that gasoline prices under the bill would
increase more than if the bill was not enacted. What this country
critically needs, but is not in this bill, is a policy to reduce our
addiction to oil through the promotion of alternatives and clean
renewables, improve automotive fuel efficiency, and reduce greenhouse
gasses.
Further, it is a travesty that this bill will open up our coastlines
and wildlands to destructive oil and gas activities and evade
environmental and consumer protections. I wish the conferees had
included more funding for smarter, cleaner, safer, and cheaper energy
policy in this bill that puts innovation and technology to work. While
I am pleased that the Energy Policy Act includes $5 billion in tax
breaks and incentives for energy efficiency and renewable energy
programs, the number pales in comparison with the $9 billion earmarked
for oil, gas, electricity and coal. Even our esteemed U.S. Energy
Secretary, Sam Bodman, opposed the inclusion of such measures, stating,
``these industries don't need incentives with oil and gas prices being
what they are today.'' We must target scarce Federal dollars wisely.
Our energy policy is intricately tied to our national security and
our economic well-being. We must be vigilant in opening dialogues
between diverse groups of policy experts like the Set America Free
Coalition and National Commission on Energy Policy as we continue to
build and improve on current energy policies. As the co-chair of the
Congressional Oil and National Security Caucus, I know we need to
diversify our energy sources, reduce our dependence on unstable oil
sheikdoms, and create skilled jobs while reducing energy costs. We must
create policies that will protect the environment and our consumers.
While there is improvement in this conference report, on balance, our
goals cannot be achieved under this Energy Policy Act, and so
regretfully I must vote against it.
Mr. ETHERIDGE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in reluctant support of H.R.
6, the Energy Policy Act of 2005. While this bill still contains
provisions that I oppose, it is a far better bill than the one's that I
have voted against in the past.
Mr. Speaker, I am very disappointed that this bill contains a
provision that will allow the Interior Department to conduct an
inventory of oil and natural gas resources off the east coast of the
United States, including my State of North Carolina, and other areas
currently under a drilling moratorium. I do not think that this is a
wise use of taxpayer dollars, considering the Administration's
continued promise that these areas will never be drilled for oil. Let
me state clearly that I continue my strong opposition to any effort to
drill for oil off of the North Carolina coast.
This bill also repeals the 1935 Public Utility Holding Company Act,
which was passed in the wake of the Depression to ensure that the
public would not be taken advantage of by utility companies. We know
this is still being done, we have heard with the stories such as Enron.
This law has protected the rural rate payers in States like North
Carolina, and I oppose its repeal.
Even in light of the negative aspects of this bill, I am voting for
it because of the positive changes that have been included that will
help put our country back on to the right track. This bill doubles the
requirement for renewable fuels, and extends the tax credit for
biodiesel. This will help our farmers and help us reduce our dependency
on foreign oil. This bill also remove any legal waivers for companies
that have poisoned our waters with MTBEs, and excludes the provision to
allow drilling and development of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge
(ANWR), to preserve this national treasure for future generations. I
would also add that I am pleased about the increases in tax incentives
for renewable energy such as wind and solar power.
Mr. Speaker while this is not a perfect bill, it is a step in the
right direction. And it deserves our support.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my opposition to the
comprehensive energy bill before us, a bill that purports to address
the energy challenges facing this country, yet ignores the most
fundamental issues and fails to set us on a path to a more sustainable
future.
Despite the fact that the transportation sector is the biggest
emitter of harmful pollutants into our air, this bill fails to increase
the efficiency of our cars. The technology is there, the demand is
there, but the will is not. Although the bill offers incentives for
consumers to purchase hybrid vehicles, this country's broken fuel
economy program prevents it from having an effect. When an auto maker
sells more fuel efficient cars, they are then given flexibility to
crank out more gas guzzlers, which boggles my mind.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 also fails to require our utilities to
derive even a small percentage of their power from renewable energy, as
voters in Colorado overwhelmingly approved last year. Enactment of a
national renewable portfolio standard would spur innovation in the
marketplace, attract new capital investment, create jobs, and reduce
pollution.
This legislation, which acknowledges that global warming is a
problem, sets up yet another federal advisory committee to ``develop a
national policy to address climate change.'' Maybe I am mistaken, but
isn't that Congress' job? We had the opportunity in this bill to create
a market-based system to curb greenhouse gas emissions that are warming
our earth, polluting our skies, and endangering our national security
by keeping us bound to foreign oil. Again, we had the opportunity, but
with this bill, we are passing the buck for another Congress to deal
with, when the problem is even more out of control.
This bill weakens some of our most basic environmental laws, such as
the Clean Air Act, Clean Water Act, and the Safe Drinking Water Act. It
presents some nice handouts to industry, such as billions in giveaways
to oil companies that are already drowning in profits due to high oil
prices, while the Nation is experiencing huge deficits and slashing
education and health care programs.
This bill fails to recognize that high energy costs are a function of
both supply and demand. While it is quite generous in increasing the
production of fossil fuels, it does not even acknowledge the oil
scarcity problem. Instead of drilling and more drilling, we should be
helping to curb the Nation's appetite for this rapidly declining
resource by encouraging the development of alternative technologies.
Mr. Speaker, there is no question that this bill is a marked
improvement over previous iterations. I applaud Chairman Barton for his
devotion to ensuring an open, transparent process with full debate on
the issues. He has great courtesy and respect for the deliberative
process, and I thank him for that. The bill he has put forward takes
steps towards greater energy efficiency and conservation, ensuring the
reliability of the electricity grid, and providing customers with
incentives to purchase vehicles powered by alternative fuels.
But the problems with this legislation far outweigh its benefits, and
as such I am forced to oppose it. I wish this Congress had the courage
to enact reforms that would set this country on a more sustainable
energy future, but instead it seems content to stick with a status
[[Page 18285]]
quo that emphasizes extraction over conservation, pork over investment,
and development over efficiency. Americans deserve better.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference agreement
on the Energy Policy Act.
This day has certainly been a long time coming. The last major energy
bill I was able to support was the National Energy Efficiency Act of
1992. Since that time, there has been a clear need for follow-up
legislation to address the significant energy challenges facing the
country, but Congress and the Bush administration have repeatedly
dropped the ball. Over the last 4 years, Congress has twice come close
to approving irresponsible energy legislation that would have done
significant harm to consumers, the environment, taxpayers, and plain
common sense.
As others have noted, the bill before us today--is not perfect, but
it is much improved. I am especially pleased that the conferees dropped
the harmful provisions in the House-passed bill that sought to open the
Arctic Refuge to drilling and shield the MTBE industry from liability
for the environmental damage their product has caused. There are still
a number of provisions in this package that I would change; in
particular, I would drop the tax and royalty-relief incentives in the
bill for oil and gas drilling. When the price of a barrel of oil is
near an all-time high, such public subsidies are unneeded and
unjustified.
I want to state clearly why this bill is worthy of passage today. Two
summers ago, the United States and southern Canada experienced the
worst power blackout in history that left more than 50 million people
without electricity, including 2.3 million residents of Michigan. Two
years later, Congress has done nothing to address the reliability of
the electrical transmission system. Voluntary standards won't get the
job done. We need clear, mandatory and enforceable rules for ensuring
the reliability of the power grid. The bill before the House
accomplishes that.
I also support the many provisions of this legislation that spur
development and use of renewable sources of energy and encourage
conservation and energy efficiency. I believe that consumers, the
environment, and energy security will be well served by the enhanced
tax credit for Americans to purchase hybrids and other alternative
power vehicles. Looking to the future, this bill provides significant
resources for the development of clean-burning hydrogen.
I know that many of my friends in the environmental community
disagree with some of the provisions in this bill. In particular, I
know there is concern over the incentives for nuclear energy. As one
who has more often than not voted against nuclear power, I understand
these concerns. The fundamental problem with nuclear energy is that we
have not yet developed an acceptable way of dealing with nuclear waste.
In all likelihood, it won't be sufficient to just bury the waste in a
hole in the Nevada desert and hope it stays put for the next 20,000
years. A much better solution is to develop the technologies to safely
recycle or permanently isolate the waste.
By the same token, I think most everyone now accepts that global
warming is a serious problem that needs to be addressed. The scientific
evidence on warming is overwhelming, and we can't just ignore it as the
administration has. We know enough now to begin addressing the problem.
Unlike coal and petroleum, nuclear power produces no greenhouse gases.
Like it or not, nuclear power must continue to be part of the mix of
solutions to address the global warming problem. There are other steps
we need to take, and one essential step is finding a better solution to
the waste problem.
Last but not least, this energy bill permanently bans new oil and gas
drilling in the Great Lakes. The Lakes are our State's crown jewels,
and the heart of Michigan's multi-billion-dollar tourist industry. They
should not be put at risk just so energy companies can extract a few
weeks' supply of oil.
On balance, this energy package is worthy of support, and I urge my
colleagues to join me in voting for it.
Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, I regret that I cannot support
this legislation.
There is nothing I would rather vote for than a balanced energy bill
that sets us on a forward-looking course--one that acknowledges that
this country is overly dependent on a single energy source--fossil
fuels--to the detriment of our environment, our national security, and
our economy.
But at a time of sky-rocketing oil prices, this report doesn't do
what it needs to do--help us balance our energy portfolio and increase
the contributions of alternative energy sources to our energy mix.
The process of developing the conference report is much improved from
last year's contentious debate. Senate and House conferees worked
together cooperatively and were able to compromise on a number of
provisions and bridge difficult differences of opinion. I believe
Chairman Barton and Ranking Member Dingell and on the Senate side,
Chairman Domenici and Ranking Member Bingaman, have done a good job in
this respect.
The conference report itself is also an improvement over the bill
passed by the House earlier this year.
It includes an extension of the Renewable Energy Production Tax
Credit for another 2 years, which will take us through the end of 2007.
This is very good news. The report also includes clean energy bonds
provisions from the Senate bill which will enable electric cooperatives
to invest in renewable generation.
It also removes the methyl bromide tertiary-butyl ether, MTBE,
liability waiver that would have let industry off the hook. It's true
that the conference report does provide a ``backdoor immunity'' that
could derail many legal claims by denying communities and states the
right to be heard in state forums. But I believe that the conferees
took a big step forward by dropping the liability waiver.
On energy efficiency, the conference report goes beyond the House
bill in establishing new energy efficiency standards for 15 products.
It also includes numerous energy efficiency tax provisions for
alternative fuel vehicles, energy efficient appliances and new and
existing homes, among others, provisions contained in the Energy
Efficiency Cornerstone Act that I introduced with my colleague Rep.
Zach Wamp and others.
Electricity provisions are strengthened--not only does the conference
report include new standards for grid reliability, but it also includes
consumer protections in electric markets, such as new merger review, a
prohibition on market manipulation, improved market transparency, among
others. These protections are especially important given that the bill
repeals the Public Utility Holding Company Act, PUHCA, which restricts
the ownership and operations of power companies and their ability to
control energy prices.
Another way in which the conference report has improved on the House
bill is its treatment of oil shale.
This is a subject of particular concern to Coloradans, because
Colorado has the most significant amounts of oil shale--and also the
most experience with oil shale fever. In Colorado, we have had several
bouts of that syndrome. The last one started during the 1970s energy
crisis and ended abruptly on ``Black Sunday'' in 1982. That was when
Exxon announced it was pulling out of the Colony shale project, an
event that left an impact crater from the Western Slope to downtown
Denver. There followed an exodus of other companies that had been
working on oil shale--which led to an echoing exodus of jobs and of
Coloradans who had nowhere else to turn.
The House bill would have required the Interior Department to set up
a new leasing program for commercial development of oil shale, with
final regulations to be in place by the end of next year. In other
words, it called for a crash program to meet a short, arbitrary
deadline.
In the Resources Committee, I tried to change that. An amendment I
offered would not have barred oil shale development. Instead, it would
have said that before we leap again, we should take a look and have a
clear idea of where we are apt to land. Under my amendment, the
Department of the Interior would be told to prepare regulations for a
new oil shale leasing program--and to get them finished ``promptly''
after finishing the analysis required by NEPA and the regular process
for developing new federal regulations.
Unfortunately, the Republican leadership of the Resources Committee
opposed my amendment, and so it was not adopted. The result is that
that part of the House bill was much uglier than it should have been.
The oil shale part of the conference report, while not necessarily a
thing of real beauty, is definitely better. It calls for a programmatic
environmental impact statement as the first step, and requires issuance
of final regulations for a new commercial leasing program only after
that statement has been completed. Further, it requires the Interior
Department to consult with the Governor of Colorado (and the governors
of other relevant states) and other interested parties in order to
determine the level of support for development of oil shale (or tar
sands) resources, and provides that leasing will then occur only if
there is sufficient interest and support. This is a much better way to
proceed than through the kind of crash program called for in the House-
passed bill.
And, while I think the need for a new oil shale task force or a new
office within DOE is doubtful at best, the conference report's
provisions related to experimental leases are sensible and worthwhile.
[[Page 18286]]
There were a few good things in the House bill that I am glad are
retained in the conference report--after all, in a 1,725-page bill,
there are bound to be some good provisions, but in this case they are
far outweighed by the bad.
For example, I support most of the provisions developed by the
Science Committee, and I commend Chairman Boehlert and Ranking Member
Gordon for their bipartisan approach.
In particular, I'm pleased that the Science Committee bill included
generous authorization levels for renewable energy and energy
efficiency R&D. As Co-chair of the Renewable Energy and Energy
Efficiency Caucus, this funding is very important to me.
I am also pleased that the conference report includes the Clean Green
School Bus Act, a bill that Chairman Boehlert and I drafted that
authorizes grants to help school districts replace aging diesel
vehicles with clean, alternative fuel buses. H.R. 6 also includes
provisions from legislation I introduced on distributed power, which
would direct the Secretary of Energy to develop and implement a
strategy for research, development, and demonstration of distributed
power energy systems.
Unfortunately, though, as a whole this conference report--like the
bills we've debated twice before--basically retains the status quo and
does little to provide solutions to the real energy problems facing
this country.
This conference report provides oil and gas companies massive
forgiveness of royalty payments. It exempts industry from requirements
of the Safe Drinking Water Act when they inject harmful chemicals into
the ground during drilling. It exempts oil and gas construction sites
from storm water runoff regulations under the Clean Water Act. It
authorizes up to $1.5 billion in new subsidies to the oil industry for
ultra-deep oil drilling and exploration. It establishes an exclusion
under the National Environmental Policy Act for oil and gas development
activities.
Of the bill's total $14.6 billion in tax incentives, $9.3 billion (or
64 percent) is for traditional energy sources such as oil, natural gas,
and nuclear power. The oil and gas industries are getting these massive
subsidies from the taxpayer at the same time that their profits have
never been higher. Meanwhile, renewables and energy efficiency
technologies are allocated $5.3 billion, or just 26 percent of the
total incentives in the bill.
And then there are all the things the bill would not do. It would not
increase vehicle fuel economy standards, which have been frozen since
1996. Raising CAFE standards is the single biggest step we can take to
reduce oil consumption, since about half of the oil used in the U.S.
goes into the gas tanks of our passenger vehicles.
This conference report avoids the whole question of mandatory action
on climate change, excluding even the toothless Senate-passed
resolution that recognized the need for immediate action by Congress to
implement mandatory caps on greenhouse gas emissions.
It also does not include the Renewable Portfolio Standard, RPS, part
of the Senate-passed bill, which would require utilities to generate 10
percent of their power from renewable sources by 2020. Colorado is
uniquely positioned to take advantage of alternative energy
opportunities, such as wind and sun. Colorado's voters approved
Amendment 37 last year, a state RPS, which is making a difference in
our energy supply.
But a Federal RPS would yield numerous rewards in the long-term for
the whole country, including increased energy independence and
security, economic development opportunities in depressed communities,
maintaining a competitive advantage internationally, protecting our
environment, and helping our farmers develop long-term income sources.
The absence of an RPS in this conference report is a serious setback
for forward-thinking energy policy.
Most importantly, according to analyses conducted by the Department
of Energy's Energy Information Administration, this energy bill will
neither lower gas prices nor reduce U.S. dependence on foreign oil,
with foreign imports predicted to increase from 58 percent to 68
percent in the next 20 years. Coloradans on average are already on
average $2.25 for a gallon of regular gas. This bill will do nothing to
bring those prices down.
I don't always agree with President Bush. But I think he is
absolutely right about one thing--at $55 a barrel, we don't need
incentives to oil and gas companies to explore. Instead, we need a
strategy to wean our Nation from its dependence on fossil fuels,
especially foreign oil.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, we need a plan in place to increase our
energy security. Thirteen percent of the twenty million barrels of oil
we consume each day comes from the Persian Gulf. In fact, fully 30
percent of the world's oil supply comes from this same volatile and
politically unstable region of the world. Yet with only 3 percent of
the world's known oil reserves, we are not in a position to solve our
energy vulnerability by drilling at home.
This bill does nothing to tackle this fundamental problem. For every
step it takes to move us away from our oil/carbon-based economy, it
takes two in the opposite direction. I only wish my colleagues in the
House could understand that a vision of a clean energy future is not
radical science fiction but is instead based on science and technology
that exists today. Given the magnitude of the crisis ahead, we can
surely put more public investment behind new energy sources that will
free us from our dependence on oil.
Earlier this year, President Bush spoke at the opening of the Abraham
Lincoln Museum in Springfield, Illinois and attempted to draw parallels
between his goal of expanding freedom in the world and Lincoln's effort
to expand freedom in the U.S. I have some questions about that
comparison, but I do think it is good to consider Lincoln's example
when we debate public policy.
In fact, I wish President Bush and the Republicans would draw a few
more parallels to Lincoln in their approach to energy policy--because,
as that greatest of Republican Presidents said, ``The dogmas of the
quiet past are inadequate for the stormy present. Our present is piled
high with difficulties. We must think anew and act anew--then we will
save our country.''
And while we are not engaged in a civil war, our excessive dependence
on fossil energy is a pressing matter of national security. We have an
energy security crisis. We need to think anew to devise an energy
security strategy that will give future generations of Americans an
economy less dependent on oil and fossil fuels.
Unfortunately, too much of this bill reflects not just a failure but
an absolute refusal to think anew. Provision after provision reflects a
stubborn insistence on old ideas--more tax subsidies, more royalty
giveaways, more restrictions on public participation, more limits on
environmental reviews--and a hostility to the search for new
approaches.
Maybe we could have afforded such a mistake in the past. But now the
stakes are too high--because, as I said, energy policy isn't just an
economic issue, it's a national security issue. America's dependence on
imported oil poses a risk to our homeland security and economic well-
being.
Unfortunately, this conference report does not think anew and is not
adequate to the challenges of this stormy present. For that reason, I
cannot vote for it.
Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, despite the President's
oversell, this bill does nothing to improve our energy independence and
does little to provide for a cleaner environment. The bill does nothing
to lower gasoline prices, which are at an all-time high.
This bill is a corporate giveaway to the largest multinational oil
companies, coal, utility and other energy companies, who stand to
receive a windfall of $14.5 billion in tax breaks over 10 years.
Taxpayers are going to subsidize billions in loan guarantees to these
industries, so the energy industry can be free to fail without having
to face little financial risk. That is a sweet deal.
With oil selling at $60 a barrel, this bill provides royalty-free
drilling rights to the multinational oil companies to drill on public
lands. This is making a sweet deal even sweeter. When the American
consumer fills his or her car with gasoline selling over $2.30 a
gallon, they will be secure in knowing that the record profits they are
paying for big oil are being subsidized further at the expense of their
tax dollars. Taxpayers are being asked to donate more than $14 billion
in tax breaks, most of them to the oil and gas companies, the
utilities, the nuclear industry and the coal industry. That is sweet on
top of a sweeter deal for Big Oil. The renewable energy and energy
efficiency industries are left with little.
The bill preempts the ability of state and local governments to block
the siting of Liquefied Natural Gas terminal in densely populated urban
areas. It will weaken environmental protections with new loopholes for
the oil and gas industry. It will allow the process of hydraulic
fracturing, which involves injecting diesel fuel into groundwater
supplied and exempt other industry practices from the Clean Water Act,
exemptions and the National Environmental Policy Act.
This bill will authorize exploratory efforts to prepare for oil and
gas drilling off the Outer Continental Shelf, including areas that are
currently closed to drilling. One area that I am pleased to report is
that the bill does ban drilling in the Great Lakes.
This exercise is an unfortunate one. It is short on helping the
nation's energy needs
[[Page 18287]]
and long on subsidizing the oil and gas, nuclear, utility, and coal
industries. Americans pay more than their fair share to support the
record profit margins of the energy industry and now they are being
asked to subsidize those record profits even more. This is a bad deal
for American consumers. I urge my colleagues to join me in voting
against the passage of this bill.
Ms. CORRINE BROWN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to oppose the
offshore drilling provisions included in this bill.
I am categorically opposed to this bill because of provisions which
would increase pressure for oil drilling in the protected waters off
Florida's coast. It would also give billions of dollars in tax breaks
and other giveaways to traditional fossil-fuel producers.
Included in this bill is a requirement to conduct an offshore
inventory of oil and gas reserves. An expensive and environmentally
damaging inventory in the protected waters of the Gulf is likely to
increase pressure to lift the drilling moratorium off Florida's coast.
Another provision is a reduction in royalty payments for deep gas
wells leased in the Gulf of Mexico. Any giveaway to the oil companies
to reduce their costs will cause an increase in production. This will
cause more exploration.
Florida is a beautiful state with miles of coastline. The Sunshine
State economy depends heavily on tourism and the environment is the key
factor in Florida's attractiveness to tourists. The tourism industry
has an economic impact of $57 billion on Florida's economy. Not
inconsequential is the 770 miles of gulf coastline and 5,095 of gulf
tidal shoreline, and the hundreds of miles of beaches.
Florida's coastline is a treasure not just for Floridians, but all
Americans and the rest of the world. For years Florida's delegation has
worked together to protect our coastline and natural resources. Even
conducting an inventory of resources in the Gulf of Mexico will begin
to destroy the efforts we have made as a state to preserve our
sensitive lands. As long as there are rigs in the area, the potential
for devastation to Florida's beaches persists. Florida's beaches are
not something we can afford to compromise. This decision goes against
everything that Floridians have worked for over so many years.
Certainly, the people of Florida do not support this ill-advised
decision.
The impact of offshore drilling threatens irreversible scarring to
the landscape, affecting thousands of species, each critical to the
ecosystem. The great weather, pristine beaches, and marine wildlife are
the number one draws to our fine state. By moving forward with even a
resources inventory, you risk a multi-billion dollar industry for only
a few barrels of oil.
Mr. MOORE of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference
report on H.R. 6, the omnibus energy bill. H.R. 6 is an important step
toward increasing our Nation's energy independence by investing in
energy efficiency and alternative energy sources.
As a member of the House Renewable Energy Caucus, I support measures
in H.R. 6 to encourage and increase the use of renewable and
alternative energy sources. H.R. 6 includes important tax incentives
for energy efficiency programs and renewable energy sources, such as
wind and solar production. This measure also includes a tax credit of
up to $3,400 for certain hybrid cars and trucks. As a cochair of the
House Biofuels Caucus, I also support raising the renewable fuels
standard to 7.5 billion gallons by 2012, which is more than triple the
current amount.
Over the past several Congresses, there have been several issues that
have continually blocked congressional passage of comprehensive energy
legislation, and I commend the conference committee on eliminating
these controversial provisions from this final conference report. H.R.
6 does not include a provision providing for drilling in the Alaskan
National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR), which had been part of past energy
legislation. This pristine 1.5 million acre coastal plain is often
referred to as ``America's Serengeti'' because of the presence of
caribou, polar bears, grizzly bears, wolves, migratory birds, and many
other species living in a nearly undisturbed state. While some consider
this area to be one of the most promising U.S. onshore oil and gas
prospects, studies indicate that this area could only provide 6 month's
supply of oil, 10 years from now, and consequently have no significant
effect on our nation's dependence on foreign oil.
Past versions of the energy legislation have also contained a safe-
harbor provision for producers of MTBE and other fuel oxygenates from
product liability claims. Under previous energy bills, states and
cities would have been prevented from bringing against potential
offenders ``defective product'' lawsuits, which some cities have
employed to recapture the cost of MTBE cleanups. The U.S. Conference of
Mayors has stated that the cost of cleanup could run more than $29
billion. If our states and localities were forced to pay these costs,
the real costs would be borne by taxpayers. I commend the conference
committee for eliminating this costly provision, and not making
taxpayers responsible for the actions of a few MTBE producers.
While I voted for H.R. 6, there are several provisions that concern
me. The conference agreement fails to adequately address climate change
by not including even the modest proposal adopted by the Senate. This
provision, authored by Senator Chuck Hagel, would use tax credits to
encourage, but not require, industry reductions in greenhouse gas
emissions, including carbon dioxide. Furthermore, the conference
agreement also requires an inventory of oil and natural gas resources
in offshore areas, including areas now closed to drilling. I am
concerned about this provision, because it could lead to opening these
environmentally sensitive areas to offshore drilling. In addition, I am
also disappointed that the final conference report did not include a
``renewable portfolio standard'' that would have required utilities to
get 10 percent of their electricity from alternative energy sources,
such as wind and solar power, by 2020.
While this is not a perfect bill, I believe it is an important first
step in creating a comprehensive energy policy that invests in energy
efficiency and alternative energy sources. We owe it to our children
and grandchildren to develop and implement energy policies, which will
decrease our dependence of foreign oil and that protect consumers,
communities, and environmentally sensitive areas.
Ms. SCHWARTZ of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, the last time Congress
enacted an energy bill was in 1992--13 years ago. Since that time,
Republicans and Democrats alike have made clear that as a part of our
national homeland security strategy, we must wean the country off of
foreign oil. Yet, the bill before us would not achieve that goal. For
that reason Mr. Speaker, I am opposed to the Energy Policy Act of 2005.
There is no doubt that the final House-Senate energy bill is vastly
better than the House-passed bill. It extends the renewable electricity
production tax credit and provides tax credits for energy efficiency,
which, together, will catalyze investment and usage of the next
generation of energy technology. It also would re-fund the Oil Spill
Liability Trust Fund, which provided $42 million to clean-up the
Delaware River after the November 2004 oil spill and was on track to be
depleted by 2009. I hope no other region in the country experiences a
similar incident; we must be prepared to adequately respond if it does.
Additionally, the bill does not include unnecessary liability
protections for the manufacturers of the gasoline additive known as
MTBE or allow for drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge--
authorities that would have put our precious natural resources at-risk
while doing very little to reduce our dependence on imported oil.
While I am pleased with these improvements in the bill, I do not
support investing $14.6 billion in taxpayer funding on energy policies
that ultimately will not reduce our dependence on and usage of foreign
oil over the next 11 years.
My colleagues, the bill fails to include a renewable energy portfolio
standard of 10 percent by 2020.
It fails to adequately invest in renewable energy and energy
efficiency technologies by only providing 26 percent of the bill's tax
incentives for the development of cleaner, less expensive energy
sources under our control; while allocating $2.6 billion in tax
benefits for oil and gas industry. Industries that are already
profiting from record high oil prices, which are currently over $60 per
barrel.
It fails to increase to automotive efficiency standards--a policy
that would save up to 67 billion barrels of oil over the next 40 years,
which is 10 to 20 times greater than the potential oil supply that
could be extracted from the Artic National Wildlife Refuge.
Mr. Speaker, the bill fails to send us in a new direction, and that
is unacceptable. We cannot leave ourselves positioned to return years
from now and still be searching for ways to end our reliance on foreign
oil.
With nations like India and China rapidly increasing their
consumption of oil we must set the nation on a course to energy
independence. That requires a balanced energy policy that aids domestic
production but, more importantly, sends us in a new direction by
investing in renewable and energy efficient technologies. This
conference report failed to accomplish this goal.
I urge a ``no'' vote on H.R. 6.
Mr. COSTELLO. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 6, the
Energy Policy Act of
[[Page 18288]]
2005 Conference Report. Completion of this energy bill is yet another
step forward in our struggle for energy security and independence. A
reliable and affordable energy supply is crucial to America's economic
vitality, security, and quality of life.
While this final conference report is not perfect, we continue to
make progress towards promoting energy conservation and efficiency;
increasing the use of all domestic energy resources, including coal;
improving energy infrastructure; and promoting the development of
advanced energy technologies.
The combustion of fossil fuels is essential to our energy policy and
must continue to be a part of a balanced energy plan for this country.
Coal is absolutely critical to our nation's economic health and global
competitiveness. Coal accounts for more than 50 percent of U.S.
electricity generation, far ahead of nuclear power, natural gas,
hydroelectric power, petroleum and other sources. There is no present
alternative to coal to meet our energy needs. New and improved
technologies hold the promise of far greater emissions reductions and
increased efficiency.
Clean coal provisions are included in the final conference report
that would assist in burning coal more efficiently and cleanly. These
clean coal technology initiatives encourage the development of new
technologies for cleaner, higher efficiency coal combustion in new and
established plants with the hope of achieving a healthier environment
while maintaining jobs. Specifically, the conference agreement includes
a $1.8 billion authorization for the Secretary of Energy to carry out
the Clean Coal Power Initiative, which will provide funding to those
projects that can demonstrate advanced coal-based power generating
technologies that achieve significant reductions in emissions. Further,
the bill authorizes $1.14 billion for coal research and development. I
fought hard for robust funding for coal within the fossil energy
research and development budget and I was glad to see they were
included in the final version.
Additionally, I authored two provisions which were retained in the
final conference report and greatly benefit Southern Illinois. First, I
secured $75 million to create a program to develop advanced
technologies to remove carbon dioxide from coal emissions and
permanently sequester it below ground. Illinois is one of the leading
states when it comes to research on carbon sequestration and Southern
Illinois is listed as one of the prime spots for carbon sequestration,
which is one of the technologies the FutureGen project is designed to
use. Second, the bill authorizes the Clean Coal Centers of Excellence.
Under this provision, the Secretary of Energy will award competitive,
merit-based grants to universities that show the greatest potential for
advancing new clean coal technologies. Southern Illinois University
Carbondale (SIUC), which I represent, continues to be a leader in clean
coal technology research, doing extensive work at its Coal Research
Center. With funding and collaborative support from industry and
government, SIUC has conducted long-term projects relating to surface
mine reclamation, mine subsidence, coal desulfurization, coal
characterization and combustion, coal residue management and
utilization, coal market modeling, and environmental policy. Faculty,
staff, and students in fields as diverse as engineering, science,
business, education, law, and agriculture have contributed to the
University's international reputation in coal research. The past two
energy conference reports named Southern Illinois University as a
``Clean Coal Center of Excellence'' and the school is well-positioned
to be a potential recipient of the award again this year. It is a
testament to SIUC's high caliber research program that it was also
named as a university to study and commercially deploy transportation
fuel technology using Illinois coal. Finally, I am pleased this
legislation promotes clean fuels by providing tax incentives for clean
coal technology. This will greater enhance our ability to use Illinois
basin coal.
In addition to the clean coal provisions, the energy conference
agreement contains provisions instrumental in helping increase
conservation and lowering consumption. Included in this are ethanol
provisions that are used as a replacement and additive for gasoline
consumption. Illinois currently produces 800 million gallons of ethanol
per year. Under this legislation, ethanol use would increase, nearly
doubling the current production level. The renewable fuel standard
(RFS) in the bill is expected to increase the average price of corn
paid to farmers 6.6 percent, or 16 cents per bushel and increase
average net cash income to farmers by $3.3 billion over the next
decade, or more than six percent. Increased production of ethanol will
greatly benefit the agricultural industry in Southern Illinois.
Mr. Speaker, this energy bill will shape energy policy for the next
decade and beyond. I am glad coal and ethanol remain an integral part
of our energy future and I urge my colleagues to support this
legislation.
Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the
energy bill conference report, but I do so with very strong
reservations. Although I believe we missed many opportunities to make
this energy bill truly comprehensive, I also believe that the
conference report is an improvement over the House-passed energy bill.
It is a sad indictment of the way the Majority is running this
Congress that it has taken us 5 years to pass an energy bill and the
final product falls far short of what I believe the American public
wants. I will vote for this conference report, but this bill lacks
boldness and vision. There is more we can and must do to reduce our
dependence on foreign oil, lower skyrocketing gas prices, protect our
environment, and steer our country in a more forward-thinking direction
on energy policy. I am pleased, however, that the bill makes strides in
encouraging alternative energy research and production. Specifically,
$3.2 billion is included for renewable energy production incentives and
$1.3 billion is allotted for energy efficiency and conservation.
I was disappointed to see that a Renewable Portfolio Standard, RPS,
was not included in the bill. The Senate-passed bill included an RPS
that would have required utilities to generate 10 percent of their
electricity from renewable energy sources such as wind, solar, biomass,
and geothermal, by the year 2020. Studies conducted by the Energy
Information Administration illustrate that a federal RPS could save
consumers $19 billion. Moreover, 20 States have already enacted RPS
requirement, many of which go beyond the Senate-passed provision. A
federal RPS would have established a nationwide market-based trading
system to ensure that renewables are developed at the lowest possible
price. I strongly supported this provision, and over 70 of my
colleagues signed onto a letter with me to conferees urging them to
keep the RPS in the bill. The Senate conferees voted in a bipartisan
manner to keep the RPS in the bill, but the House conferees stripped
the provision. I hope that my colleagues will work with me in the
future to support H.R. 983, a bill with bipartisan support that I
introduced to create a federal RPS of 20 percent by 2027. The time for
a federal RPS has come.
We also missed an opportunity to address the serious problem of
global warming. I believe that the amendment Senator Bingaman offered,
and that passed, expressing the sense of the Senate that mandatory
action on climate change should be enacted was an important step
towards congressional action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. While
I am disappointed that we could not do more, and that this sense of the
Senate amendment was stripped from the conference report, I am pleased
that the conference report includes a provision to establish a new
cabinet-level advisory committee, charged with developing a national
policy to address climate change and to promote technologies to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions. In addition, the provision allows the Energy
Department to authorize demonstration projects designed to test
technologies that limit harmful emissions. The long-term solution to
solving the global warming problem lies in the creation of new
technologies and the Federal Government has a key role to play in
promoting technological innovations. I believe we should have done
more, something along the lines of the recommendations made recently by
the National Commission on Energy Policy, but it is critical that we do
something, and this climate change provision is the least we can do to
begin the process of slowing global warming.
I am very pleased that a provision included in the House-passed bill,
giving $30 million to uranium mining companies, was stripped from the
bill. If enacted, this provision would have posed a grave threat to the
water resources of two Navajo communities in northwestern New Mexico
where four uranium in-situ leach mines have been granted conditional
licenses by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. The proposed ISL
mining--which could still happen even without the $30 million subsidy--
would leach uranium from an aquifer that provides high-quality
groundwater to municipal wells in and near these communities--an
aquifer that is the sole source of drinking water for an estimated
15,000 Navajos. I thank the conferees for heeding the wishes of over
200 members of the House--as well as the Navajo Nation Council--to
strip this provision from the bill.
The liability waiver for oil companies who used methyl tertiary-butyl
ether, MTBE, which has contaminated 1,861 water systems serving 45
million Americans in 29 States, including New Mexico, was also changed
in the final bill. I strongly opposed that provision, which
[[Page 18289]]
would have placed the coffers of oil companies ahead of Americans whose
lives have been adversely affected by this negligence.
Finally, one of my great concerns with the House-passed bill was a
provision allowing drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge
(ANWR). I am glad this provision was stripped in conference, and I will
continue to oppose efforts by the oil industry to drill in ANWR. I have
witnessed first-hand the tremendously diverse wildlife that will be
hurt if drilling occurs in the area. The small benefits are simply not
worth the cost.
I would like to commend my home State Senators--Domenici and
Bingaman--who worked together in a very bipartisan manner to write this
bill. I know it was a difficult task. I look forward to working with
them and with their counterparts here in the House, to continue work on
energy policy issues such as global warming, fuel efficiency standards,
and further reducing our energy dependence.
Mr. TIAHRT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the
Conference Report on H.R. 6. This comprehensive energy plan will help
America become more energy self-sufficient, create hundreds of
thousands of new jobs and spur innovation for accessing new energy
sources.
Nearly every sector of our economy is affected by high energy prices.
Manufacturing facilities, the transportation industry and agricultural
businesses all depend on affordable and reliable supplies of
electricity, fuel and fertilizers to thrive in today's international
economy.
All Americans, directly and indirectly, pay for the price of products
or services that depend on various forms of energy. No one is immune
from rising energy costs, and I am pleased the House has taken the lead
in passing this long-term energy plan to help address energy
reliability, supply and prices.
The Conference Report provides tax incentives within five main
categories to improve energy production, transportation and efficiency.
This balanced approach helps ensure we are taking care of current
energy needs while also planning for future demand.
If America wants an internationally competitive economy that can
fully contend with emerging economic superpowers of the 21st century,
we must take actions now to reduce barriers to competitiveness. Having
a secure and reliable source of energy is vital to keeping and creating
high-quality, high-paying jobs in America. The provisions contained in
this energy conference agreement are reliable options the private
sector can use to make us more competitive.
Other countries have been more pro-active than we have in preparing
for future energy needs. Brazil is projected to be completely energy
self-sufficient within a few years. What once was considered an
illusory dream may now become reality because Brazil recognized a
problem and committed to a long-term solution. It may have taken them
years to develop renewable energy sources, but Brazil is now a leader
in ethanol production. As a result, its economy has been able to curb
costs associated with higher crude oil prices.
H.R. 6 provides a renewable fuel standard that requires 7.5 billion
gallons to be used annually by 2012. This provision will help increase
our ethanol and biodiesel production at a time when alternatives to
foreign oil are greatly needed. By ramping up the production of
alternative fuel sources, we are going to take positive steps toward
more secure and reliable means of meeting our energy demands into the
21st century.
Kansas' agriculture economy will also reap the benefits of increased
uses for crops. We are learning more and more that today's farmers not
only put food on our tables but they also play an important role in
reducing emissions and helping us become less dependent on Middle East
oil for our fuel needs. By expanding markets for agriculture
commodities, producers and rural communities will see new sources of
revenue.
Another conservation provision in the energy bill is the 4-week
extension of Daylight Savings Time. By simply extending Daylight
Savings Time 3 weeks in the spring and 1 week in the fall, we will
reduce energy consumption equal to about 100,000 barrels of oil per day
for four weeks. This energy saving time provision will also contribute
to lower crime and fewer traffic fatalities.
As we look toward the future, we also need to be realistic about
current energy demands. That is why the energy bill helps oil and gas
producers increase domestic production, expand distribution
capabilities and increase refining capacity. H.R. 6 provides $2.6
billion in tax incentives to accomplish these goals. Currently, small
refiners are eligible for percentage depletion deductions if their
refinery runs do not exceed 50,000 barrels on any day of the year. The
energy bill increases that barrel limit to 75,000 barrels, which will
encourage greater production by America's smaller refiners.
The energy Conference agreement contains just over $3 billion in tax
incentives that will bolster our electricity infrastructure. Measures
such as reducing the depreciation period for assets used in the
transmission and distribution of electricity from 20 years to 15 years
will encourage more upgrades to the system. And tax credits, such as
the one for new nuclear power facilities, will help investors and
utilities take risks needed to create clean, reliable sources of
electricity.
Three separate tax credits were established for investments in clean
coal facilities that produce electricity, and power plants will be able
to amortize the cost of air pollution control facilities over 84
months. These incentives help energy producers meet stringent air
quality standards. By rewarding power plants that accelerate
implementation of pollution controls, we are helping create a cleaner
environment.
Kansas is known for many wonderful things; one trait not so popular
is our abundant source of wind. But as we find better ways to harness
this natural Kansas resource, Kansas' abundant supply of wind may prove
invaluable. The energy bill contains numerous tax incentives aimed at
helping expand alternative sources of energy such as wind. Many Kansas
landowners have also expressed strong support for expanded use of wind
energy. Small wind farms can provide increases in the local tax base
while creating additional revenue for the landowners.
Hydrogen fuel cell technology continues to improve, and I am pleased
the final energy bill included many options for integration of this
emerging technology into the marketplace. I am hopeful we will see more
and more public marketplace uses for hydrogen fuel cells. The fuel cell
provisions in H.R. 6 help take us in that direction.
This is a good plan that House Republicans and the Bush
Administration have been working on non-stop for more than 4 years. I
am very pleased we are finally successful in sending a national energy
plan to the President's desk.
Mr. FARR. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the Conference
Report to H.R. 6, the so-called comprehensive energy bill before us
today. I urge my colleagues to vote against this legislation, which
represents bad energy policy, bad environmental policy, bad fiscal
policy, and bad nonproliferation policy.
H.R. 6 does nothing to address the issue of America's continuing
dependency on imported oil. It does nothing to require more fuel
efficient vehicles. It does nothing to reduce pump prices now or in the
future, but it does shower wealthy oil and natural gas companies with
unneeded tax breaks, royalty-free drilling on public lands, and
exemptions from environmental laws.
We can and must do better if we are to seriously address the energy
needs of our Nation. We should strike a sound policy balance by
pursuing improvements in fuel technology and energy efficiency,
maintaining a clean environment, and preserving our wilderness areas
and public lands.
Frankly, this bill is an embarrassment--after six years of discussion
and negotiation, the best we have to offer is a bill that in effect
preserves the status quo? Instead of providing forward-looking policy
ideas for a sound energy future, H.R. 6 is content to drive us into the
future by looking through the rearview mirror with its heavily weighted
dependence on fossil fuels.
Mr. Speaker, the majority of subsidies in H.R. 6 go to the oil, gas,
coal and nuclear industries, leading to more pollution, more oil
drilling and more radioactive-waste-producing nuclear power.
By contrast, only a small percentage of the tax breaks would go to
energy efficiency and renewable energy incentives that could actually
save consumers money and reduce our dependence on dirty energy sources.
By refusing to commit to improving and investing in sustainable fuel
technology, we are putting our technology and manufacturing industries
at a competitive disadvantage at a time when the rest of the planet is
searching for alternatives to fossil fuels.
American consumers are being squeezed at the pump while the big oil
companies are reaping record profits and the Republican Leadership is
passing an energy bill that will further raise gas prices.
How in good faith can we go back to our constituents with a national
energy policy that does not address the future, does not address short
term fixes or long term solutions?
I urge my colleagues to oppose this legislation so we can develop a
comprehensive energy policy that looks to the future and doesn't rely
on repackaged out-dated technologies from the past.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. Speaker, the Energy Policy Act that the House passed
yesterday includes a commitment by Congress to make a
[[Page 18290]]
significant investment for research and development into renewable and
alternative sources of energy. As demand for clean and reliable energy
increases, it is imperative that America's young people be introduced
and educated in conservation and alternative energy. To decrease
foreign dependence, we must increase our knowledge and ability to
foster our own forms of energy. With that in mind, it is with great
pleasure that I inform this body of some recent educational
achievements in alternative energy sources.
The Dell-Winston Solar Challenge is an educational competition among
high school teams from across our Nation using solar powered cars. The
competition began ten years ago at the Winston School in Dallas, Texas,
to promote science and engineering to high school students. This unique
competition has grown significantly since its inception. Technology and
Learning magazine has named this Solar Race Challenge as one of the 10
Most Innovative Projects in Education.
In an effort to produce a competitive solar-powered vehicle, teams
spent up to eighteen months designing and building the sun-fueled
racers. The nine teams crossed the finish line at the Jet Propulsion
Laboratory in Pasadena, California, after an eight-day race that began
in Round Rock, Texas. The 1600-mile competition concluded this year as
the winning team set a new race record with a top speed of 57 miles per
hour. I am immensely proud that the winner of this race is located in
my district, from the city of Houston, Mississippi.
This race team from a town with about 4,000 people consistently
dominates the competition from much larger cities and schools. This
remarkable team from the Houston Vocational Center is under the
guidance of adviser and race coach Keith Reese. The team includes:
captain Katie Weaver and members Tyler Davis, Austin Jordan, Stefanie
Barkley, Brister Bishop, Matt Jernigan, David Peel, Leign Anna
Springer, Mason Faulkner, Quinton Grice, Callie Weaver, Katie Weaver,
Jesse Lal, Roderick Wiley, and Andrea Westmoreland. I am proud of each
one these individuals. Their hard work and dedication is evident in the
finished product.
The winning tradition of this team includes more than the
aforementioned teachers and students. This project has grown into a
community event. Support from the City of Houston is as consistent as
the team's success. It is evident that these constituents have
recognized the positive impact projects like these provide.
Year after year dedicated students and teachers build and race these
advanced solar powered machines. This year marks the fifth consecutive
time the Houston Race Team has won the coveted title. To quote Bubba
Weir, the Executive Director of The Mississippi Alternative Energy
Enterprise, ``The Program integrates classroom principles in a real-
life situation that fosters learning and encourages the students to
work to the best of their ability.''
This team brings much more than a trophy back to Mississippi; they
bring a renewed emphasis and excitement to the fields of science and
energy research. As the number of students studying math and science
decreases nationwide, programs such as these pay dividends in increased
interest in these fields. Dr. Lehman Marks, the founder and director of
the Dell-Winston Race described it as ``A Challenge that helps teach
high school students the 21st century skills they need to be successful
in the future, whether it's to become the scientists and engineers of
tomorrow or wherever their paths may lead.''
I am encouraged when I see future leaders taking the initiative to
compete and excel in this demanding contest. Programs like this
demonstrate the importance of implementing new education techniques.
Projects outside the classroom environment generate learning that
enhances knowledge students receive from traditional instruction. The
challenges in the fields of math and science are changing, and I am
proud that Mississippi's educators are training students to meet these
challenges head on.
The success of the Houston solar race team has spread statewide, and
many other Mississippi schools are beginning to experiment in
alternative energy education programs. It is good to see young
Mississippians leading the way through these innovative projects.
Congratulations to the Houston Solar Race Team for an extraordinary
performance and a job well done. The city of Houston, Chickasaw County,
the entire State of Mississippi, and the United States of America are
very proud of you.
Ms. McCOLLUM of Minnesota. Mr. Speaker, Congress had the opportunity
and the charge to develop a comprehensive energy policy that would make
America safer, decrease our dependency on foreign oil, and invest in
the next generation of clean and renewable energy.
Unfortunately, H.R. 6 fails the current and future needs of our
Nation miserably. As gas prices and oil industry profits rise, this
bill rewards oil and gas companies with $2.8 billion in tax breaks and
provides $1.4 billion in tax breaks for coal producers. These corporate
giveaways only continue our addiction to Middle Eastern oil and enable
our dependency on old and polluting technologies.
Mr. Speaker, the U.S. needs to be a world leader in energy self-
sufficiency through conservation, alternative energy sources, and
responsible leadership from the White House and Congress. Regrettably,
this bill fails on all those counts. It neglects to include a Renewable
Portfolio Standard, which would have required large electric companies
to obtain 10 percent of their power from clean renewable energy sources
by 2020. This act, once again, fails to increase much-needed fuel
efficiency standards of cars and trucks.
As if this bill was not already bad enough, a new provision appeared
after the conference committee had adjourned, which steers $1.5 billion
to a private consortium located in the home district of Republican
Majority Leader Tom DeLay. It provides that the consortium, of which
Halliburton is a member, can keep up to 10 percent of the funds for
administrative purposes. This is an outrage and a mockery of the
democratic process.
America deserves a comprehensive energy policy that invests in the
development of the next generation of fuel sources like fuel cells,
hydrogen power and home grown Minnesota fuels like ethanol. I was
pleased to see the measure tripling the amount of ethanol required in
gasoline by 2012, but this bill could have done so much more to
liberate our Nation from Saudi Arabian and Middle Eastern oil and move
our Nation toward a sustainable and energy-independent future.
Mr. Speaker, this is an energy bill for 1950, not 2050. It would have
been difficult to support this outmoded policy decades ago, and I
certainly cannot vote for it today.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, of everything that can be said about this
$15 billion giveaway to the oil and gas industry--that it does nothing
to alleviate the record high costs of oil, nothing to reduce our
dependence on oil--the worst may be that it is a missed opportunity.
And that is because it fails to harness America's entrepreneurial
spirit to develop new sources of energy. It is a continuation of the
status quo at a time when we need a new American energy policy--bold
new thinking to foster energy independence and grow our Nation's
economy in a way that addresses the threat of global warming.
But instead, this bill provides billions in tax breaks for oil
companies already reaping record profits. It does little to encourage
development of new forms of energy. And it restricts States' abilities
to protect their own natural resources.
Mr. Speaker, Americans are rightly concerned about how our dependence
on foreign oil affects our foreign policy. This bill does nothing to
reduce that dependence. If anything, it enshrines that dependence into
law. Today we import 58 percent of our oil, and by 2025 we will still
import between 64 and 68 percent of our oil, even after enacting this
legislation. Nor does it reduce skyrocketing gasoline prices--something
even the president has conceded.
And that is because this bill rejects common sense ideas that could
help us reduce our need for foreign oil. The conference committee
rejected a measure that would have required America to decrease its oil
consumption by 5 percent by 2015. At a time when Americans are fed-up
with high gasoline prices, we should be looking for ways to reduce
their need to fill-up at the pump. But the committee also rejected a
modest proposal that would have increased the fuel efficiency of our
cars by one mile per gallon per year for the next 15 years.
The final version of this bill also rejects a Senate proposal to
require utilities to generate 10 percent of their electricity from
renewable sources by 2020. This provision would have helped us to
significantly reduce our dependence on traditional polluting sources of
electricity. Another missed opportunity.
As if the lack of new thinking in this bill weren't enough, it also
declares war on States' rights when it comes to protecting their
citizens. The bill would eviscerate the role of the States in the
siting of LNG facilities and grant sole jurisdiction in such matters to
the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, FERC. This provision flies in
the face of the Coastal Zone Management Act. CZMA is a unique
partnership between coastal States and the Federal Government that
allows States to protect their own coastal resources. This is an
especially important law for Connecticut, where the commerce that comes
from the Long Island Sound fishing grounds,
[[Page 18291]]
ports and recreational area makes it a $5 billion economic asset.
Because our State's economy depends on the Long Island Sound, we
believe that the State has the obligation to protect it from possible
environmental harm.
Rather than passing this legislation, we ought to be reducing our
dependence on foreign oil by improving our energy efficiency and
maximizing our domestic energy production in an environmentally sound
way--by investing in cleaner, more secure energy sources such as solar,
wind, biomass and fuel cell technology. My State of Connecticut is a
leader in fuel cell technology, with several businesses doing research
that is on the cusp of revolutionizing the way our Nation powers its
homes, cars and businesses. This bill should be investing in American
small businesses like Proton Energy in Wallingford, Nxegen in
Middletown and Danbury's Fuel Cell Energy--companies that already do
over $300 million worth of fuel cell business and move us closer to
true energy independence.
Mr. Speaker, this bill proposes 20th century solutions for 21st
century energy challenges. It neglects the realities of a changing
world--that our dependence on foreign oil has real consequences for our
foreign policy, that the warming of the planet will have a serious
impact on the lives of all Americans. It ignores our entrepreneurial
spirit and technological know-how to develop and harness new forms of
energy. And it ignores the rights of States to look after the interests
of their citizens.
America can do better--and deserves better--than this conference
report. I urge my colleagues to oppose it.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, one of the features of H.R. 6 that
will make a material difference in the protection of groundwater are
the provisions making key reforms to the Leaking Underground Storage
Tank (LUST) program. The lack of serious attention to leaking tanks has
been one of the main causes of groundwater and drinking water
contamination by fuel and fuel additives. I applaud our Subcommittee
Chairman, Paul Gillmor, who authored the LUST provisions in H.R. 6 and
that I have enthusiastically included in this legislation. In addition,
I agree with and support his interpretation of these provisions, as
outlined in his Extension of Remarks that appeared in the Congressional
Record on July 28, 2005, on pages H6964-H6966. There are two specific
provisions that deserve special mention.
First, in order to avoid the creation of unfunded mandates, the
reference to Section 9508(c)(1) of the Internal Revenue Code in the
newly created section 9014(2) of the Solid Waste Disposal Act should be
considered to mean Section 9508(c) of the Internal Revenue Code in
order to reflect changes made to Title XIII, Subtitle F, Section 1362.
This Section of H.R. 6 creates a new Section 6430 at the end of
Subchapter B of Chapter 65. It amends Section 9508(c) by striking the
existing subsection 9508(c)(2) and renumbering subsection 9508(c)(1) as
subsection 9508(c). As the chief author of this bill, it was never my
intent to see LUST defunded and this instance should not be interpreted
nor construed as nothing more than a drafting error since the
historical construct and intent of the provisions in section 9014(2) of
the Solid Waste Disposal Act are consistent with past versions
addressing authorizations of appropriations under Subtitle I of the
Solid Waste Disposal Act. Should it be necessary, I intend to
immediately pursue statutory changes necessary to ensure proper use of
collected transportation fuel taxes in the LUST program under the Solid
Waste Disposal Act.
Second, Section 1530 on Title XV addresses additional methods to
protect groundwater, including state requirements on the use of
secondarily contained underground storage tank systems or conversely
requiring states to use installer and manufacturer requirements. If a
state chooses secondary containment, then any new installation of an
underground storage tank that is within 1,000 feet of community water
system or potable water well must be secondarily contained. In
addition, any tank or piping that is replaced on an underground storage
tank that is within 1,000 feet of a community water system or potable
water well must be secondarily contained. Repairs to an underground
storage tank system, as defined by the Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA), do not trigger any secondary containment requirements and
gasoline dispensers must also be addressed as part of the secondary
containment strategy. If, however, a state chooses installer and
manufacturer certification, as well as financial responsibility
requirements, this section requires tank installers and manufacturers
to follow professional guidelines for tank products or comply with one
of the new statutory requirements that are similar to subsections (d)
and (e) of 40 CFR 280.20. In addition, this section requires installers
and manufacturers to maintain evidence of financial assurance to help
pay corrective action costs that are directly relatable to a faulty
tank part or installation. The lone exception to the financial
assurance requirement is where a tank owner or operator, who already
maintains evidence of financial responsibility under Section 9003 of
the Solid Waste Disposal Act, is also the installer or manufacturer of
the underground storage tank. I want to make clear that with respect to
the financial responsibility option, the conference report references
the existing financial responsibility authority contained in section
9003( d) of the Solid Waste Disposal Act that applies to owners and
operators, and as such, it is the intent of this legislation that all
of the authorities and flexibilities contained in 9003( d) apply to
underground storage tank installers and manufacturers in the same way
that they currently apply to owners and operators of underground
storage tanks.
H.R. 6 also adds a new section 3022 to Title XXX of the Energy Policy
Act of 1992. The new section states: ``It is the sense of Congress that
Federal agencies conducting assessments of risks to human health and
the environment from energy technology, production, transport,
transmission, distribution, storage, use, or conservation activities
shall use sound and objective scientific practices in assessing such
risks, shall consider the best available science (including peer
reviewed studies), and shall include a description of the weight of the
scientific evidence concerning such risks.''.
For too long, documents and studies have been produced that do not
reflect science, but rather a given policy bias mixed with elements of
science. These documents and studies are then paraded forward as if
they are risk assessments. This sense of Congress specifically finds
such an approach unacceptable. I want to note that use of the weight of
the scientific evidence is a specific recommendation in the 1997 Final
Report of the Presidential/Congressional Commission on Risk Assessment
and Risk Management. On page 4 of that report the Commission states:
``A good risk management decision . . . is based on a careful analysis
of the weight of scientific evidence that supports conclusions about a
problem's potential risks to human health and the environment.'' On
page 23 of that report the Commission states: ``Making judgments about
risk on the basis of scientific information is called `evaluating the
weight of the evidence.' . . . . It is important that risk assessors
respect the objective scientific basis of risk and procedures for
making inferences in the absence of adequate data.'' On page 38 of that
report the Commission states: ``Risk assessors and economists are
responsible for providing decision-makers with the best technical
information available or reasonably attainable, including evaluations
of the weight of the evidence that supports different assumptions and
conclusions.
It is important the Federal agencies conform their risk assessment
practices to these principles.
General Leave
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend
their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 6.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate on the conference report
has expired.
Without objection, the previous question is ordered on the conference
report.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BARTON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on adoption of the conference report on H.R. 6 will be
followed by 5-minute votes on H. Res. 392 and H. Res. 396.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 275,
nays 156, not voting 3, as follows:
[Roll No. 445]
YEAS--275
Abercrombie
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Baca
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Barton (TX)
Bass
Bean
Beauprez
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
[[Page 18292]]
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Cardoza
Carson
Carter
Chabot
Chocola
Clyburn
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costa
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeLay
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Emerson
English (PA)
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Ferguson
Forbes
Ford
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Gutknecht
Hall
Hart
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Istook
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Kanjorski
Kennedy (MN)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Larsen (WA)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Mica
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moran (KS)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Napolitano
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Oberstar
Ortiz
Osborne
Otter
Oxley
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ross
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Salazar
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (TX)
Snyder
Sodrel
Souder
Spratt
Stearns
Strickland
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Towns
Turner
Udall (NM)
Upton
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Wynn
Young (AK)
NAYS--156
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baird
Baldwin
Bartlett (MD)
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boehlert
Bonner
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brown (OH)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carnahan
Case
Castle
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Conyers
Cooper
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doggett
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Flake
Foley
Frank (MA)
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Harman
Harris
Hastings (FL)
Higgins
Hinchey
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larson (CT)
Lee
Lewis (GA)
LoBiondo
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mack
Maloney
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Menendez
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (FL)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Pelosi
Price (NC)
Putnam
Rangel
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Sabo
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Saxton
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Serrano
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Solis
Stark
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Thompson (CA)
Tierney
Udall (CO)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--3
Brady (PA)
Payne
Schakowsky
{time} 1310
Ms. SCHWARTZ of Pennsylvania, Ms. CORRINE BROWN of Florida, and
Messrs. SERRANO, KIND, BARTLETT of Maryland, and DAVIS of Illinois
changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Ms. HERSETH, Mr. GILCHREST, and Mr. SCOTT of Virginia changed their
vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the conference report was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2361,
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, ENVIRONMENT, AND RELATED AGENCIES
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The pending business is the
question of agreeing to the resolution, House Resolution 392, on which
the yeas and nays are ordered.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 402,
nays 4, answered ``present'' 23, not voting 4, as follows:
[Roll No. 446]
YEAS--402
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrow
Barton (TX)
Bass
Bean
Beauprez
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (TX)
Brown (OH)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Cardin
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Carter
Case
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fortenberry
Fossella
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall
Harman
Harris
Hart
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Herger
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lynch
Mack
Maloney
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinney
McMorris
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Menendez
Mica
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
[[Page 18293]]
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Osborne
Owens
Oxley
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Pearce
Pelosi
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryun (KS)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Saxton
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Strickland
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--4
Capuano
Cooper
Dingell
Stupak
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--23
Akin
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Flake
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gohmert
Gutknecht
Hefley
Hensarling
Jones (NC)
King (IA)
Lungren, Daniel E.
Miller (FL)
Musgrave
Otter
Pence
Price (GA)
Ryan (WI)
Sodrel
Tancredo
Tanner
Westmoreland
NOT VOTING--4
Brady (PA)
Paul
Payne
Schakowsky
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson) (during the vote). Members are
advised 2 minutes remain in this vote.
{time} 1318
Mr. POE changed his vote from ``present'' to ``yea.''
Mr. BARRETT of South Carolina changed his vote from ``yea'' to
``present.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2985,
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The pending business is the question of
agreeing to the resolution, House Resolution 396, on which the yeas and
nays are ordered.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 375,
nays 27, answered ``present'' 24, not voting 7, as follows:
[Roll No. 447]
YEAS--375
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Bachus
Baker
Barton (TX)
Bass
Bean
Beauprez
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Cardin
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Carter
Case
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costa
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fortenberry
Fossella
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall
Harman
Harris
Hart
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Herger
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lowey
Lucas
Lynch
Mack
Maloney
Manzullo
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinney
McMorris
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Menendez
Mica
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Oberstar
Ortiz
Osborne
Owens
Oxley
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Pearce
Pelosi
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryun (KS)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Saxton
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Spratt
Stearns
Strickland
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tauscher
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Upton
Van Hollen
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--27
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Brown (OH)
Capuano
Conyers
Cooper
Doggett
Frank (MA)
Israel
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kucinich
Lofgren, Zoe
Markey
Meehan
Miller, George
Obey
Olver
Ryan (OH)
Stark
Taylor (MS)
Tierney
Udall (NM)
Velazquez
Wu
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--24
Akin
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Flake
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Garrett (NJ)
Gohmert
Gutknecht
Hefley
Hensarling
Jones (NC)
King (IA)
Lungren, Daniel E.
Marchant
Miller (FL)
Otter
Pence
Price (GA)
Ryan (WI)
Sodrel
Tancredo
Tanner
Westmoreland
NOT VOTING--7
Brady (PA)
Feeney
Paul
Payne
Reynolds
Schakowsky
Thompson (MS)
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). Members are advised there
are 2 minutes remaining in this vote.
[[Page 18294]]
{time} 1326
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A message from the Senate by Ms. Curtis, one of its clerks, announced
that the Senate has passed bills and a Joint Resolution of the
following titles in which the concurrence of the House is requested:
S. 302. An act to make improvements in the Foundation for
the National Institutes of Health.
S. 447. An act to authorize the conveyance of certain
Federal land in the State of New Mexico.
S. 655. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act with
respect to the National Foundation for the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention.
S. 1517. An act to permit Women's Business Centers to re-
compete for sustainability grants.
S.J. Res. 19. Joint Resolution calling upon the President
to issue a proclamation recognizing the 30th anniversary of
the Helsinki Final Act.
____________________
REMOVAL OF NAME OF MEMBER AS COSPONSOR OF H.R. 1295
Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to have my name
removed as a cosponsor of H.R. 1295.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
____________________
HELP EFFICIENT, ACCESSIBLE, LOW-COST, TIMELY HEALTHCARE (HEALTH) ACT OF
2005
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 385 and
as the designee of the majority leader, I call up the bill (H.R. 5) to
improve patient access to health care services and provide improved
medical care by reducing the excessive burden the liability system
places on the health care delivery system, and ask for its immediate
consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of H.R. 5 is as follows:
H.R. 5
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Help Efficient, Accessible,
Low-cost, Timely Healthcare (HEALTH) Act of 2005''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS AND PURPOSE.
(a) Findings.--
(1) Effect on health care access and costs.--Congress finds
that our current civil justice system is adversely affecting
patient access to health care services, better patient care,
and cost-efficient health care, in that the health care
liability system is a costly and ineffective mechanism for
resolving claims of health care liability and compensating
injured patients, and is a deterrent to the sharing of
information among health care professionals which impedes
efforts to improve patient safety and quality of care.
(2) Effect on interstate commerce.--Congress finds that the
health care and insurance industries are industries affecting
interstate commerce and the health care liability litigation
systems existing throughout the United States are activities
that affect interstate commerce by contributing to the high
costs of health care and premiums for health care liability
insurance purchased by health care system providers.
(3) Effect on federal spending.--Congress finds that the
health care liability litigation systems existing throughout
the United States have a significant effect on the amount,
distribution, and use of Federal funds because of--
(A) the large number of individuals who receive health care
benefits under programs operated or financed by the Federal
Government;
(B) the large number of individuals who benefit because of
the exclusion from Federal taxes of the amounts spent to
provide them with health insurance benefits; and
(C) the large number of health care providers who provide
items or services for which the Federal Government makes
payments.
(b) Purpose.--It is the purpose of this Act to implement
reasonable, comprehensive, and effective health care
liability reforms designed to--
(1) improve the availability of health care services in
cases in which health care liability actions have been shown
to be a factor in the decreased availability of services;
(2) reduce the incidence of ``defensive medicine'' and
lower the cost of health care liability insurance, all of
which contribute to the escalation of health care costs;
(3) ensure that persons with meritorious health care injury
claims receive fair and adequate compensation, including
reasonable noneconomic damages;
(4) improve the fairness and cost-effectiveness of our
current health care liability system to resolve disputes
over, and provide compensation for, health care liability by
reducing uncertainty in the amount of compensation provided
to injured individuals; and
(5) provide an increased sharing of information in the
health care system which will reduce unintended injury and
improve patient care.
SEC. 3. ENCOURAGING SPEEDY RESOLUTION OF CLAIMS.
The time for the commencement of a health care lawsuit
shall be 3 years after the date of manifestation of injury or
1 year after the claimant discovers, or through the use of
reasonable diligence should have discovered, the injury,
whichever occurs first. In no event shall the time for
commencement of a health care lawsuit exceed 3 years after
the date of manifestation of injury unless tolled for any of
the following--
(1) upon proof of fraud;
(2) intentional concealment; or
(3) the presence of a foreign body, which has no
therapeutic or diagnostic purpose or effect, in the person of
the injured person.
Actions by a minor shall be commenced within 3 years from the
date of the alleged manifestation of injury except that
actions by a minor under the full age of 6 years shall be
commenced within 3 years of manifestation of injury or prior
to the minor's 8th birthday, whichever provides a longer
period. Such time limitation shall be tolled for minors for
any period during which a parent or guardian and a health
care provider or health care organization have committed
fraud or collusion in the failure to bring an action on
behalf of the injured minor.
SEC. 4. COMPENSATING PATIENT INJURY.
(a) Unlimited Amount of Damages for Actual Economic Losses
in Health Care Lawsuits.--In any health care lawsuit, nothing
in this Act shall limit a claimant's recovery of the full
amount of the available economic damages, notwithstanding the
limitation in subsection (b).
(b) Additional Noneconomic Damages.--In any health care
lawsuit, the amount of noneconomic damages, if available, may
be as much as $250,000, regardless of the number of parties
against whom the action is brought or the number of separate
claims or actions brought with respect to the same injury.
(c) No Discount of Award for Noneconomic Damages.--For
purposes of applying the limitation in subsection (b), future
noneconomic damages shall not be discounted to present value.
The jury shall not be informed about the maximum award for
noneconomic damages. An award for noneconomic damages in
excess of $250,000 shall be reduced either before the entry
of judgment, or by amendment of the judgment after entry of
judgment, and such reduction shall be made before accounting
for any other reduction in damages required by law. If
separate awards are rendered for past and future noneconomic
damages and the combined awards exceed $250,000, the future
noneconomic damages shall be reduced first.
(d) Fair Share Rule.--In any health care lawsuit, each
party shall be liable for that party's several share of any
damages only and not for the share of any other person. Each
party shall be liable only for the amount of damages
allocated to such party in direct proportion to such party's
percentage of responsibility. Whenever a judgment of
liability is rendered as to any party, a separate judgment
shall be rendered against each such party for the amount
allocated to such party. For purposes of this section, the
trier of fact shall determine the proportion of
responsibility of each party for the claimant's harm.
SEC. 5. MAXIMIZING PATIENT RECOVERY.
(a) Court Supervision of Share of Damages Actually Paid to
Claimants.--In any health care lawsuit, the court shall
supervise the arrangements for payment of damages to protect
against conflicts of interest that may have the effect of
reducing the amount of damages awarded that are actually paid
to claimants. In particular, in any health care lawsuit in
which the attorney for a party claims a financial stake in
the outcome by virtue of a contingent fee, the court shall
have the power to restrict the payment of a claimant's damage
recovery to such attorney, and to redirect such damages to
the claimant based upon the interests of justice and
principles of equity. In no event shall the total of all
contingent fees for representing all claimants in a health
care lawsuit exceed the following limits:
(1) 40 percent of the first $50,000 recovered by the
claimant(s).
(2) 33\1/3\ percent of the next $50,000 recovered by the
claimant(s).
(3) 25 percent of the next $500,000 recovered by the
claimant(s).
(4) 15 percent of any amount by which the recovery by the
claimant(s) is in excess of $600,000.
(b) Applicability.--The limitations in this section shall
apply whether the recovery is
[[Page 18295]]
by judgment, settlement, mediation, arbitration, or any other
form of alternative dispute resolution. In a health care
lawsuit involving a minor or incompetent person, a court
retains the authority to authorize or approve a fee that is
less than the maximum permitted under this section. The
requirement for court supervision in the first two sentences
of subsection (a) applies only in civil actions.
SEC. 6. ADDITIONAL HEALTH BENEFITS.
In any health care lawsuit involving injury or wrongful
death, any party may introduce evidence of collateral source
benefits. If a party elects to introduce such evidence, any
opposing party may introduce evidence of any amount paid or
contributed or reasonably likely to be paid or contributed in
the future by or on behalf of the opposing party to secure
the right to such collateral source benefits. No provider of
collateral source benefits shall recover any amount against
the claimant or receive any lien or credit against the
claimant's recovery or be equitably or legally subrogated to
the right of the claimant in a health care lawsuit involving
injury or wrongful death. This section shall apply to any
health care lawsuit that is settled as well as a health care
lawsuit that is resolved by a fact finder. This section shall
not apply to section 1862(b) (42 U.S.C. 1395y(b)) or section
1902(a)(25) (42 U.S.C. 1396a(a)(25)) of the Social Security
Act.
SEC. 7. PUNITIVE DAMAGES.
(a) In General.--Punitive damages may, if otherwise
permitted by applicable State or Federal law, be awarded
against any person in a health care lawsuit only if it is
proven by clear and convincing evidence that such person
acted with malicious intent to injure the claimant, or that
such person deliberately failed to avoid unnecessary injury
that such person knew the claimant was substantially certain
to suffer. In any health care lawsuit where no judgment for
compensatory damages is rendered against such person, no
punitive damages may be awarded with respect to the claim in
such lawsuit. No demand for punitive damages shall be
included in a health care lawsuit as initially filed. A court
may allow a claimant to file an amended pleading for punitive
damages only upon a motion by the claimant and after a
finding by the court, upon review of supporting and opposing
affidavits or after a hearing, after weighing the evidence,
that the claimant has established by a substantial
probability that the claimant will prevail on the claim for
punitive damages. At the request of any party in a health
care lawsuit, the trier of fact shall consider in a separate
proceeding--
(1) whether punitive damages are to be awarded and the
amount of such award; and
(2) the amount of punitive damages following a
determination of punitive liability.
If a separate proceeding is requested, evidence relevant only
to the claim for punitive damages, as determined by
applicable State law, shall be inadmissible in any proceeding
to determine whether compensatory damages are to be awarded.
(b) Determining Amount of Punitive Damages.--
(1) Factors considered.--In determining the amount of
punitive damages, if awarded, in a health care lawsuit, the
trier of fact shall consider only the following--
(A) the severity of the harm caused by the conduct of such
party;
(B) the duration of the conduct or any concealment of it by
such party;
(C) the profitability of the conduct to such party;
(D) the number of products sold or medical procedures
rendered for compensation, as the case may be, by such party,
of the kind causing the harm complained of by the claimant;
(E) any criminal penalties imposed on such party, as a
result of the conduct complained of by the claimant; and
(F) the amount of any civil fines assessed against such
party as a result of the conduct complained of by the
claimant.
(2) Maximum award.--The amount of punitive damages, if
awarded, in a health care lawsuit may be as much as $250,000
or as much as two times the amount of economic damages
awarded, whichever is greater. The jury shall not be informed
of this limitation.
(c) No Punitive Damages for Products That Comply With FDA
Standards.--
(1) In general.--
(A) No punitive damages may be awarded against the
manufacturer or distributor of a medical product, or a
supplier of any component or raw material of such medical
product, based on a claim that such product caused the
claimant's harm where--
(i)(I) such medical product was subject to premarket
approval, clearance, or licensure by the Food and Drug
Administration with respect to the safety of the formulation
or performance of the aspect of such medical product which
caused the claimant's harm or the adequacy of the packaging
or labeling of such medical product; and
(II) such medical product was so approved, cleared, or
licensed; or
(ii) such medical product is generally recognized among
qualified experts as safe and effective pursuant to
conditions established by the Food and Drug Administration
and applicable Food and Drug Administration regulations,
including without limitation those related to packaging and
labeling, unless the Food and Drug Administration has
determined that such medical product was not manufactured or
distributed in substantial compliance with applicable Food
and Drug Administration statutes and regulations.
(B) Rule of construction.--Subparagraph (A) may not be
construed as establishing the obligation of the Food and Drug
Administration to demonstrate affirmatively that a
manufacturer, distributor, or supplier referred to in such
subparagraph meets any of the conditions described in such
subparagraph.
(2) Liability of health care providers.--A health care
provider who prescribes, or who dispenses pursuant to a
prescription, a medical product approved, licensed, or
cleared by the Food and Drug Administration shall not be
named as a party to a product liability lawsuit involving
such product and shall not be liable to a claimant in a class
action lawsuit against the manufacturer, distributor, or
seller of such product. Nothing in this paragraph prevents a
court from consolidating cases involving health care
providers and cases involving products liability claims
against the manufacturer, distributor, or product seller of
such medical product.
(3) Packaging.--In a health care lawsuit for harm which is
alleged to relate to the adequacy of the packaging or
labeling of a drug which is required to have tamper-resistant
packaging under regulations of the Secretary of Health and
Human Services (including labeling regulations related to
such packaging), the manufacturer or product seller of the
drug shall not be held liable for punitive damages unless
such packaging or labeling is found by the trier of fact by
clear and convincing evidence to be substantially out of
compliance with such regulations.
(4) Exception.--Paragraph (1) shall not apply in any health
care lawsuit in which--
(A) a person, before or after premarket approval,
clearance, or licensure of such medical product, knowingly
misrepresented to or withheld from the Food and Drug
Administration information that is required to be submitted
under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C. 301
et seq.) or section 351 of the Public Health Service Act (42
U.S.C. 262) that is material and is causally related to the
harm which the claimant allegedly suffered; or
(B) a person made an illegal payment to an official of the
Food and Drug Administration for the purpose of either
securing or maintaining approval, clearance, or licensure of
such medical product.
SEC. 8. AUTHORIZATION OF PAYMENT OF FUTURE DAMAGES TO
CLAIMANTS IN HEALTH CARE LAWSUITS.
(a) In General.--In any health care lawsuit, if an award of
future damages, without reduction to present value, equaling
or exceeding $50,000 is made against a party with sufficient
insurance or other assets to fund a periodic payment of such
a judgment, the court shall, at the request of any party,
enter a judgment ordering that the future damages be paid by
periodic payments. In any health care lawsuit, the court may
be guided by the Uniform Periodic Payment of Judgments Act
promulgated by the National Conference of Commissioners on
Uniform State Laws.
(b) Applicability.--This section applies to all actions
which have not been first set for trial or retrial before the
effective date of this Act.
SEC. 9. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Alternative dispute resolution system; adr.--The term
``alternative dispute resolution system'' or ``ADR'' means a
system that provides for the resolution of health care
lawsuits in a manner other than through a civil action
brought in a State or Federal court.
(2) Claimant.--The term ``claimant'' means any person who
brings a health care lawsuit, including a person who asserts
or claims a right to legal or equitable contribution,
indemnity or subrogation, arising out of a health care
liability claim or action, and any person on whose behalf
such a claim is asserted or such an action is brought,
whether deceased, incompetent, or a minor.
(3) Collateral source benefits.--The term ``collateral
source benefits'' means any amount paid or reasonably likely
to be paid in the future to or on behalf of the claimant, or
any service, product or other benefit provided or reasonably
likely to be provided in the future to or on behalf of the
claimant, as a result of the injury or wrongful death,
pursuant to--
(A) any State or Federal health, sickness, income-
disability, accident, or workers' compensation law;
(B) any health, sickness, income-disability, or accident
insurance that provides health benefits or income-disability
coverage;
(C) any contract or agreement of any group, organization,
partnership, or corporation to provide, pay for, or reimburse
the cost of medical, hospital, dental, or income disability
benefits; and
(D) any other publicly or privately funded program.
(4) Compensatory damages.--The term ``compensatory
damages'' means objectively verifiable monetary losses
incurred as a result of the provision of, use of, or payment
for (or failure to provide, use, or pay for)
[[Page 18296]]
health care services or medical products, such as past and
future medical expenses, loss of past and future earnings,
cost of obtaining domestic services, loss of employment, and
loss of business or employment opportunities, damages for
physical and emotional pain, suffering, inconvenience,
physical impairment, mental anguish, disfigurement, loss of
enjoyment of life, loss of society and companionship, loss of
consortium (other than loss of domestic service), hedonic
damages, injury to reputation, and all other nonpecuniary
losses of any kind or nature. The term ``compensatory
damages'' includes economic damages and noneconomic damages,
as such terms are defined in this section.
(5) Contingent fee.--The term ``contingent fee'' includes
all compensation to any person or persons which is payable
only if a recovery is effected on behalf of one or more
claimants.
(6) Economic damages.--The term ``economic damages'' means
objectively verifi-
able monetary losses incurred as a result of the provision
of, use of, or payment for (or failure to provide, use, or
pay for) health care services or medical products, such as
past and future medical expenses, loss of past and future
earnings, cost of obtaining domestic services, loss of
employment, and loss of business or employment opportunities.
(7) Health care lawsuit.--The term ``health care lawsuit''
means any health care liability claim concerning the
provision of health care goods or services or any medical
product affecting interstate commerce, or any health care
liability action concerning the provision of health care
goods or services or any medical product affecting interstate
commerce, brought in a State or Federal court or pursuant to
an alternative dispute resolution system, against a health
care provider, a health care organization, or the
manufacturer, distributor, supplier, marketer, promoter, or
seller of a medical product, regardless of the theory of
liability on which the claim is based, or the number of
claimants, plaintiffs, defendants, or other parties, or the
number of claims or causes of action, in which the claimant
alleges a health care liability claim. Such term does not
include a claim or action which is based on criminal
liability; which seeks civil fines or penalties paid to
Federal, State, or local government; or which is grounded in
antitrust.
(8) Health care liability action.--The term ``health care
liability action'' means a civil action brought in a State or
Federal Court or pursuant to an alternative dispute
resolution system, against a health care provider, a health
care organization, or the manufacturer, distributor,
supplier, marketer, promoter, or seller of a medical product,
regardless of the theory of liability on which the claim is
based, or the number of plaintiffs, defendants, or other
parties, or the number of causes of action, in which the
claimant alleges a health care liability claim.
(9) Health care liability claim.--The term ``health care
liability claim'' means a demand by any person, whether or
not pursuant to ADR, against a health care provider, health
care organization, or the manufacturer, distributor,
supplier, marketer, promoter, or seller of a medical product,
including, but not limited to, third-party claims, cross-
claims, counter-claims, or contribution claims, which are
based upon the provision of, use of, or payment for (or the
failure to provide, use, or pay for) health care services or
medical products, regardless of the theory of liability on
which the claim is based, or the number of plaintiffs,
defendants, or other parties, or the number of causes of
action.
(10) Health care organization.--The term ``health care
organization'' means any person or entity which is obligated
to provide or pay for health benefits under any health plan,
including any person or entity acting under a contract or
arrangement with a health care organization to provide or
administer any health benefit.
(11) Health care provider.--The term ``health care
provider'' means any person or entity required by State or
Federal laws or regulations to be licensed, registered, or
certified to provide health care services, and being either
so licensed, registered, or certified, or exempted from such
requirement by other statute or regulation.
(12) Health care goods or services.--The term ``health care
goods or services'' means any goods or services provided by a
health care organization, provider, or by any individual
working under the supervision of a health care provider, that
relates to the diagnosis, prevention, or treatment of any
human disease or impairment, or the assessment or care of the
health of human beings.
(13) Malicious intent to injure.--The term ``malicious
intent to injure'' means intentionally causing or attempting
to cause physical injury other than providing health care
goods or services.
(14) Medical product.--The term ``medical product'' means a
drug, device, or biological product intended for humans, and
the terms ``drug'', ``device'', and ``biological product''
have the meanings given such terms in sections 201(g)(1) and
201(h) of the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C.
321) and section 351(a) of the Public Health Service Act (42
U.S.C. 262(a)), respectively, including any component or raw
material used therein, but excluding health care services.
(15) Noneconomic damages.--The term ``noneconomic damages''
means damages for physical and emotional pain, suffering,
inconvenience, physical impairment, mental anguish,
disfigurement, loss of enjoyment of life, loss of society and
companionship, loss of consortium (other than loss of
domestic service), hedonic damages, injury to reputation, and
all other nonpecuniary losses of any kind or nature.
(16) Punitive damages.--The term ``punitive damages'' means
damages awarded, for the purpose of punishment or deterrence,
and not solely for compensatory purposes, against a health
care provider, health care organization, or a manufacturer,
distributor, or supplier of a medical product. Punitive
damages are neither economic nor noneconomic damages.
(17) Recovery.--The term ``recovery'' means the net sum
recovered after deducting any disbursements or costs incurred
in connection with prosecution or settlement of the claim,
including all costs paid or advanced by any person. Costs of
health care incurred by the plaintiff and the attorneys'
office overhead costs or charges for legal services are not
deductible disbursements or costs for such purpose.
(18) State.--The term ``State'' means each of the several
States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, the Northern
Mariana Islands, the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands,
and any other territory or possession of the United States,
or any political subdivision thereof.
SEC. 10. EFFECT ON OTHER LAWS.
(a) Vaccine Injury.--
(1) To the extent that title XXI of the Public Health
Service Act establishes a Federal rule of law applicable to a
civil action brought for a vaccine-related injury or death--
(A) this Act does not affect the application of the rule of
law to such an action; and
(B) any rule of law prescribed by this Act in conflict with
a rule of law of such title XXI shall not apply to such
action.
(2) If there is an aspect of a civil action brought for a
vaccine-related injury or death to which a Federal rule of
law under title XXI of the Public Health Service Act does not
apply, then this Act or otherwise applicable law (as
determined under this Act) will apply to such aspect of such
action.
(b) Other Federal Law.--Except as provided in this section,
nothing in this Act shall be deemed to affect any defense
available to a defendant in a health care lawsuit or action
under any other provision of Federal law.
SEC. 11. STATE FLEXIBILITY AND PROTECTION OF STATES' RIGHTS.
(a) Health Care Lawsuits.--The provisions governing health
care lawsuits set forth in this Act preempt, subject to
subsections (b) and (c), State law to the extent that State
law prevents the application of any provisions of law
established by or under this Act. The provisions governing
health care lawsuits set forth in this Act supersede chapter
171 of title 28, United States Code, to the extent that such
chapter--
(1) provides for a greater amount of damages or contingent
fees, a longer period in which a health care lawsuit may be
commenced, or a reduced applicability or scope of periodic
payment of future damages, than provided in this Act; or
(2) prohibits the introduction of evidence regarding
collateral source benefits, or mandates or permits
subrogation or a lien on collateral source benefits.
(b) Protection of States' Rights and Other Laws.--(1) Any
issue that is not governed by any provision of law
established by or under this Act (including State standards
of negligence) shall be governed by otherwise applicable
State or Federal law.
(2) This Act shall not preempt or supersede any State or
Federal law that imposes greater procedural or substantive
protections for health care providers and health care
organizations from liability, loss, or damages than those
provided by this Act or create a cause of action.
(c) State Flexibility.--No provision of this Act shall be
construed to preempt--
(1) any State law (whether effective before, on, or after
the date of the enactment of this Act) that specifies a
particular monetary amount of compensatory or punitive
damages (or the total amount of damages) that may be awarded
in a health care lawsuit, regardless of whether such monetary
amount is greater or lesser than is provided for under this
Act, notwithstanding section 4(a); or
(2) any defense available to a party in a health care
lawsuit under any other provision of State or Federal law.
SEC. 12. APPLICABILITY; EFFECTIVE DATE.
This Act shall apply to any health care lawsuit brought in
a Federal or State court, or subject to an alternative
dispute resolution system, that is initiated on or after the
date of the enactment of this Act, except that any health
care lawsuit arising from an injury occurring prior to the
date of the enactment of this Act shall be governed by the
applicable statute of limitations provisions in effect at the
time the injury occurred.
[[Page 18297]]
SEC. 13. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
It is the sense of Congress that a health insurer should be
liable for damages for harm caused when it makes a decision
as to what care is medically necessary and appropriate.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 385, the Chair
at any time may postpone further consideration of the bill until a time
designated by the Speaker.
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from Michigan
(Mr. Conyers) each will control 1 hour.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith).
General Leave
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend
their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 5.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I strongly support the HEALTH Act, which is identical to
two other bills that passed the House during the last Congress. The
HEALTH Act is modeled on California's Medical Injury Compensation
Reform Act, called MICRA, which has resulted in California's medical
liability premiums increasing only one-third as much as they have in
other States.
MICRA's reforms, which are included in the HEALTH Act, include a
$250,000 cap on noneconomic damages; limits on the contingency fees
lawyers can charge; a fair-share rule by which damages are allocated in
direct proportion to fault; reasonable guidelines, but not caps, on the
award of punitive damages; and a safe harbor from punitive damages for
products that meet FDA safety requirements.
{time} 1330
According to the nonpartisan organization Jury Verdict Research, the
median medical liability award has more than doubled in the last 7
years to $1.2 million.
Doctors and other health care providers are being forced to abandon
patients and practices, particularly in high-risk specialties such as
emergency medicine, brain surgery and obstetrics and gynecology.
Women are particularly hard hit, as are low-income neighborhoods and
rural areas. According to a report by the Department of Health and
Human Services, ``Unless a State has adopted limitations on noneconomic
damages, the cost of these awards for noneconomic damages is paid by
all other Americans through higher health care costs, higher health
insurance premiums, higher taxes, reduced access to quality care, and
threats to quality of care.''
Many doctors are no longer available to treat patients. Mary Rasar's
father did not get the medical care he needed following a car accident
last summer, because the only trauma center in his area closed for 10
days due to medical liability costs. Her father died from those
injuries.
Melinda Sallard, a 22-year-old mother, was forced to deliver her own
baby on the side of the road after her physician stopped delivering
babies and her hospital's maternity department closed because of rising
medical liability costs.
Leanne Dyess' husband Tony sustained head injuries in a car accident
and could not find a neurosurgeon to treat him because rising liability
costs had forced insurers to drop their coverage. Tony was airlifted to
a hospital in another State that still had neurosurgeons, but 6 hours
had passed, and it was too late. As a result Tony suffered permanent
brain damage.
In my hometown, the CEO of San Antonio's Methodist Children's
Hospital has seen his premiums increase 400 percent. He has been sued
three times. In one case the only interaction with the person suing was
that he stepped in her child's hospital room and asked simply, how is
your child doing? Each jury cleared him of any wrongdoing, and the
total amount of time all three juries spent deliberating was less than
an hour. But the doctor's insurance company spent a great deal of time,
effort and money in his defense.
It is no surprise the American College of Emergency Physicians found
that large majorities of both rural and urban hospitals had inadequate
on-call specialists coverage. And there has been a 40 percent reduction
in medical students entering obstetrics and gynecology.
According to the chair of the OB/GYN department at the Yale School of
Medicine, ``Within 2 years we will be faced with a very real
possibility of having to shut down our high-risk obstetrical practice,
a practice that cares for the sickest mothers in the State.''
As for legitimate cases of medical malpractice, nothing in the HEALTH
Act prevents juries from awarding very large amounts to victims,
including children. The HEALTH Act does not limit in any way an award
of economic damages to injured victims. Economic damages include lost
wages or home services, medical costs, the cost of pain-reducing drugs,
therapy and lifetime rehabilitation care.
In fact, in just the last few years, juries in California have
awarded the following damages to medical malpractice victims: An $84
million award to a 5-year-old boy, a $59 million award to a 3-year-old
girl, a $50 million award to a 10-year-old boy, a $12 million award to
a 30-year-old homemaker, and a $27 million award to a 25-year-old
woman. Other examples include damages of
$7, $22, $25, $30, and $49 million, all in just the last few years.
Awards of these same sizes would be available under the HEALTH Act.
Researchers at the Harvard School of Public Health stated that ``we
found no evidence that women or the elderly were disparately impacted
by the cap'' on noneconomic damages in California under MICRA.
The HEALTH Act will work. According to the Congressional Budget
Office, ``Under the HEALTH Act, premiums from medical malpractice
insurance ultimately would be an average of 25 percent to 30 percent
below what they would be under current law.''
The American people support the HEALTH Act. The Gallup poll found
that 72 percent of those surveyed favor a limit on the amount patients
can be awarded for noneconomic damages. The HEALTH Act also respects
the judgments of State legislatures because it does not preempt any
State law that limits damages, be they higher or lower than the limits
provided for in the HEALTH Act.
Finally, this legislation is supported by some 200 organizations,
including the American Medical Association, the American Academy of
Pediatrics, the American College of Emergency Physicians, the American
College of Nurse Practitioners, the American College of Obstetricians
and Gynecologists, and the Council of Women's and Infant's Specialty
Hospitals.
Mr. Speaker, for the sake of those who need health care, for the sake
of health care providers who simply want to practice their professions,
please join me and these selfless organizations in supporting the
HEALTH Act.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Putnam). The Chair understands that the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) will control 40 minutes as the
designee of the minority leader, and the gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms.
DeGette) will control 20 minutes as the designee of the minority
leader.
Mr. CONYERS. Yes, sir. That is correct.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Now, the reason that many people might support this bill is that they
do not know that inside the bill, if they were asked, are you for
legislation that makes it harder to sue drug companies and HMOs, I do
not think you would get the same polling results.
Mr. Speaker, I will insert into the Record after these remarks
letters and reports in opposition to H.R. 5 from the American Bar
Association, Public Citizen, and the American Federation of State,
County and Municipal Employees and the National Conference of State
Legislators.
Mr. Speaker, make no mistake about it. This is a special interest
bill before
[[Page 18298]]
us today. The bill would supersede the law in all States in the Union
to cap noneconomic damages, to cap and limit punitive damages, to cap
attorneys' fees for poor victims, to shorten the statute of
limitations, to eliminate joint and several liability, and to eliminate
collateral source.
That is a pretty large menu. But, more amazing, this bill comes
before us today without the benefit of a committee hearing, or a
committee markup, and under a totally closed rule. How do you like
that?
Rather than helping doctors and victims, this measure pads the
pockets of insurance companies, health maintenance organizations, and
manufacturers and distributors of defective medical products and
pharmaceuticals, and it does so at the expense of innocent victims,
particularly women, children, the elderly and the poor. We have a bill
today for you.
So let us cut the charade and get to the heart of the problem, and
the insurance industry is the greatest place to start. This month we
found out that the insurance industry has increased premiums by more
than 100 percent over the last 5 years, while the claims they have paid
out were essentially the same, were flat.
This may have something to do with the fact that the insurance
industry, which is exempt from antitrust laws, is not immune from
collusion, price fixing, and other anticompetitive problems that they
would be subject to if they did not have an antitrust exemption.
It is also clear that a legislative solution, largely focused on
limiting victim rights, available under our State tort system will do
little other than increase the incidence of medical malpractice, which
is already the third leading cause of preventable death in our Nation.
So under the proposal, we here in Congress would be saying to the
American people, we do not care if you lose your ability to bear
children. We do not care if are you forced to bear excruciating pain
for the reminder of your life. We do not care if you are permanently
disfigured or crippled. We are going to limit your recovery no matter
what.
The proposed new statute of limitations in this bill takes absolutely
no account of the fact that many injuries caused by malpractice or
faulty drugs take years, sometimes decades, to manifest themselves.
Under this proposal a patient who is negligently infected with HIV
blood and develops AIDS 6 years later would be forever barred from
filing a liability claim.
The so-called periodic plan provisions are really nothing less than a
Federal installment plan for the health maintenance organizations. The
measure we have here right now would allow insurance companies
teetering on the verge of bankruptcy to delay and then completely avoid
future financial obligations. And they would have no obligation to pay
interest on the amounts that they owe their victims.
And guess who else gets a sweetheart deal under the legislation? The
drug companies. The producers of such killer devices like the Dalkon
Shield, the Cooper-7 IUD, high-absorbency tampons linked to toxic shock
syndrome, and silicone gel implants all would have completely avoided
the billions of dollars in damages that they have had to pay had this
bill been law.
Do you really want to do this today, my colleagues? It would help
insulate Vioxx claims for liability, adding insult to injury to
hundreds of thousands of individuals and families who suffered heart
attacks or lost their life as a result of this dangerous drug.
I conclude. Nearly 100,000 people die in this country every year from
medical malpractice. And at a time when 5 percent of our health care
professionals cause 54 percent of all medical malpractice injuries,
just a few, a few doctors causing all of this problem, the last thing
we need to do is exacerbate this problem while ignoring the true causes
of medical malpractice, the crisis that exists in this country today.
My colleagues, I urge you to please do not accept this antipatient,
antivictim legislation.
Mr. Speaker, the material I referred to previously is as follows:
National Conference of
State Legislatures,
Denver, CO, July 26, 2005.
Re H.R. 5, the Help Efficient, Accessible, Low-Cost, Timely
Healthcare (HEALTH) Act of 2005.
Hon. Dennis Hastert,
Speaker of the House, House of Representatives, Washington,
DC.
Hon. Nancy Pelosi,
Minority Leader, House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Speaker Hastert and Representative Pelosi: On behalf
of the National Conference of State Legislatures, I am
writing to express strong, bipartisan opposition to the
passage of federal medical malpractice legislation, H.R. 5,
the ``Help Efficient, Accessible, Low-Cost, Timely Healthcare
(HEALTH) Act of 2005,'' which is scheduled for a vote in the
House of Representatives on Wednesday, July 27.
Medical malpractice, product liability and other areas of
tort reform are areas of law that have been traditionally and
successfully regulated by the states. Since the country's
inception, states have addressed the myriad of substantive
and regulatory issues regarding licensure, insurance, court
procedures, victim compensation, civil liability, medical
records and related matters. In the past two decades, all
states have explored various aspects of medical malpractice
and products liability and chosen various means for remedying
identified problems. To date, twenty-nine states have enacted
medical malpractice legislation in their 2005 legislative
sessions.
NCSL's Medical Malpractice policy explicitly and firmly
states that ``American federalism contemplates diversity
among the states in establishing rules and respects the
ability of the states to act in their own best interests in
matters pertaining to civil liability due to negligence.''
That diversity has worked well even under the most trying and
challenging circumstances. The adoption of a one-size-fits-
all approach to medical malpractice envisioned in H.R. 5 and
other related measures would undermine that diversity and
disregard factors unique to each particular state.
Federal medical malpractice legislation inappropriately
seeks to preempt various areas of state law. All 50 states
have statutes of limitations for medical malpractice suits.
All 50 states have rules of civil procedure governing the
admissibility of evidence and the use of expert witnesses.
More than half of the states have caps on noneconomic damages
and limitations on attorney's fees in medical malpractice
cases.
This issue was scrutinized again at NCSL's last Fall Forum.
Our review included assessing whether circumstances had
developed or were so unique that only federal action could
provide an adequate and workable remedy. We again examined
recent state actions, policy options and experiences. We
discussed at length how various proposed or anticipated
pieces of federal legislation fared against NCSL's core
federalism questions. Those questions included (1) whether
preemption is needed to remediate serious conflicts imposing
severe burdens on national economic activity; (2) whether
preemption is needed to achieve a national objective; and (3)
whether the states are unable to correct the problem. The
resounding bipartisan conclusion was that federal legislation
is unnecessary.
NCSL's opposition extends to any bill or amendment that
directly or indirectly preempts any state law governing the
awarding of damages by mandatory, uniform amounts or the
awarding of attorney's fees. Our opposition also extends to
any provision affecting the drafting of pleadings, the
introduction of evidence and statutes of limitations.
Furthermore, NCSL opposes any federal legislation that would
undermine the capacity of aggrieved parties to seek full and
fair redress in state courts for physical harm done to them
due to the negligence of others.
Thank you for your consideration of our concerns. For
additional information, please contact Susan Parnas Frederick
or Trina Caudle in NCSL's Washington, D.C. office.
Respectfully,
Senator Michael Balboni,
New York Senate, Chair,
NCSL Law & Criminal Justice Committee.
____
Public Citizen
Washington, DC, July 25, 2005.
Re please oppose H.R. 5--``HEALTH Act of 2005.''
Dear Representative: H.R. 5, a bill dealing with civil
liability for medical malpractice, would shield doctors,
HMOs, hospitals, nursing homes, drug makers, and medical
device manufacturers from legal and financial responsibility
for harms inflicted by their misconduct. At the same time, it
would punish victims of medical negligence by making it more
difficult for them to recover fair compensation for their
injuries. We strongly oppose this bill and urge you to vote
against it.
We are enclosing a detailed fact sheet evaluating the major
provisions of this misguided legislation, whose more
egregious features include:
An arbitrary, non-adjustable $250,000 cap on non-economic
damages--the lowest limit imposed by any state that has
adopted caps
[[Page 18299]]
since they first appeared 30 years ago--regardless of the
severity of injury, number of malfeasors, or number of
defendants involved.
Insulation from liability for nursing homes, HMOs, drug
companies, and medical device manufacturers, and protection
from punitive damages for products that are FDA approved or
generally recognized as safe and effective.
Federalized standards for medical malpractice liability
that preempt existing state laws in an arena that is
traditionally the purview of state legislatures and courts.
The fact sheet is accompanied by our analysis of medical
malpractice judgments over the ``crisis'' period 2000 to
2004, showing that total payments to plaintiffs for
malpractice judgments have dropped 37.5 percent, when
adjusted for inflation, over the past five years. This
demonstrates--contrary to what proponents of denying legal
rights to victims contend--that lawsuits are not the engine
driving skyrocketing malpractice insurance premiums.
For the reasons stated above, and more fully described in
the enclosures, we urge you to protect consumers by voting no
on H.R. 5.
Sincerely,
Joan Claybrook,
President.
Frank Clemente,
Director, Congress Watch.
____
American Bar Association,
Washington, DC, July 21, 2005.
Dear Representative: We understand that in the near future
the House is expected to consider H.R. 534, legislation to
preempt substantial portions of the state medical liability
laws. On behalf of the American Bar Association, I urge you
to vote against passage of H.R. 534. The ABA opposes H.R. 534
because it would interfere with the traditional state
regulation of medical liability laws and restrict the rights
of injured patients to be compensated for their injuries.
For over 200 years, the authority to promulgate medical
liability laws has rested with the states. This system, which
allows each state autonomy to regulate the resolution of
medical liability actions within its borders, is a hallmark
of our American justice system. Because of the role they have
played, the states are the repositories of experience and
expertise in these matters. If enacted, H.R. 534 would pre-
empt the rights of the states to continue to administer the
medical liability laws.
Currently, states have the opportunity to enact and amend
their tort laws, and the system functions well. Congress
should not substitute its judgment for the systems that have
thoughtfully evolved in each state over time. To do so would
limit the ability of a patient who has been injured by
medical malpractice to receive the compensation he or she
deserves.
The ABA is especially concerned about the provisions in
H.R. 534 that would place a cap on pain and suffering awards
in states that have no such cap. The ABA opposes caps on pain
and suffering awards which ultimately harms those who have
been most severely injured. Instead, the courts should make
greater use of their powers to set aside verdicts involving
pain and suffering awards that are disproportionate to
community expectations.
Medical professional liability expenditures account for
less than two percent of national health care expenditures.
Provisions contained in H.R. 534 to cap non-economic damages
would not eliminate the less than two percent of health care
costs attributable to medical professional liability since
very few people are the subject of such caps. Any savings in
the cost of health care would be a small fraction of the less
than two percent figure.
There is no question that malpractice premiums have risen.
The question is why. There is no evidence that the legal
system has caused the spike in rates. And there is no
evidence that caps will be effective in reversing the trend.
In fact, not even data provided by the AMA in June 2004
supports the idea that placing caps on damages can avert a
medical malpractice crisis in a particular state, or that
states that fail to enact caps are certain to have a crisis.
At that time, eight states that were listed by the AMA as
``in crisis'' (Florida, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri,
Nevada, Ohio, Texas, and West Virginia) had already enacted
caps on non-economic damage awards. Fourteen other states
that had such caps were, according to the AMA, ``showing
problem signs,'' and just six of the states that had enacted
caps were considered by the AMA to not be ``in crisis'' or
``showing problem signs.'' This follows a June 2003 report by
Weiss Ratings, Inc., which found that caps on non-economic
damages have failed to prevent sharp increases in medical
malpractice insurance premiums, even though insurers enjoyed
a slowdown in their payouts.
A July 2003 General Accounting Office study of the causes
of malpractice insurance increases found that, while
malpractice awards have contributed to increased premiums,
``a lack of comprehensive data at the national and state
levels on insurers' medical malpractice claims and the
associated losses prevented us from fully analyzing the
composition and causes of those losses.'' In fact, relevant
studies have since been released that analyze and challenge
the alleged link between the tort liability system and
malpractice premiums. Two notable studies suggest that the
issue is much more complex.
One such study, in Texas, found no evidence to support a
link between rising malpractice premiums in Texas and the
frequency of claims and size of payouts, despite Texas voters
having passed a constitutional amendment in 2003 that sharply
restricted non-economic damages in medical malpractice
lawsuits. The Texas study was developed by researchers at
three major universities. An examination of the comprehensive
database of closed malpractice claims maintained by the Texas
Department of Insurance found that the number of paid
malpractice claims (adjusted for population growth) was
roughly constant between 1991 and 2002, the frequency of such
claims actually declined, the frequency of individual jury
awards in malpractice cases declined, and the percentage of
claimant verdicts showed no upward trend.
Similarly, a study by the Kaiser Family Foundation showed
that capping damages in medical malpractice cases does not
reduce doctors' exposure to malpractice claims. The Kaiser
Family Foundation report on medical malpractice was released
on May 27, 2005. The report provides trend data for
malpractice claims. It shows that the total dollars in
physician medical malpractice claim payments remained
relatively constant during the period from 1991 to 2003
(13,687 in 1991, compared with 15,287 in 2003). The average
number of malpractice claims per physician declined
relatively steadily over the period.
The American Bar Association analyzed the Kaiser Family
Foundation report's new state malpractice data (available at
http://www.statehealthfacts.org/r/malpractice.cfm) on the
number of paid claims per 1,000 physicians in each state in
2003, the latest year for which data is available. The chart
attached as Appendix ``A'' lists the number of claims per
1,000 active, non-federal physicians and shows whether the
state had caps on noneconomic or total damage caps in 2003.
This data shows the number of paid claims per 1,000 active
non-federal physicians is not related to whether a state has
caps on damages or not. For example, the average claims for
1,000 physicians ranged from a high of 30.5 in Indiana, which
had damage caps in 2003, to a low of 5 in Alabama, which did
not have caps on non-economic or total damage caps in 2003.
It is obvious that those affected by caps on damages are
the patients who have been most severely injured by the
negligence of others. No one has stated that their pain and
suffering injuries are not real or severe. These patients
should not be told that, due to an arbitrary limit, they will
be deprived of the compensation they need to carry on. Yet
H.R. 534, if enacted, would result in the most seriously
injured persons who are most in need of recompense receiving
less than adequate compensation.
On July 14, 2005, the Wisconsin Supreme Court, in a quite
lengthy and well-thought-out opinion, found caps in
malpractice cases to be unconstitutional. Ferdon v. Wisconsin
Patients Compensation Fund, et al., Case No. 2003AP988. As
part of its analysis of the issues, the Court noted that the
cap put in place ($350,000) was apparently based on the
assumption that the cap would help to limit the increasing
cost and possible diminishing availability of health care,
although the immediate objective was apparently to ensure the
availability of sufficient liability insurance at a
reasonable cost. Slip op. at 45. The Court found no rational
relationship between ``the classification of victims in the
$350,000 cap on non-economic damages'' and the equally
desirous objective of compensating victims fairly, both those
who suffer non-economic damages above and below the cap. Slip
op. at p. 50. The Court found that the cap is ``unreasonable
and unnecessary because it is not rationally related to the
legislative objective of lowering medical malpractice
insurance premiums'' and it creates an undue hardship on
those whose non-economic damages exceed the cap and is thus
arbitrary. Slip op. at pp. 49, 53. The Court came to its
conclusion after reviewing an analysis of studies done within
the state by the Wisconsin Commissioner of Insurance and of
studies outside the state. Slip op. at pp. 59-66.
We urge you to vote no on H.R. 534.
Sincerely,
Miles J. Zaremski,
Chair, ABA Standing Committee
on Medical Professional Liability.
Medical Malpractice--Is MAG Mutual Gouging Its Doctors?
Georgia's largest medical malpractice writer took in nearly
triple what it paid out.
This gain is in addition to the $17,312,654 gain made by
investing its doctors' money.
Insurance reform--not tort reform--is needed to reduce
medical malpractice premiums.
Source: taken directly from the company's annual statement
for the year ending December 31, 2004. All data is from the
Five Year Historical Data Page: information on Net Paid
Losses is line 61, Net Premiums
[[Page 18300]]
Written is line 12, and Net Investment Gain is line 14.
Dollar figure for investment gain represents total investment
multiplied by percentage of premiums written of total for the
state. Statement available at: http:naic.org/cis. MAG Mutual
Insurance Company is the largest insurer in Georgia with
42.3% of the market (AM Best).
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) the primary author of the bill
itself.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Smith) for yielding me the time.
With all due respect to the distinguished ranking member, let me say
that in response to his comments, this is a special interest bill. That
is right. It is a special interest bill. It is a special interest bill
for the American consumer of health care, for our patients. That is
where the special interest is; not, Mr. Speaker, the insurance
industry, not drug companies or manufacturers of medical devices.
The insurance industry, of course, offers a broad range of products.
It could be health insurance. It could be automobile insurance. It
could be homeowners insurance. It could be an umbrella policy for
general liability. And, yes, of course there is a product line called
medical liability insurance.
But let me tell you what is happening to the insurance industry in
regard to that piece of their business. In my home State of Georgia, 3
years ago we had 20 companies that offered that line of business. Today
we have one. We have gone from 20 to 1, and that is a mutual company.
{time} 1345
If these insurance companies were making out like bandits, as the
other side of the aisle and the opposition to this commonsense bill are
suggesting, then they would not be quitting the business in droves.
They would be continuing to stay in the business and raising those
premiums and making these tremendous profits.
I do not know, Mr. Speaker, what is happening with the industry of
insurance in regard to other product lines. The gentleman may be right
on that. But in regard to this line of business, I can tell you they
are losing money even when they have good returns on their investments,
as did Mag Mutual in Georgia several years ago. In fact, the return on
their very conservative investments, they are very restricted by the
insurance commissioner in that very conservative portfolio of
investments, returned them $7 million; but they still are losing money
because of these outrageous claims and the expense of defending so many
frivolous lawsuits.
In regard, Mr. Speaker, to the drug companies and the manufacturers
of medical devices that the distinguished ranking member mentioned,
this bill would only relieve them of punitive damages, that is all,
punitive damages, if it is shown that they did deliberately market a
drug or a device that they knew was harmful to a patient and they
deliberately withheld that information from the FDA. It does not
relieve them of liability for being named in a lawsuit. It is only the
punitive damages.
If they are guilty of something like that, of withholding information
deliberately, we went through this with the tobacco industry in regard
to lung cancer, the punitive damages can be in the hundreds of millions
and, maybe if it is a big Fortune 500 company, billions of dollars.
So this is a distraction from the real problem. And the real problem,
Mr. Speaker, is that we have an unlevel playing field. That is all it
is. This bill, H.R. 5, the HEALTH Act of 2005, is not going to take
away anybody's right to sue if they have been injured and to seek
economic damages and payments for medical care for the rest of their
lives.
The gentleman from Texas explained to us that many of these cases in
California, a State that since 1979 has had a cap on noneconomic so-
called ``pain and suffering'' at $250,000, these cases that he just
talked about, $10 million, $20 million, $30 million worth of economic
awards, people are not being denied access to that care, Mr. Speaker.
This is only to balance the playing field so that we do not have this
situation in this country where we are supposed to have the greatest
health care in the world, and yet our specialists are dropping out.
They are not delivering babies. They are not getting involved in high-
risk pregnancies. They are not manning emergency rooms. They are not
doing newer surgery.
Because of all the defensive practice of medicine, every specialist
practices in two areas: his or her specialty and also the specialty of
defensive medicine, and it is driving up the cost of health care and
people cannot afford to get health insurance. That is all we are
talking about here, Mr. Speaker, of leveling the playing field. It is
not taking away anybody's right to sue. It is not denigrating or
bashing the legal profession.
Those attorneys who specialize in personal injury, most of them do a
great job representing their clients well. My brother is an attorney.
My daughter is an attorney. We are not here to bash the legal
profession. But we just want to ask them to give us an opportunity to
level this playing field to make it fair for everyone. And so this idea
that the other side suggests that we are taking away anybody's rights
is absolutely not true, Mr. Speaker.
Let me say some of the things that this bill does do besides limiting
noneconomic to $250,000. What it does, Mr. Speaker, is something called
``collateral source disclosure.'' Current law did not allow a jury to
know that a plaintiff in a malpractice case has health insurance or has
a disability policy. So when they are calculating all of these economic
losses and loss of wages, it is not known by the jury that maybe that
disability policy gives them 80 percent of their earnings or their
income for their whole life or that they have health insurance.
The other thing, and I will conclude on this, Mr. Speaker, the other
things this bill does is it stops this issue of joint and several
liability where, when multiple defendants are named, the person, the
doctor who has the deepest pockets, who may have had very little to do,
if anything to do, maybe just walked down the corridor on a Saturday
and said hello to the patient, but they happened to have the most
insurance and the deepest pockets so they pay all of the claims.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from New York (Mrs. Kelly), a subcommittee Chair of the Committee on
Financial Services.
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 5. Listen to
why. For many years, the world has come to New York for medical care.
But between 1998 and 2002, 70 percent of New York's neurosurgeons, 60
percent of the OB-GYNs in New York, 60 percent of New York's orthopedic
surgeons, and 60 percent of the general surgeons in New York were sued.
Mr. Speaker, it is impossible that all of these physicians were bad
doctors. We can all agree that there are some physicians that may be
better than others, but it would be difficult to come to the consensus
that more than half of the physicians in several vital practice areas
have performed this poorly.
This is a problem. In New York, the average jury award increased from
$1.7 million in 1994 to $6 million in 1999, which was an increase of
350 percent. New York physicians are now paying 34 to 50 percent more
in 2005 for the same insurance coverage they had in 2002. This is in
part due to an across-the-board average rate increase of 7 percent for
the 2004-2005 policy year. In 2001, six of the top eight medical
malpractice awards in the United States came from New York courts. In
2002, 7 of the top 10 jury verdicts in medical negligence cases were
from New York courts. And in 2003, it was four of the top six.
The cost is not just to the doctors. It is a cost we all ultimately
share. There are steps this Congress can take in solving the problem.
The HEALTH Act is a step that is both reasonable and fair. It is
reasonable because it calls for a cap on unquantifiable damages. State
laws that otherwise cap damages at
[[Page 18301]]
specific amounts, even at higher amounts than those provided in the
HEALTH Act, would remain in effect. The act is fair when it allows for
the full recovery of economic damages. In other words, when damages can
be quantified, they are unlimited in the HEALTH Act.
The HEALTH Act is going to help solve the national crisis we are
seeing in medical malpractice. Without this legislation, doctors will
not just leave the area where they practice; they will leave the
profession. I urge support of the HEALTH Act.
Today, I rise in support of H.R. 5--The HEALTH Act of 2005.
Between 1998 and 2002, the largest insurer of physicians in New York
state had: 70 percent of its neurosurgeons sued, 60 percent of OB-GYNs
were sued, 60 percent of orthopedic surgeons were sued, and 60 percent
of general surgeons were sued.
Mr. Speaker, it is impossible that all of these physicians are bad
doctors.
We can all agree that there are some physicians who may be better
than others--but it would be difficult to come to the consensus that
more than 50 percent of physicians in several vital practice areas have
performed this poorly.
There is a problem.
Just in New York, the average jury award increased from $1.7 million
in 1994 to $6 million in 1999--an increase of 350 percent.
New York physicians are now paying 34-50 percent more in 2005 for the
same insurance coverage they had in 2002. This is in part due to an
across the board average increase of 7 percent rate increase for the
2004-05 policy year.
In 2001, 6 of the top 8 medical malpractice awards came from New York
courts.
In 2002, 7 of the top 10 jury verdicts in medical negligence cases
were from New York courts. And in 2003, it was 4 of the top 6.
But, there are also steps that this Congress can take towards solving
this problem.
We have learned today that the HEALTH Act is a step that is both
reasonable and fair.
It's reasonable because it calls for a cap only on unquantifiable
damages. State laws that otherwise cap damages at specific amounts,
even at higher amounts than those provided in the HEALTH Act, would
remain in effect under the HEALTH Act.
The Act is fair where it allows for full recovery of economic
damages. In other words, when damages can be quantified, they are
unlimited under the HEALTH Act.
The HEALTH Act will help solve the national crisis that we are seeing
in medical malpractice liability insurance.
Without this legislation doctors will not just leave the area where
they practice, they will leave the profession. Patients, who are the
real victims in this crisis, will be left to suffer and die because
there is no one to provide the care.
As a member of the Medical Malpractice Crisis Task Force, I ask my
colleagues to recognize that there is a problem, and this legislation
is one great step in the direction towards solving that problem.
Please support the HEALTH Act of 2005.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would just let the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Kelly) and the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) know about the
General Accounting Office report that found there is no evidence that
caps on damages have reduced losses or helped consumers. They found,
instead, that the contention that premiums are rising because there is
a surge in jury awards is a myth and that while premiums have increased
claims payments of insurance companies have remained essentially flat.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
Jackson-Lee), a member of the Committee on the Judiciary.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished
ranking member, and I thank him for his continued leadership on this
issue.
It looks as if this is deja vu. We have been at this table for a
number of years, and I am delighted that the gentleman from Georgia
(Mr. Gingrey) cleared it up. When you have a daughter that is a lawyer,
I know you have a great affection for lawyers. And I appreciate the
fact that he recognizes that as physicians care for the sick, lawyers
have to keep the doors of justice open. For that reason, if anyone gets
up on the floor of the House and cites the number of lawsuits, 60
percent of the doctors being sued, that has nothing to do with those
cases that prevailed.
Most Americans understand the distinction between frivolous lawsuits
and so does the court system. But, really, what this bill is premised
on is absolutely false, and Americans should know that because I have
heard from so many with so many tragic incidents, amputated legs,
individuals at hospitals who have died not because of what they went
into the hospital for but because they caught an infection in the
hospital.
But as it relates to insurance and low rates, let me cite a study
that is the prevailing trend in America. A new study by the former
insurance commissioner of Missouri, Jay Angoff, shows that insurance
companies are gouging doctors. The study shows that insurance premiums
are skyrocketing, while payouts have remained flat or in some cases
even decreased. There is no evidence that we are making a dent with
this medical malpractice oppressive legislation--oppressive
legislation, in insurance rates.
In particular, it is a shame that when you have a tragedy in your
family, someone who lost their life because of negligence, and there
are three defendants, the general trend is that you go against the
defendant with the deepest pockets. That defendant who is well-situated
will go against the others who contributed to that terrible tragedy.
Now, this bill locks the door, closes out the bus driver, the
teacher, the nurse's aid, the oil refinery worker, absolutely closes
them out. It also denies children who are innocent, under 18, enhanced
economic damages. That was my amendment, to take away that cap of
250,000, to take away that cap of 250,000 on noneconomic damages
because we do not know long range with all these tables about what
someone will be needing the rest of their life after they have been
maimed, after they have been disabled, or after they have died and what
their family will need.
This is a tragic day because first of all this bill came to the floor
with no committee work, no rules work of sorts, all amendments died;
and we have failed. Herman Cole of Connecticut we have failed, whose
wife slipped into a coma when in a procedure for a tubal ligation. Her
blood pressure dropped dangerously and damagingly low and the doctor
and anesthesiologist ignored the warning signs. What is he supposed to
do? What is he supposed to do about his wife, Sadie, who is now in a
vegetative state?
This is a bad bill. I hope my colleagues will have enough courage to
vote for those who have been injured and vote against special interest.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 5, the ``Medical
Malpractice Bill.'' Not only is the overall bill bad, but the process
in which the majority followed was flawed as well. This bill came
straight to the floor and bypassed both committees of jurisdiction.
This begs the question, ``what are the proponents of the bill so afraid
of that they need to rush to the floor. Both the House Judiciary and
Energy and Commerce Committees have been bypassed and this should not
have been done on such an important piece of legislation. Given the new
information that is available about the insurance industry gouging
doctors, shouldn't the committees at least have had the opportunity to
review the new information?
Turning to the bill itself, it should be noted that this bill applies
across the board to all cases, not just frivolous cases. It applies no
matter how much merit a case has, or the extent of the misconduct of
the hospital, doctor or drug company. The bill applies regardless of
the severity of the injury. Those most hurt by the bill are the most
catastrophically injured. In addition, it undermines our constitutional
right to trial by jury. The bill limits the power and authority of
jurors to decide cases based on the facts presented to them. Washington
politicians should not be making these decisions--juries should.
This legislation also reduces the accountability of hospitals,
nursing homes, HMOs and drug companies. This will hurt patient safety.
Patient safety must come first. We should be cracking down on the small
number of doctors responsible for most of the malpractice. This will
reduce both incidents of malpractice and lawsuits. Doctors and
hospitals must be required to tell their patients or the patients'
families when they know they have made a medical error, rather than
allowing them to keep their mistakes secret.
[[Page 18302]]
This bill completely ignores the insurance industry's major role in
the high price of medical malpractice insurance premiums. We must
protect the legal system and make it accessible for everyone seeking
justice, accountability and adequate compensation for devastating
injuries or death.
In discussing the flaws of this bill, I would be remiss if I did not
take a moment to mention some of the families who have survived medical
malpractice.
Kim and Ryan Bliss of Florida, whose 8\1/2\-month-old daughter died
when the doctor inserted an adult IV in her jugular and caused an air
bubble to go directly into her bloodstream.
Herman Cole of Connecticut, whose wife slipped into a coma when,
during a procedure for tubal ligation, her blood pressure dropped
dangerously and damagingly low and the doctor and anesthesiologist
ignored the warning signs. Herman's wife Sadie has been in a vegetative
state ever since.
Diane Meyer of Nevada, who was diagnosed with kidney stones and was
sent home to pass them, despite the fact that one was too large and was
poisoning her body from within. Doctors later discovered this but
failed to call Diane, who then slipped into a coma and later had to
have both legs amputated below the knee.
Mark Unger of Oregon, whose mother was diagnosed with Burkitt's
lymphoma in early 2001 and was injected with 1000 times more
methotrexate than the appropriate dosage by a doctor who did not follow
protocol. Mark's mother passed away in April 2001.
John McCormack of Massachusetts, whose 13-month-old daughter died
while awaiting surgery to repair a malfunctioning shunt in her skull,
while the attending physician slept through repeated pages because his
beeper was set to vibrate and didn't wake him, leaving two neurosurgery
residents in charge of her care.
Deborah Gillham of Maryland, who suffered injury when, during a
routine laparoscopic procedure to look for a cyst on her left ovary,
her physician punctured her colon.
Before closing, let me take a moment to speak on two amendments I
would have offered had the rule not been so restrictive. My first
amendment would have eliminated one of the many egregious provisions in
the bill. In essence, it would eliminate the one-size-fits-all limit on
awards for non-economic loss (i.e. pain and suffering damages) of
$250,000. Typically, such damages exceed $250,000 only in cases
involving catastrophic injuries such as deafness, blindness, loss of
limb or organ, paraplegia, severe brain damage or loss of reproductive
capacity. Limiting patients' rights to sue for medical injuries would
have virtually no impact on the affordability of malpractice coverage.
States with little or no tort law restrictions experience the same
insurance rates as states that have enacted tort restrictions.
My second amendment also focused on the $250,000 cap for non-economic
loss (i.e. pain and suffering damages). This amendment would have
carved out an exception for plaintiffs or a person(s) representing a
minor. In summary, the $250,000 cap for non-economic loss (i.e. and
suffering damages) would not apply with respect to an injury to an
individual who is under 18 years of age. Minors are more vulnerable in
regards to injuries they suffer and the consequences of those injuries.
Furthermore, the impacts of an injury suffered by a minor due to
malpractice will be felt for a much longer time period than for an
adult. This is especially true of children who suffer injuries at birth
due to malpractice. These children will more likely have to suffer the
consequences of these injuries for the rest of their lives.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Wisconsin (Mr. Green), a member of Committee on the Judiciary and
an expert on this subject.
Mr. GREEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, 10 years ago, like so many
States, Wisconsin was facing a medical liability crisis, not just
because medical liability premiums were soaring, not just because
insurance carriers were discontinuing the sale of medical liability
insurance, but because too many physicians felt forced to leave their
practice, leave their specialty, or leave the State for a more
affordable State.
But 10 years ago in Wisconsin, we figured out a reasonable answer. I
led the fight to create a new medical liability system where injured
parties receive every single dollar of economic damages to which they
are entitled. But where there is a modest cap on noneconomic damages,
things like pain and suffering, loss of society, loss of companionship,
you know what? It worked.
We hear a lot about studies here. We know as a fact in Wisconsin it
worked. In a short period of time, Wisconsin became one of only six
States not to have a medical liability crisis. As a result, as the
State medical society reported, physicians, especially those in high-
risk specialties, actually moved into our State from States like Ohio
and Pennsylvania and Florida and Illinois. It worked.
But, sadly, Mr. Speaker, my State recently lost its way. Even though
by any reasonable measure our reforms work, the Wisconsin courts struck
them down. We can only hope that Wisconsin enacts a new medical
liability reform act. But until then, we should pass the HEALTH Act. It
will not only help Wisconsin doctors and patients but those in every
State facing a medical liability crisis.
This bill is State-friendly. It does not preempt State reforms. If a
State like Wisconsin has a cap on noneconomic damages, whether that cap
is higher or lower, that cap will take effect. More important, it is
doctor-friendly. It is patient-friendly. It will help us get a handle
on at least a small portion of our health care costs. It will encourage
doctors to continue to practice in vital specialties, and it will
attack defensive medicine. I urge support for the HEALTH Act.
{time} 1400
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), a distinguished member of the
Committee on Judiciary.
Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding me this time.
One of the problems we are going to have during this debate is the
fact we are here under a closed rule. We will not have the ability to
highlight or fix the shortcomings of the bill, so we will go back and
forth on sound bites. We have already heard that this has been
described as a proconsumer bill, notwithstanding the fact that I am not
aware of any recognized consumer group that is supporting it.
Mr. Speaker, we say we have lost doctors because of the malpractice
crisis, but we did not say anything about the reimbursement rates for
some specialties, who are not getting paid as much, nor is there a
suggestion that tort reform has actually produced more doctors. Because
we have the same list of ineffectual initiatives that we have had in
other tort reform bills, reducing victims' rights without doing
anything with malpractice rates, we will try to discuss the provisions
of the bill.
First, the rule rejected the alternative offered by the gentleman
from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Dingell) that would have actually reduced malpractice costs and helped
underserved areas without going overboard in helping and relieving from
liability the HMOs and pharmaceutical companies, which means that the
doctors will have to pay more of the responsibility for malpractice. We
cannot consider that.
But let us come to the specifics. This legislation preempts State
law. The National Conference of State Legislators has already
considered this bill, and they have rejected it. Their opinion, the
National Conference of State Legislators, have suggested this bill will
make matters worse.
We have caps on damages, not on damages for wages and things like
that, but for elderly, for children, for those who are without lost
wages, they will be hurt. Incredibly, the cap on damages has not been
shown to do anything about malpractice premiums. Those States with caps
are paying the same malpractice premiums as those without caps.
We have heard about this fair share provision that says everybody
just pays their fair share or more. Mr. Speaker, what we are talking
about here is a group with insurance, and which insurance company will
pay. Some States have dealt with this and said if a doctor is at least
60 percent responsible, he can be held fully responsible, but for
others, maybe you can have a fair share. This says everybody involved.
In other words, you have to
[[Page 18303]]
go after each and every physician, with a separate case against each
and every one for every 1 or 2 percent responsibility they have. We
have had the problem of having to sue so many doctors. Well, this
requires you to sue each and every doctor.
We have heard about the collateral source rule; that if you have
insurance, and listen up small businesses, if you are providing health
care for your employees, and you have an employee who gets into a
malpractice-induced coma, and somebody has to pay it, and your employee
has gotten a recovery from the malpractice insurance, if the small
business is paying the responsibility, the physician, the guilty party,
will get credit for all of your health insurance, and you are going to
have to continue to pay under that health insurance.
We limit attorneys' fees in this legislation, which will do nothing
to reduce malpractice premiums. We have different statutes of
limitations, which will confuse people, and lawyers will miss the
filing deadlines because of all this confusion.
We need insurance reform which will reduce premiums, not just attack
victims. We need worthwhile legislation that will reduce the premiums.
This will not do it. We need to defeat the bill.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, opponents of reform claim that the current crisis is
driven by a small number of so-called bad doctors. But as Yale Medicine
Professor Dr. Robert Auerbach has explained, ``The American Trial
Lawyers Association has perpetrated myths on the American public,
including the myth that a very small proportion of all physicians are
responsible for the majority of claims. This is a sort of statistical
magic, because, unfortunately, a small proportion of the physicians in
high-risk specialties, such as obstetrics and gynecology and
neurosurgery, are responsible for a disproportionate number of the
claims.''
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr.
Burton), former chairman of the Committee on Government Reform.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding me this time.
First of all, I am for medical malpractice reform. I think it is
extremely important we address this issue. However, I have a real
problem with this bill. In section 7, item (c), under punitive damages,
it in effect will protect the pharmaceutical industry against class
action lawsuits by parents who have had their children damaged by
mercury in vaccines that causes neurological problems, such as autism.
We had hearings on this for about 6 years, and we had scientists from
all over the world, and the mercury in vaccines is a contributing
factor to autism and other neurological disorders in children. It is in
adult vaccines as well.
Now, I will not go into specifics of the language in here, but
according to attorneys I have talked to in the last couple of days, it
protects the pharmaceutical companies against class action lawsuits. I
would not have a problem with that if there was another avenue for
these parents to go to get money.
We created the Vaccine Injury Compensation Fund to take care of that.
It was supposed to be nonadversarial. Unfortunately, parents have
gotten nothing out of the Vaccine Injury Compensation Fund, even though
there is $3 billion there. So there is only one avenue they have, and
this legislation, the way I read it, blocks that.
The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Weldon) has worked with me on this,
and I think he shares some of the same concerns that I have, and he is
welcome to say a word or two if he wants to, but what I want to ask of
the manager of the bill, would the gentleman work with me to try to
clean this up so that that problem does not exist anymore; so they at
least have an avenue to deal with this?
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman and I have spoken
about this before. I happen to think that the problem lies with current
law and not with this particular piece of legislation. But in any case,
I share the gentleman's concerns and will work with him to address
those concerns as this bill progresses to conference committee.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his
assurances.
Mr. WELDON of Florida. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. WELDON of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's
yielding to me, and let me just add to what the gentleman was saying.
There is a lot of active research on this, and the research is not
conclusive, so we do not need to act right now.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague.
Mr. Speaker, I wish to submit for the Record a Dear Colleague letter
which I sent to Members regarding this legislation:
Congress of the United States,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, July 27, 2005.
The Vaccine Liability Waiver in the Medical Malpractice Legislation
Will Hurt Autistic Children and Their Families
Dear Colleague: As we debate medical malpractice this week,
I want to bring to your attention a provision in the bill
that would waive vaccine manufacturer liability. Section 7(c)
of the legislation states that no punitive damages may be
awarded against a manufacturer or distributor of a medical
product based on a claim that the product caused harm, unless
the company violated FDA regulations. Essentially, this means
as long as the vaccine goes through the regular FDA approval
process, the company is shielded from liability.
In the 1980's, roughly 1 in 10,000 American children were
diagnosed with some kind of autism spectrum disorder. Today,
that number has risen to 1 in 166 with the number rising
alarmingly as children have been required to get more and
more shots containing the mercury-based preservative
thimerosal During my tenure as Chairman of the House
Committee on Government Reform, and as Chairman of the
Subcommittee on Human Rights and Wellness, I chaired numerous
hearings examining the alarming increase in autism in this
country over the last several decades. We also conducted a
four-year long investigation into the facts and theories
surrounding the connection between mercury in vaccines
(thimerosal) and autism and other childhood and adult
neurodevelopment disorders, such as Alzheimer's. Credible
scientific evidence points to a connection between
thimerosal, autism and other neurodevelopmental disorders.
Many of the families of thimerosal's victims did not know
about the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program--the
no-fault compensation system that provided for quick and fair
recovery for those who experience injuries related to a
vaccination which Congress established in 1986--and were
unable to file claims within the 3 year Statute of
Limitations. Thousands of families were left out in the cold,
unable to get into the program. They are out there with
nothing. Their houses are being sold, they are going
bankrupt, they are spending all their money and leading
desperate lives trying to help their kids, and they cannot do
it. Therefore, the only recourse they had was to file a class
action lawsuit.
As the number of thimerosal injured children grew, concerns
over the potential financial impact of these class action
lawsuits, and the growing scientific research demonstrating a
connection between thimerosal and autism, and the subsequent
effect on the pharmaceutical industry's bottom line prompted
supporters of the Pharmaceutical industry to slip sections
1714 through 1717 into the Homeland Security Act of 2002
effectively killing all thimerosal class action lawsuits. In
the 11th hour without any debate, without anybody knowing
about it until it was too late, these lawsuits were stopped
in their tracks.
Fortunately, the language was ultimately removed after
being discovered by several deeply concerned Members of both
the House and Senate. Section 7(c) of the Help Efficient,
Accessible, Low-cost, Timely Healthcare (HEALTH) Act of 2005
(H.R. 5) is arguably a thinly veiled attempt to resurrect the
ill-conceived Homeland Security Act provisions of 2002, and
although Section 10 of the bill exempts vaccine cases before
the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program, if a
vaccine claimant exercises his or her right to opt-out of
VICA and bring a lawsuit in state or Federal court or has no
recourse but to file a lawsuit because of the Statute of
Limitations, Section 7(c) of H.R. 5 will fully apply to limit
that civil claimant's rights.
Congress should strike this provision from the medical
malpractice legislation. We serve the interests of the
American people, not the pharmaceutical industry.
[[Page 18304]]
Sincerely,
Dan Burton,
Member of Congress.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased now to yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), a distinguished member of the
Committee on the Judiciary.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, the Republicans have demonstrated that they
either do not have a plan to fix the problem of the uninsured, or they
simply do not care. Instead, they drag out the same tired giveaways to
insurance companies year after year while trampling on the rights of
consumers and patients.
This bill is a perfect example. It does nothing to address the real
causes of rising malpractice rates, but instead protects insurance
companies from their own poor business practices. It protects the
pharmaceutical companies. It protects the manufacturers of medical
devices. It protects everyone except the victims of medical
malpractice.
We are told the bill is necessary to drive down insurance rates
because juries are awarding too much money to plaintiffs. But the fact
is lawsuits account for less than 2 percent of health care costs, as
they always have, according to CBO. The average jury award has hardly
increased at all in the last decade. In the last year, claims payments
have decreased, gone down, by 9 percent, according to HHS, yet
insurance premiums continue to rise.
So where is the crisis? Not in huge runaway juries and not in
exorbitant awards. Yet we have here a spectacular assault on the rights
of consumers and patients. A cap on noneconomic damages of $250,000
might have been reasonable in 1975 when it was first imposed in
California, but today, and with increasing inflation, it is worth less
and less.
When we considered this bill in committee last year, I offered
amendments to raise the cap to $1.5 million, or at least to index it to
inflation so it does not get inflated down to worthlessness. Party line
vote: Cannot do that.
But the biggest weakness of this bill is that it will not work.
Anyone who thinks insurance rates will go down as a result of this bill
is being sold a bill of goods. This bill merely hopes the insurance
executives will, out of the goodness of their hearts, reduce the rates
they charge doctors. But there is no mechanism to guarantee this.
Instead, the bill will simply lead to higher bottom lines for the
insurance companies and protect the careless insurance companies and
the careless manufacturers.
Every attempt by Democrats to mandate that savings be passed along to
doctors in the form of lower rates was voted down by the Republicans.
Mr. Speaker, we should not be misled by this bill's supporters. Do not
believe for a second that insurance rates will go down as a result of
this bill. This bill should be seen for what it is: a gift from the
Republican majority to the big insurance companies at the cost of
patients' rights, and deluding the doctors and the health care
practitioners who are being led down the garden path.
If it were meant to help them, why do the Republicans refuse to put
into this bill a provision that mandates that the savings that this
bill will supposedly accomplish, at least some of those savings, are
passed along to doctors in the form of lower malpractice rates? It will
not happen.
The true thing we should do is to crack down on the 1 or 2 percent of
doctors who cause 90 percent of the insurance claims who should not be
practicing medicine, and better regulate the insurance companies. That
is what we should do to solve this problem. Instead, we have this feel-
good bill that will injure already injured patients and will do nothing
for the doctors.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman
from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Speaker, the last two commentators in opposition to
this bill talked about the biggest problem with this bill being the
lack of consumer protection.
I am going to tell my colleagues that the biggest consumer protection
in this bill is limitation of contingency lawyer fees. When a person is
injured severely, they ought to walk out of that courtroom at the end
of the day with the preponderance, the largest portion, of that
judgment in their pocket and not in the pocket of the lawyers. And that
is consumer protection at its very best.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. Keller), a valued member of the Committee on the
Judiciary.
Mr. KELLER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
I support common-sense medical liability reform because it will
increase patients' access to lifesaving health care, and it will save
taxpayers over $30 billion a year in unnecessary defensive medical
tests.
Let me give a real-life example. The Orlando Regional Medical Center
is a large hospital located in the heart of my district in Orlando,
Florida. It is home to the only Level I Trauma Center in central
Florida which specializes in treating patients with severe brain and
spine injuries.
Unfortunately, this important trauma center is in danger of closing
because we only have a handful of neurosurgeons left in Orlando, and
they cannot afford to pay the medical liability insurance premiums of
over $250,000 a year. As a result of this liability crisis, this top-
rated trauma center had no choice but to turn away over 1,000 patients
last year.
Now, what happens when neurosurgeons are not available? We do not
have to guess. I personally met with Mrs. Leanne Dyess, who testified
before the Committee on the Judiciary. Her husband, Tony Dyess,
suffered a very serious head injury in a car accident. The family had
excellent medical insurance. What they did not have a was a
neurosurgeon. All the neurosurgeons in her area had left town because
they could not afford the liability insurance. As a result, it took 6
hours to transport Mr. Dyess to a different location, but it was too
late. He needed to be treated within the first hour. Mr. Dyess is now
permanently brain damaged. He is unable to communicate, work, or to
provide for his family.
Mr. Speaker, some opponents of this legislation say it is not
Congress' problem, let us just leave it up to the States. Well, it is
our problem, because the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
estimates that this legislation will save taxpayers over $30 billion a
year by avoiding unnecessary medical tests which are ordered by doctors
under Medicare and Medicaid because of defensive medicine.
It does not have to be that way. Neurosurgeons in California, where
they have a $250,000 cap, pay an average of only $59,000 a year in
liability insurance, not the $250,000 they pay in Orlando, Florida. Let
us bring common sense back to our health care system and give patients
access to trauma centers and neurosurgeons.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote yes.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Weiner), a valuable member of the Committee on the Judiciary.
request to amend h.r. 5
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, I move by unanimous request that we amend
H.R. 5 to include a cap on premium increases for the duration of the
bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Latham). The Chair cannot entertain that
request at this time.
Parliamentary Inquiries
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry. I am making a
unanimous consent request.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Would the gentleman restate his request?
Mr. WEINER. Certainly. My unanimous consent request is that H.R. 5 be
amended by unanimous consent, the consent here of both the majority and
the minority, that premium increases, health insurance premium
increases, be limited to zero for the duration of the period of this
bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will have to see the gentleman's
amendment to see if it meets the Speaker's guidelines for recognition.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his inquiry.
[[Page 18305]]
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I would ask to what
guidelines the gentleman refers. I know there have been guidelines
about bringing a bill up at all, but I am not aware of any guidelines
that govern the deliberations of a bill once it has been brought
forward. Could the Speaker enlighten us as to what guidelines he is
discussing?
I am not aware of guidelines that deal with the bill once it is
before us. I understand they have dealt with whether or not you
consider the bill.
{time} 1415
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Latham). It would be inappropriate for
the chair to entertain a unanimous consent request for the
consideration of a nongermane amendment absent conformity with the
Speaker's guidelines.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary
inquiry. Would someone point to the rule of the House? First, Mr.
Speaker, I must say ``inappropriate'' does not seem to me to be a
parliamentary term. Something is either in order or it is out of order.
Appropriateness may deal with etiquette, it may deal with how well
Members are dressed and how nice they look, but I understood under
parliamentary procedure you are either in order or not in order. Would
someone refer to me the section of our rules, Jefferson's Manual, which
talks about appropriateness?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. If the gentleman would approach the Chair,
the Chair will gladly point out the rule.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, why would I have to approach
the Chair? This is a public forum. I believe this notion of
appropriateness is a gloss on the rules that does not exist. Can we not
have a citation to the rule of appropriateness?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The guidelines are carried in section 956 of
the House Rules and Manual.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary
inquiry. We are told that these guidelines supersede the rules, during
the consideration of a bill that unanimous consent is not in order? I
had not previously heard that. Further, I understood they dealt with
whether or not Members were recognized. Once recognized, as the
gentleman from New York was, I am not aware of any restriction on what
the gentleman can do as long as it is within the rules. Those
guidelines dealt with recognition, as I understood it.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Recognition for unanimous consent requests
is at the discretion of the Chair following the guidelines followed by
several successive Speakers.
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary inquiry. Is the Chair
ruling a unanimous consent request which expresses the unanimous desire
of the House of Representatives, is the Chair refusing that to be put
to the body?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will reiterate that conferral of
recognition for a unanimous consent request is at the discretion of the
Chair according to the Speaker's guidelines.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary
inquiry. Does that mean any unanimous consent request to amend a bill
is out of order unless it meets what standard? Could the Chair
enlighten us as to how one would become in order?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. A unanimous consent request for the
consideration of a nongermane amendment would have to have received
clearance by the majority and minority floor and committee leaderships.
The Chair has not seen the gentleman's amendment and is unaware of such
clearance.
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary inquiry. Is the
concern that it is not in proper form? There has not been a point of
order that it is not germane.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. It is a matter of recognition.
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, I have been recognized, so that is not the
issue. Is the issue the form of the unanimous consent request?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. If the gentleman would submit his amendment,
the Chair would examine it.
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, if I can be further heard on the unanimous
consent request, and I believe the paperwork is on the way, it is a
very simple matter. The sponsor of the legislation says he wants to do
what is right for consumers. Over and over we have heard the connection
between the legislation and reducing premiums. All I am saying is, if
we all agree upon that, let us include the language herein.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman making a parliamentary
inquiry?
Mr. WEINER. No, I want to be heard on my unanimous consent, and I was
recognized.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair has not recognized the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Weiner) on his unanimous consent request. The
gentleman is, however, recognized for the time yielded to him.
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, I still have a unanimous consent that is, I
believe, in the hands of the Parliamentarian now.
Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my unanimous consent request.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner)
withdraws his unanimous consent request.
The gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner) is recognized for 3 minutes.
Mr. WEINER. Mr. Speaker, I think all of the assembled
Parliamentarians, staffers, the histrionics of the other side, the
apoplexy over the idea that perhaps we might actually reduce premiums
is fairly instructive to this debate.
We had no hearings on this. We had no chance to mark it up. We had no
chance to include a reduction in premiums.
The gentleman from Georgia said this is a pro-consumer thing. If you
really wanted it to be pro-consumer, you would reduce premiums. I would
ask any Member on the other side of the aisle who supports this bill to
simply say, We do not really care about reducing premiums.
Mr. Speaker, who we are fighting for in this bill is the insurance
industry; they are getting protected. The HMOs, they are getting
protected. The pharmaceutical companies, that is who is being protected
by H.R. 5. But, frankly, do not deceive the American public by what
this bill will do.
Insurance prices will not go down. Do Members know how we know this?
First of all, the industry themselves have said in public that they
have no intention of reducing premiums if this legislation is passed.
We can look at other States that have caps. Find me one where insurance
premiums went down. Look at California, ask them whether their premiums
have gone down.
Frankly, the only way we know for sure that premiums will go down is
to cap the premiums, but you will not do that. Not only will you not do
that; you will do everything possible to avoid even considering it.
That is why committee was bypassed.
And do not also say that doctors are going to face fewer claims as a
result of this legislation. They are already seeing fewer claims since
they did in 2001. There were 25 per 1,000 physicians in 2001. There are
19 per 1,000 physicians in 2003. If we had a hearing in committee, we
might find out what it is this year. You cannot say that, and you also
cannot say this: you cannot say the amount being paid out in claims
against physicians has reduced in States where there are caps.
You want us to be a Nation where there are caps. Let us look at the
States where the caps are in place. The lowest number of claims per
1,000 physicians is in a State that does not have a cap, and the
highest are among the States that do have the caps. What this issue is
really all about, it is about who you all are fighting for and who we
are fighting for.
You are fighting to take away the right of a jury. Your citizens,
your constituents who apparently are brilliant enough to elect you, but
not smart enough to solve a case that deals with medical malpractice,
you are taking the right of a family who wants to take on a
megapharmaceutical company or a mega-HMO, and the only way they
[[Page 18306]]
can bring that suit is to make sure they get enough money out of that
company that they learn the lesson and they do not do it again.
Mr. Speaker, there is some irony here. You control the legislature,
you control the executive, you control the judiciary, and still you do
not trust any of those people to make the decisions. Only you know how
much each and every one of these cases will yield.
Mr. Speaker, I have an alternative idea: get rid of the bad doctors,
get rid of the bad lawyers, get rid of the bad judges, and get rid of
this bad bill.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. Frank) for a unanimous consent request.
Request to Offer Amendment
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to
offer an amendment which is in writing at the desk and is germane.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Frank moves to strike on page 11 lines 10 through 25
and page 12.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I object to the unanimous consent
request.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Objection is heard.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Frank).
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, the amendment I sought to
offer which was kept out by an objection from the bill's manager would
have dealt with the section referred to by the gentleman from Indiana.
I also, like the gentleman from Indiana, am prepared to vote for, as I
have in the past, some restrictions on medical malpractice.
But what we have in this bill which has not gotten a lot of
attention, and the gentleman from Indiana pointed it out, is a total
exemption from punitive damages for drug manufacturers who get an FDA
approval even though we have seen flaws in the FDA approval process.
What the majority has now made clear, they are insisting that this be
taken in whole. The gentleman from Indiana made a good point, an
objection to this amendment, and I share his objection. What I do not
share is his faith that this is going to be taken care of.
The gentleman from Indiana, my good friend, was uncharacteristically
mellow today in accepting an assurance that this will be looked at. I
agree it will be looked at. It will be held up to the light. It will be
turned upside down, and it will be looked at and looked at and looked
at until it is signed into law, and then people will still be able to
look at it as the law and those drug companies will have that
exemption.
So what I offer today, and one might have thought under democratic
procedures this would have been allowed, was simply to vote on that. I
was, in the spirit of bipartisanship, acting on the suggestion of the
gentleman from Indiana. Forget about everything said about medical
malpractice; the amendment I sought to offer and was blocked from
offering by that objection, as we were by the Committee on Rules'
heavy-handedness, simply would have allowed this body to decide whether
as part of a medical malpractice bill you would give an exemption from
punitive damages to drug companies. That is not medical malpractice.
That is not related to the core of this bill. The majority will not
even allow this to be discussed.
I think it is wrong to give that kind of exemption certainly without
a lot more consideration, but what is even more wrong is this further
abuse of power. The majority simply will not allow this House, like the
gentleman from Indiana, elected representatives of the people, to
decide on whether or not we give an exemption to the drug
manufacturers.
They take medical malpractice, a sympathetic issue, and use it to
cloak immunity for the drug manufacturers in part, and then arrogantly
refuse to allow the House to vote on it.
Mr. Speaker, I will say what I have said before. We are working with
the people of Iraq and we are trying to get them to implement
democracy. To the extent anyone from Iraq is watching the proceedings
here, I would say to them, Please do not try this at home. Please do
not, in the Iraqi Assembly, show the contempt and the disregard and the
arrogance for minority rights and democratic procedures, and maybe
majority rights. I should amend this. They are not afraid of minority
rights; they are afraid if we had an open and honest vote on this that
a majority would decide not to let the drug companies carry out under
that darkness.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 10 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I want to say I appreciate the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), who just spoke, voting for this legislation
in the last Congress.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania
(Ms. Hart), a former member of the Committee on the Judiciary and now a
member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Ms. HART. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the HEALTH Act. It is called the
HEALTH Act for a very good reason. It is going to help a number of
people who now are finding it very difficult to have access to health
care.
We have considered this bill twice in the last Congress, I believe
once in the first Congress when I was here, and objecting to this as
unfamiliar to Members is simply disingenuous. This issue is so well
known, not only to Members, but to the general public, that it scores
as one of the most important issues when asked nationwide what we need
to address.
The other side of the aisle suggested we deal with bad doctors, bad
lawyers, and bad judges. Well, bad doctors, bad lawyers, and bad judges
are regulated by the States. The problem is that medical malpractice
reform should have been dealt with by the States, but my State of
Pennsylvania has not handled the problem. Many States have not acted to
deal with this problem and avert further crisis.
Patients needing care face a real crisis in access to care. The wait
is too long, the cost is too high. Physicians are quitting because of
the high cost of medical malpractice insurance. From 2003 to 2004,
Pennsylvania doctors faced double-digit medical malpractice insurance
increases. The reason: out-of-control lawsuits.
{time} 1430
According to the National Medical Practitioners Database, payouts in
my State of Pennsylvania have risen from $187 million in 1991 to nearly
$500 million in 2003. These excessive lawsuits have gotten so out of
control, as I mentioned earlier, that many doctors have quit the
practice of medicine. That means patients do not have physicians to
even see.
Last year I met with a dozen doctors from my district. Of the dozen,
nearly all of them raised their hand when I asked them if they had
children. One doctor said his wife refuses to allow her kids to study
medicine. We need to address this issue, and we need to address it
today.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. DELAHUNT. I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Texas is
right. I did vote for this bill last year, because I thought it was
about medical malpractice and did not read it carefully. In fact, what
happened was I made the mistake last year that the gentleman from
Indiana might make this year. I believed that they would honestly talk
about medical malpractice, and it did not occur to me they would try to
sneak into this bill something that gave partial immunity to the drug
manufacturers.
So I admit that I did not read it thoroughly, but I will not when the
gentleman is managing bills make that mistake again.
[[Page 18307]]
Mr. DELAHUNT. Mr. Speaker, I had a revelation during the course of
the exchange about capping premiums. What I found particularly
fascinating was that my good friend from Georgia, our own Dr. Phil, is
an advocate for wage control. In other words, cap those fees as long
as, I guess, it is lawyers. Maybe not for CEOs, but at least we know
that he is a proponent of wage controls for lawyers.
But when it comes to price control, it seems that the majority has a
problem. So you are in favor of capping wages, but not in favor of
capping prices, because really that is what it comes down to. I guess
it is a new tradition within the Republican Party.
In any event, for all the reasons that others have suggested, I think
not only does this qualify as a bad bill because it is not going to
accomplish the goal of lowering premiums, but I think, and I would
suggest, it is a cruel bill, because this cap on so-called noneconomic
damages impacts the most vulnerable among us, mothers who stay at home
and particularly children, because they have no economic damages. They
do not have such economic damages as the loss of potential earnings. So
apart from their medical bills, all of their losses are noneconomic,
like a lifelong physical impairment, or maybe a mental disability, or
disfigurement. This bill will deny them the possibility of a life that
at least has a modicum of respect and dignity in compensation for their
loss, a loss which, by the way, they had no involvement in other than
being the victim.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn), a member of the Committee
on Energy and Commerce and a former member of the Committee on the
Judiciary.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Speaker, they are asking what are we for and what
is this bill all about? I will tell you what we are for, what this
majority is for, and what this bill is about. It is about preserving
access to health care in our local communities, lots of communities,
like my Seventh District of Tennessee. It is not about sitting here and
saying, oh, we think all it is going to take to address health care is
a big, fat Federal Government. It is about access to health care in our
local communities.
Americans know that our health care costs are soaring. They also know
that trial lawyers many times view our hospitals and our health care
providers as a limitless ATM.
That is the reason I cosponsored this legislation. My constituents
have had enough. They have grown ill and fatigued with the stories that
are out there, with seeing their local doctors run out of town, with
seeing practices close up, and with knowing that they have access to
less and less available health care. We know that only one in seven OB-
GYNs now deliver babies for fear of being sued, and the national
medical liability rate has risen almost 500 percent since 1976.
This is an issue that affects our families. It affects women. It
affects children. It affects our rural communities. This bill is a way
to assist in preserving health care for our local communities.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Emanuel), who has followed this subject ever since he has
come to Congress.
Mr. EMANUEL. Mr. Speaker, I speak as both the son of a doctor and the
son of a nurse. I introduced the Vioxx amendment that would prohibit
this special liability protection for the pharmaceutical companies.
Many Americans across the country are watching the Vioxx trial in Texas
where the Ernst family has lost their loved one, a marathon runner, a
personal trainer, who died a premature death because he took Merck's
Vioxx medication, and the FDA was not provided with all the information
that should have warned of the dangers from that. According to the
FDA's doctor, approximately 55,000 premature deaths occurred because of
Vioxx. That is the trial the American people are watching.
And then they tune in here to this Congress. What is this Congress
trying to do? They are trying to protect Merck and the other
pharmaceutical companies in a way that no other industry would get that
type of protection from any liability. This Congress would intervene in
that civil trial down in Texas where the Ernst family is trying to get
their proper redress from the premature death of a marathon runner who
had a heart attack because the information was withheld.
The irony of this whole situation is just last year, this Congress,
bipartisan, said the FDA did not have the proper resources to regulate
these medications. And now you want to hide behind the FDA's Good
Housekeeping seal to give protection to an industry in a way that no
other industry in America gets.
Last year this Congress gave the pharmaceutical industry $132 billion
in additional profits through the prescription drug benefit. Now you
want to give them liability protection in a way that no other industry
gets. You are like the gift that keeps on giving. There is a gift ban
that is on in this Congress, and at some point the pharmaceutical
industry has got to be held accountable just like everybody else.
The Ernst family lost a loved one. According to the FDA, about 55,000
other deaths also have occurred. Let us have a debate about medical
malpractice. Don't muck it up with your political goals of trying to
protect the pharmaceutical industry and other families from the proper
redress of the courts.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 20 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, regarding Vioxx, some have alleged the company knowingly
misrepresented or withheld information from the FDA. If so, they would
be denied the protections in the bill because the bill specifically in
section 7 says and excludes any instances in which a person, before or
after premarket approval, clearance, or licensure of such medical
product, knowingly misrepresented to or withheld from the FDA
information that is required to be submitted.
If we look at the language of the bill, we can see that what the
gentleman said is not relevant.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Dent).
Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, prior to coming to the U.S. Congress, I served
14 years in my State general assembly. I spent a lot of time on this
issue, dealing with issues like caps on noneconomic damages, collateral
sources, periodic payments, joint and several liability modifications
and venue shopping. I just heard some statements from the other side,
well-intentioned, but, I must respectfully say, misguided, that simply
mandating a premium reduction will not solve this problem. What will
happen is what happened in my State.
In 1975, a State-administered medical liability program was created
because no one wanted to write insurance in the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania in 1975. We were in a crisis. That did not solve the
problem. That State-administered program is broke. My general assembly
has appropriated hundreds of millions of dollars to pay doctors'
medical liability premiums and hospitals' premiums. That is what will
happen if you mandate that premium reduction. It sounds good, but it
does not fix it.
The Governor of my State, Ed Rendell, a Democrat, I talked to his
insurance commissioner a couple of years ago. I said, if this is an
insurance problem, let's look at the numbers. For every dollar paid at
that time in medical liability premiums, there was $1.27 in losses
incurred; $1 in, $1.27 out. That is an insurance problem. No one wants
to write insurance. So if you mandate a premium reduction or hold it
harmless, the State is going to have to set up a program, and they are
going to have to find the money, and they are going to turn to the
taxpayers. That is what is happening. We are in crisis.
This legislation we are dealing with helps deal with this issue
because providing for caps on noneconomic damages, Mr. Speaker, will
help restore some level of predictability and stability to the
insurance marketplace. You need to have people wanting to
[[Page 18308]]
write insurance in these States. Competition will help you actually
drive down costs. I know that some might find that unbelievable, but it
will work. It has to work.
I rise to speak in favor of H.R. 5, the Health Act of 2005.
This bill addresses one of the central issues in health care today:
the way in which unpredictable, out-of-control legal judgments are
driving up health care costs. This bill sets caps on punitive and non-
economic damages that result from malpractice litigation. This is
important because, as the Congressional Budget Office has noted, under
this act, medical liability premiums would be an average of 25 to 30
percent below what they would be under current law.
High medical liability premiums are creating serious doctor
recruitment and retention problems in my State, especially in so-called
``high risk'' disciplines such as neurosurgery, orthopedics, emergency
medicine, I and obstetrics. In my district, the crisis created in part
by outrageous malpractice judgments is best exemplified by the
experience of St. Luke's Hospital.
St. Luke's has been recognized nationally 17 times for clinical
excellence. Despite this accomplishment, St. Luke's became the target
of a frivolous, outrageous lawsuit in the fall of 2000. As a direct
result, St. Luke's professional medical liability costs increased more
than $4 million in just 2 years.
As a result of medical liability issues, Pennsylvania hospitals face
challenges retaining neurosurgeons, without whom trauma centers cannot
operate. In fact, a few years ago, another regional hospital serving my
district--Easton Hospital--lost all of its neurosurgeons to other
States. And Lehigh Valley Hospital, an extraordinary three-hospital
network and the largest employer in my district, experienced a fivefold
increase in their liability costs over the past few years.
Nothing about this bill prevents a litigant from seeking his or her
day in court. In California, which was the model for the current health
act, plaintiffs with legitimate claims still enjoy large recoveries.
The Government Accountability Office, GAO, has determined that
California has controlled medical liability insurance premiums much
better than has my home State, Pennsylvania. In fact, in Pennsylvania
the medical liability crisis is so acute that the legislature has
appropriated hundreds of millions of dollars to assist physicians and
hospitals with rapidly rising medical liability premiums. That's like
placing a Band-Aid on a gaping wound. Structural reform is needed;
taxpayers bailouts--Band Aids, if you will--don't solve the underlying
problem.
For all these reasons, I believe that congressional intervention is
essential in the form of support for the Health Act of 2005.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. Wexler).
Mr. WEXLER. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner)
smoked out the truth about this bill a couple of minutes ago when he
simply asked that the bill include a provision that would require a
flat medical malpractice premium rate. He smoked out the truth, and
what we now know is that this bill is not about providing access to
health care. It is not about solving a health care crisis. What it is
about is protecting the insurance industry.
In fact, a study by the insurance commissioner of Missouri found that
while malpractice premiums for doctors doubled from 2000 to 2004,
malpractice claims during the same period increased less than 6
percent. Insurers themselves admit that capping medical malpractice
payments will not reduce premiums. In fact, States that have caps have
higher premiums than States without caps in every medical field,
including internists, surgeons and OB-GYNs.
The proponents of this bill claim that large payouts are driving up
the cost of medical malpractice insurance. Nothing could be further
from the truth. In fact, the opposite is occurring in Florida where the
average amount insurers are paying for claims has gone down 14 percent
since 1991. At the same time, however, premiums charged by insurers
have increased 43 percent. In particular, overall claim payouts for
Florida's largest medical insurer, FPIC, dropped 22 percent in the last
4 years. Outrageously, remarkably, this same insurer saw a 154 percent
increase in profits for the first quarter in 2004.
This legislation needs to be seen for what it is. It is not about
helping doctors. It is not about helping patients. The only goal of
this legislation is to ensure even higher profits for insurance
companies while not doing a blasted thing to help the sick people in
America, to help the people that provide the medical services to our
people. This bill will not do one iota to improve health care in this
country. The gentleman from New York smoked it out just right.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Burgess).
Mr. BURGESS. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time to speak
on this important issue today.
Mr. Speaker, we, of course, passed this bill some 2 years ago last
March. Down in Texas we passed a bill 2 years ago this September and a
constitutional amendment that would essentially provide the same type
of cap on noneconomic damages that we are discussing here today in H.R.
5.
It has been said before that the States are great laboratories for
the Nation. If that is the case, let us examine what has happened in
Texas in the 2 years since the cap has been passed. When I ran for
Congress in the year 2002, we started the year 2002 with 17 insurers in
the State of Texas. By the time I took this office at the start of
2003, we were down to two insurers. It is pretty hard to get
competitive rates when you have driven 15 insurers out of the market.
Since the passage of the Proposition 12 in September of 2003, which
allowed a cap on noneconomic damages, we have had 12 insurers come back
to the State, which has provided competitive rates, and Texas Medical
Liability Trust, my old insurer of record before I left medical
practice, immediately dropped its rates 12 percent after the passage of
Proposition 12 and then dropped its rates another 5 percent for a total
of 17 percent in the first year since Proposition 12 was passed.
Most importantly, Mr. Speaker, an unintended consequence of the
passage of Proposition 12 in Texas was what has happened in private,
not-for-profit hospitals.
{time} 1445
The Cristus Health Care System in south Texas, a self-insured
hospital system, realized a $12 million savings from the first 9 months
after that proposition was passed, money that was put back into nurses'
salaries, capital expansion, the very things we want our hospitals to
spend money on if they were not having to pay it for noneconomic
damages.
And, finally, I just cannot let pass the statement about price
controls. Physicians have lived under price controls, certainly all of
my professional career, for the last 25 years. We have managed,
sometimes poorly. But what happens when we have price controls is we
end up with lines, and one of the biggest problems we have right now is
that doctors are dropping out of practice, and we do not have the
practitioners there to provide care for the patients.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Conyers) for yielding me this very precious time.
Mr. Speaker, I am a doctor's wife. There is nobody in this body that
wants medical malpractice reform more than I. My husband's medical
malpractice has gone up exponentially every single year for absolutely
no reason, and if I thought for a minute that this legislation would
cure that problem and provide relief for the doctors of this country, I
would be all over this legislation.
Unfortunately, this piece of legislation will not do what the
Republican side of the aisle says it will. And if the Republican
leadership really wanted to provide relief for the doctors, we would
have legislation on the floor that the bipartisan Congress could vote
on and support and pass and put before the President for signature.
This is a bill not to help the doctors. This bill contains and limits
claims against negligent hospitals, drug companies, medical device
manufacturers, nursing homes, HMOs, and insurance
[[Page 18309]]
companies. This bill is not for doctors. This bill is a gift to the
insurance companies. There is no provision, there is not one line, one
sentence in a 26-page bill, that would ensure that the savings that was
realized by the insurance companies would be passed on to the doctors.
The doctors will continue to suffer while the insurance companies will
get happier and richer.
There is a medical crisis in this country. There is a crisis in
access to health care. This is not the legislation that is going to
cure that. And for those people who talk lovingly and glowingly of the
insurance companies and the marketplace and competition will lower the
cost for the doctors, let us have another thought about that. Since
when, since when, can the doctors put their faith in the insurance
companies when it is the insurance companies that are messing up the
doctors? I do not like to see the doctors being used by the insurance
companies to do the insurance companies' dirty work.
Let us get a reality check here. Let us not pass this dog of a piece
of legislation. Let us work together and pass legislation that is truly
going to provide medical malpractice reform and lower premiums for the
doctors. They need it, and they deserve it.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
Ms. FOXX. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for yielding
me this time.
I rise because this outstanding bill we are voting on today is so
important to my constituency. Skyrocketing insurance premiums have been
diminishing our Nation's health care delivery system for far too long.
Women have been affected severely as OB/GYN doctors have stopped
delivering babies because financially it does not make sense for them
to practice in that area. The physicians who bring life into this world
are too often forced to reject high-risk patients out of fear of future
litigation. Trial lawyers continue to harass America's doctors.
Physicians continue to face the burden of skyrocketing insurance
premiums.
As a mother and grandmother, I know this is not acceptable. The
HEALTH Act of 2005 will provide the means to take action and thwart the
efforts of greedy trial lawyers. In turn, this will help Americans,
specifically women, obtain better access to the health care they need
and deserve. More doctors will stay in business, creating more
treatment options, less expensive care, and better access to health
services for all Americans.
Health care dollars should be spent on patients in the hospital, not
on lawyers in a courtroom. This bill will direct more health care
dollars to treating and curing patients, which is what our health care
system should be about.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill, and I urge
our Senators to drastically improve America's health care system by
passing this bill as soon as possible.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Linda T. Sanchez), who serves with distinction on
the Committee on the Judiciary.
Ms. LINDA T. SANCHEZ of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this unconscionable
medical malpractice liability bill. This bill will do nothing to reduce
the skyrocketing health care costs in this country. All it will do is
deprive people who are already sick and injured of justice.
Mr. Speaker, it is undeniable that most Americans do not have access
to affordable health care and that many specialists and trauma centers
are closing their doors. But instead of addressing our health care
crisis head on, my Republican colleagues have come up with H.R. 5.
H.R. 5 is as deplorable as it is ineffective. Trying to stabilize
medical malpractice insurance rates by capping legitimate victims'
damages is akin to trying to put out a forest fire with a squirt gun. I
know that H.R. 5 will not magically keep medical malpractice insurance
rates down and keep doctors in business because the bill is modeled
after California's Medical Injury Compensation Reform Act, better known
as MICRA.
My Republican colleagues love to sing the praises of MICRA. But guess
what? MICRA did not work. MICRA's caps on pain and suffering damages
have not reduced insurance rates for doctors in my State. MICRA was
signed into law in 1975, but medical malpractice insurance rates did
not stabilize until years after MICRA was passed. In fact, between 1975
and 1993, California's health care costs rose 343 percent, nearly twice
the rate of inflation and 9 percent higher than the national average
each year.
When California's insurance rates stabilized, it was because the
State passed legislation to directly deal with the insurance problem.
They passed an insurance reform bill known as Proposition 103.
It is a shame that the Republican leadership of the House is further
victimizing victims instead of getting at the root of the real problem.
Where is the Republican leadership on the real health care issues that
Americans care about? Where is a Republican House bill to provide
health care for every working family? Where is a Republican House bill
to encourage more students to go into medicine and nursing and for
practicing doctors to keep their doors open? Where is a Republican
House bill that deals directly with medical malpractice insurance
rates?
My Republican colleagues have not offered bills that will help reform
our health care system. Legislation like that would have prevented the
forest fire before it even began. Instead, House Republicans cap
legitimate victims' damage awards. H.R. 5, without insurance and health
care reform, is meaningless. H.R. 5 simply reinjures the legitimate
victims of medical malpractice, and we should vote ``no'' on H.R. 5.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from Washington (Miss McMorris).
Miss McMORRIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me
this time.
I also rise in support of H.R. 5, which will bring needed medical
liability reform to health care providers in Washington State.
As I travel around eastern Washington, I hear from desperate doctors
and health care providers that these lawsuits are increasing costs to
patients and driving doctors out of business. It is not unusual to hear
that doctors are being forced to drop their insurance or stop
delivering babies, or younger doctors are quitting to practice
overseas. This is at a time when we have a health care personnel
shortage. This has happened in areas within my district, such as
Odessa, Republic, and Davenport, where we have no OB/GYNs, and pregnant
women must travel over an hour now for care. Additionally, it is
becoming impossible to recruit and retain specialists, such as
neurosurgeons and cardiologists, when 30 to 50 percent experience
lawsuits annually. Emergency care is in no better shape with over 30
percent of trauma surgeons being sued each year. This is unacceptable
for 21st century health care.
Skyrocketing medical liability insurance costs for doctors and health
care providers has caused the American Medical Association to declare
that Washington State is in a medical liability crisis. In the past 10
years, the average jury findings in my State have increased 68 percent.
As well, the number of million-dollar settlements has risen almost ten
times.
This is an important bill that limits excessive lawsuits, but also
ensures that those who are truly harmed are going to get their day in
court. Over the past few years, had this law been enacted, Washington
would have saved an estimated $53 million. HHS estimates that by
setting reasonable guidelines for these noneconomic damage awards, we
will save between $70 billion and $126 billion in national health care
costs annually.
H.R. 5 will bring common-sense reform to outrageous liability rates
and will protect patients' access to quality and affordable health
care.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
[[Page 18310]]
Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
All the public should know on this bill is that no Democrats were
allowed to make any amendments to this bill. They were not allowed to
debate this bill. Even the great gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers)
of the Committee on the Judiciary, no amendments allowed. None. No
thought required by half of the Congress. And do the Members want to
know why? Because this bill is really the pluperfect payback of the
Republican Party to the insurance industry. This bill will victimize
patients in the courtroom after they have already been victimized in
the operating room. That is what it is all about.
The premise of the bill is this, and it is not a bad premise: If they
are willing to lower the amount of money that somebody can receive for
the pain and suffering that they have had inflicted upon them by some
medical operation, then, in turn, there will be a lowering of the
premiums that doctors have to pay. That is kind of the trade-off that
the Republicans have. Lower return for the patients for their pain and
suffering, but we also get, as a result, lower premiums for the
doctors.
But 2 years ago when I made the amendment in the Committee on Energy
and Commerce that would have said that all of the savings from the pain
and suffering of patients would then go to lowering of premiums for
doctors, every Republican voted against that because the insurance
industry does not want the money to go to lower premiums for doctors.
And then this year when I wanted to make an amendment in the Committee
on Energy and Commerce that would have said the same thing, lower
premiums, I was not allowed to make the amendment. Out here on the
House floor, I was not allowed to make the amendment.
So it is not about lowering the premiums for physicians with the
money that is ``saved'' from the money that would have gone to someone
whose family had been harmed because they might have lost their sight,
their limbs, their ability to bear children, their ability to fully
function in society. All of those savings for the insurance industry,
they are very real. But the lowering of medical malpractice fees is
only illusory.
And, secondly, the bill will protect the pharmaceutical industry from
liability as long as the drugs that harm patients are FDA-approved. The
FDA approval is designed to protect patients from harmful drugs, but it
should not waive a company's responsibility for drugs they put on the
market. With all of the recent reports about how FDA approved drugs
that harmed people, from Vioxx to Bextra to Accutane to Paxil, now is
not the time to limit patients' access to the courts, but that is what
the pharmaceutical industry and the insurance industry is going to get
on the House floor today.
Vote ``no'' on this bill.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from California (Mr. Lungren), a member of the Committee on the
Judiciary and former attorney general of California.
Mr. DANIEL E. LUNGREN of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank the
gentleman for yielding me this time.
I would like to just make some comments on some of the suggestions
that have been made that MICRA does not work in California and refer
only to those parts of this bill that are patterned after MICRA.
Prior to the time that I came to Congress for the first tour, I did
medical malpractice cases in California, primarily on the defense side
for doctors and hospitals, but I also handled some plaintiffs' cases.
In fact, I think I had one of the first successful lawsuits against an
HMO in the entire country.
MICRA came into California at a time when we had a crisis, when we
had a medical crisis of doctors leaving the State of California or
stopping their practice.
{time} 1500
It was particularly acute in some specialties, but it was across the
board. The evidence is there. The history is there. I can tell you it
was there; I saw it.
In 1975, the legislature, in response to that problem, passed MICRA.
That is what this is patterned after. It had a $250,000 limitation on
pain and suffering. It had these other recommended changes with respect
to recovery. It has not stopped successful lawsuits against doctors who
have, in fact, committed malpractice.
But what it has done is it has taken a part of the process that
basically abused the process out. And what it has done is stabilize
what was otherwise a tremendous spiral in the medical malpractice
premiums that doctors saw.
Now, some have suggested that is not the case in California. What I
can tell my colleagues is it stopped the exit of doctors from the State
of California. It stopped the exit of specialists from practice in the
State of California. And while it did not diminish entirely the
increases, it stopped the trajectory of increases. As a result, it did
provide a very serious partial solution to the problem that we found in
California.
That is the model. To the extent this bill is modeled after MICRA,
that is the model we are talking about.
So if people want to talk about pilot projects, we have a 20-plus-
year pilot project in the State of California. Ask the medical
community whether or not it has been effective. Ask the patients who
now have availability to the services of doctors who otherwise they
would not have had we not done something in the State of California.
So for those who are wondering whether or not this will work, at
least that part of the bill that is patterned after MICRA will. We have
now had a 20-plus-year pilot project, and it has proven to be
successful.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I would like my colleague to know that this
bill is based on the California program MICRA, and premiums for medical
malpractice insurance grew more quickly between 1991 and 2000 than the
national averages. Just remember that.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 45 seconds to the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Solis).
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 5. It is an ill-
conceived, ill-crafted bill that does nothing to help drive costs down.
Studies have shown that this is not the way to go. In fact, insurance
companies are the ones that are gaming us right now.
In California, malpractice rates have actually come down because we
have enacted tough legislation, as was mentioned earlier. We need to do
more to provide for, I would say, a level playing field so that the
insurance companies do not walk away taking advantage of our consumers.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield the remainder of my time to the
gentlewoman from South Dakota (Ms. Herseth).
Ms. HERSETH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I also rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 5. As
many of my colleagues have pointed out, there are various troublesome
aspects of this bill, including the recent study that demonstrated
clearly the rising cost of insurance premiums, while the claims have
remained steady in terms of the ultimate litigation outcomes of those
claims that have been filed. So we should not be passing any
legislation that is not more comprehensive to hold insurance companies
accountable as well.
But H.R. 5 is also troublesome because of its blatant disregard for
States' rights. In South Dakota's 2004 legislative session, a bill
modeled on H.R. 5 was defeated in committee on a unanimous bipartisan
vote. I think this sends a strong signal that H.R. 5 does not provide
the type of comprehensive solution to medical malpractice insurance
premiums that States are looking for and will stifle innovation in the
States that has been important to the health care industry.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 20 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to reply very quickly to the point that was
made, and that is that this bill does not violate any States' rights.
Section 7(a), it very clearly says that if any State has any cap of any
amount, be it
[[Page 18311]]
higher or lower than the caps in the bill, then that State's cap will
prevail.
So this recognizes States' rights. It is friendly to States' rights.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Chabot), a member of the Committee on the Judiciary and also chairman
of the Subcommittee on Constitutional Law.
Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his leadership on
this bill. I rise in strong support of the bill, and I would urge my
colleagues to support it.
The costs of the tort system continue to take their toll on the
Nation's economy. Medical professional liability insurance rates have
skyrocketed, causing major insurers to drop coverage or raise premiums
to unaffordable levels. We have heard case after case where this last
occurred nationwide. In fact, in my home State of Ohio, it has been
designated as a ``crisis State'' by the American Medical Association.
According to some estimates, premiums are now rising in Ohio anywhere
from 10 percent to 40 percent, with many doctors involved in specialty
practices such as obstetrics seeing their premiums rise by 100 percent,
100 percent or, in some cases, even more. Obviously, this has a
negative impact on both patients and doctors, causing higher costs and
forcing many doctors to close their practices.
The HEALTH Act, this act that we are debating here this afternoon,
addresses this crisis by eliminating frivolous lawsuits and making
health care more accessible and more affordable. We have been talking
about doing that for years. This is a bill where we can actually do
something about making health more affordable.
The HEALTH Act has enjoyed strong support in the House of
Representatives in past Congresses, and I strongly urge my colleagues
on both sides of the aisle to support this commonsense legislation if
they are serious about bringing the high cost of health care in this
country down to affordable levels.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 5\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. Speaker, the American health care system is in crisis, in part,
because of skyrocketing medical malpractice insurance rates. This
crisis, however, is not the result of frivolous lawsuits, but of
insurance industry practices.
The so-called solution that we are debating today, carving out
enormous new liability exemptions for health insurers, pharmaceutical
companies, medical device manufacturers, and nursing homes would not
lower doctors' malpractice insurance rates by one dollar. Too many
doctors are struggling to keep their practices afloat under the burden
of enormous insurance premiums but, instead of helping them, what we
are doing today is penalizing the severely injured patients and the
families of those who die a result of medical negligence without
providing any relief to the doctors from high malpractice insurance
rates.
A new study, and we have been talking about it today, by the Kaiser
Family Foundation, found that since 2001, there has been a 25 percent
decrease in the average number of medical malpractice claims per
physician.
Now, if medical malpractice claims have decreased, why do insurance
premiums continue to increase? We have been talking today about MICRA,
the California insurance program. Now, it is true, the State capped
medical malpractice payments in 1975; but despite this, as we just
heard from the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers), malpractice
premiums rose 450 percent over the next 13 years. Only after 1988, when
California also implemented insurance reform, did the rates go down.
But, today, instead of insurance reform, we are focusing entirely on
capping damages.
Now, even the spokesman for the American Insurance Association,
Dennis Kelly, said these words. He said, ``We have not promised price
reductions with tort reform.''
So I want to ask my colleagues, why are we doing this bill today?
What is the real reason for this bill? If the malpractice insurance
companies are not going to reduce insurance premiums for these
beleaguered doctors, why are we passing this bill? And what is the
cause of the increasing insurance rates?
Some suggest that rate hikes are due to insurer investment losses.
Others point to old-fashioned price gouging. This year, for example,
the Washington State insurance commissioner ordered insurers to refund
more than $1 million in premiums to physicians because rate hikes were
unjustifiable. But I tried to do an amendment, I did it in committee
last time when we heard it, and I tried to submit it to the Committee
on Rules: let us do a study. Let us figure out why these rates are high
and why Dennis Kelly says they are not going to go down.
The Republican majority refused to even allow a study of malpractice
insurance rates and why they are so high. That is what this bill is
really about. Because billion-dollar insurance companies have Federal
antitrust exemptions, they are allowed to legally fix prices, and this
has helped the industry gain a record $25 billion in annual profits.
Now, there is one thing we can agree on across the aisle: Congress
must stop this price-gouging of physicians. But granting blanket
liability protection to negligent nursing homes, to pharmaceutical
companies, and insurance companies, without addressing insurance
billing practices, does nothing to solve the problem for these doctors.
And what is worse, the immunity for these other industries will be
broader than any State tort reform law. It will do nothing to help the
doctors; and in the end, it will serve to severely limit the rights of
many millions of Americans.
It undermines our health care system to penalize victims of medical
negligence in the name of relieving doctors' burdensome malpractice
premiums when, actually, nothing is being done to reduce those
premiums. Unfortunately, I think this is as a result of an aversion of
some in Washington to what I would call fact-based policymaking.
Now, there is a solution. We could work across the aisle to reduce
medical malpractice insurance rates, and we could do this by passing
bipartisan insurance reform. This would get to the root of the crisis
by reducing artificially inflated insurance rates for doctors and not
punishing injured patients.
One further note. I hear all day that States are having a terrible
problem: doctors cannot get insurance, OB/GYNs are leaving. If this is
a State problem, I say to my colleagues, if States are having these
issues, I want to know why we are trying to address it at a Federal
level. This is not traditionally a Federal issue. The States can do it.
One further note. Anyone reading this bill would know, for the
gentlewoman from South Dakota's (Ms. Herseth) State and every other
State, this bill would supersede any other rate or caps they might have
with the Federal law. That is wrong. I think we should abide by States'
rights and defeat this bill.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. Speaker, what was just said was actually contradicted by the
Government Accountability Office. The GAO found that rising litigation
awards are responsible for skyrocketing medical professional liability
premiums. The report stated that ``GAO found that losses on medical
malpractice claims, which make up the largest part of the insurers'
costs, appear to be the primary driver of rate increases.''
The GAO found that insurers are not to blame for skyrocketing medical
professional liability premiums. The GAO report states that insurer
``profits are not increasing, indicating that insurers are not charging
and profiting from excessively high premium rates.''
Mr. Speaker, I also want to say that the opponents of this
legislation are forgetting, I hope not ignoring, a study by the Harvard
Medical Practice. What this study found is that over half, over half of
the filed medical professional liability claims they studied were
brought by plaintiffs who suffered either no injuries at all or, if
they did, such injuries were not caused by their health care providers,
but rather by the underlying disease itself.
[[Page 18312]]
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Gingrey).
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to take my time, I hope sufficient time, to
refute some of these statements that have been made in opposition. I
want to start with the gentlewoman from Colorado who just spoke. It is
absolutely wrong about the issue of Federal law superseding State law
in cases where the State has already addressed the issue.
{time} 1515
Let us say the issue of caps, my State of Georgia passed a law this
year, and the caps there are $350,000. That would be applicable State
law would apply. It is only when States have not addressed the issue
when the Federal law would speak.
I want to also address something the gentlewoman said in regard to
this bill being nothing. I have heard this not just from her, but from
number of other speakers on the other side in opposition, talking about
that this is nothing but a protection for the insurance industry, and
it is another bail-out of protection for the pharmaceutical industry,
and they are relieved of all liability, which is absolutely untrue, Mr.
Speaker.
In fact, last night when we were talking about the rule, the
gentleman from Arkansas, a registered pharmacist, opposed the rule and
the bill basically for the same reason. I would like to remind him. I
hope the gentleman is listening to the discussion this afternoon. But
this would protect a pharmacist who prescribes a drug, a legally FDA-
approved drug, that the pharmacist had no idea that there might be a
problem or an adverse reaction. This is what this bill does. That would
protect the pharmacist from punitive damages in a case like that, where
there was no deliberate intent to harm the patient.
So it is very important that all of our colleagues understand the
truth here. The gentleman from Illinois kept talking about the Vioxx
case, and the marathon runner. Well, if Vioxx and the company that
makes that drug is guilty of withholding pertinent information that
they had in clinical trials, and they knew that it was a harmful drug
that they put out there on the market and exposed patients to that
drug, then they are going to pay one heck of a price for that, yes, in
punitive damages.
So they are not relieved from that under this bill. It is only when
they did everything right and they were approved by the FDA that they
would have any relief from punitive damages.
There are plenty of great athletes, Mr. Speaker. I remember an All-
American basketball player from St. Joseph's University 10 or 15 years
ago that dropped dead on the basketball court. He was not taking Vioxx.
But we will see how that case turns out.
The issue was brought up, Mr. Speaker, about young children who are
injured, and they do not have a job or profession, so they need this
pain and suffering compensation that can be infinity, hundreds of
millions of dollars, rather than a cap at 250-, when the truth is the
triers of fact, Mr. Speaker, the jury, can determine the life span, the
expected life span of that child and what their earnings would be over
the course of that lifetime. The same thing in regard to a stay-at-home
mom who was a professional maybe, an attorney possibly, before she
decided to become a mother and a homemaker. Those earnings would be
calculated as well.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, a little while earlier a speaker in opposition,
the gentleman from New York, he made this statement: It comes down to
the issue of who we are fighting for. I am really not sure who the
gentleman in the opposition is fighting for. I suspect that I know who
they are fighting for. Does ATLA sound familiar to you, my colleagues?
But I am going to tell you who we are fighting for. We are fighting
for the patient. We are fighting for their right to have the ability to
access needed specialists in health care, and they are not going to be
there if we do not level this playing field.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman
from California (Mrs. Capps).
Mrs. CAPPS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding time to
me.
Mr. Speaker, no one disputes that rising medical malpractice premiums
are a major, major problem. Unfortunately this bill before us will do
nothing to solve that problem. It would limit consumers' ability to
hold negligent doctors, profit-driven HMOs, insurance companies, and
prescription drug companies accountable.
The claim is made that excessive or frivolous lawsuits are the cause
of rising premiums. The problem is that lawsuits affected by the bill
are by definition not frivolous.
Where large damages are awarded, it is a jury that has found that the
patient has been severely harmed, and, in fact, over the last 5 years,
malpractice insurance payments to patients have actually gone down, and
that while premiums continue to go up. Now, something is wrong with
that ratio.
There is no evidence that capping the damages to an injured person
because of malpractice is the way to solve this problem. It will not
lower premiums. It will not even stabilize them. All this bill will do
is to make very sure that as the malpractice insurers collect
outrageous premiums, they will be able to continue to pay out even less
to the patients who have actually been harmed. This will penalize
innocent victims of medical negligence.
Furthermore, the bill goes far beyond lawsuits against doctors. It
would also protect drug companies and HMOs from lawsuits filed by
people injured because of their policies.
In 3 years of considering this issue, the majority has not presented
a shred of evidence that drug companies need these protections. They
are making billions of dollars in profits. If this bill becomes law,
the ability of injured patients to hold negligent drug companies
accountable would be dramatically limited. We have all seen the recent
stories about Cox-2 inhibitors, other medications. So many have tragic
outcomes. They highlight the fact that drugs may harm patients. Those
studies expose how dangerous this bill can be. We should be helping
doctors with malpractice insurance premiums. But this bill is not going
to help doctors, and it will hurt patients.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote against this bill. Let us
look for real solutions to rising medical malpractice premiums.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I thought my colleagues might be interested in some
quotes. One quote is from a former Democratic Senator, and the other
quote is from a liberal Washington Post columnist. I would like to read
those now.
Former Democratic Senator George McGovern has written that ``legal
fear drives doctors to prescribe medicines and order tests, even
invasive procedures that they feel are necessary. Reputable studies
estimate that this defensive medicine squanders $50 billion a year,
enough to provide medical care to millions of uninsured Americans.''
Mr. Speaker, this is from a prominent liberal commentator, Michael
Kinsley. He wrote in the Washington Post, ``Limits on malpractice
lawsuits are a good idea that Democrats are wrong and possibly foolish
to oppose. Republicans are right about malpractice reform.''
Mr. Speaker, also we have a number of polls showing that the American
people support the HEALTH Act. Between two-thirds and three-quarters of
the American people support exactly what we are trying to do. Just this
week a poll conducted by Harris Interactive showed that 74 percent of
those surveyed support reasonable limits on the award of noneconomic
damages and limiting payments to personal injury attorneys.
A poll by the Harvard School of Public Health found the following:
``More than 6 in 10, 63 percent, say they would favor legislation that
would limit the amount of money that can be awarded as damages for pain
and suffering to someone suing a doctor for malpractice.''
[[Page 18313]]
The same poll found that 69 percent of the people surveyed say a law
limiting pain and suffering awards would help either a lot or some in
reducing the overall cost of health care.
Finally, the results of a recent Gallup poll show that the American
public strongly supports the HEALTH Act. The survey asked whether those
surveyed would favor or oppose a limit on the amount patients can be
awarded for their emotional pain and suffering. Mr. Speaker, 72 percent
were in favor. That means three-quarters of the American people favor
this HEALTH Act.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Stupak).
Mr. STUPAK. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition of H.R. 5.
Despite its name, this bill is a poor attempt to make health care more
efficient, accessible, affordable or timely.
It is not even a serious attempt to lower malpractice insurance
costs. I agree that Congress needs to comprehensively address medical
malpractice issues. I understand and sympathize with doctors facing
rising premiums. But this bill is not the answer.
Malpractice premiums are rising as costs in all segments of health
care are rising. And doctors, according to this USA Today article,
still pay less for malpractice insurance than they do for their rent.
And as the headline says here, ``Hype outpaces facts in medical
malpractice debates.''
I am opposed to this legislation for many reasons. First, it has
never been brought to the floor with any consideration by the Energy
and Commerce Committee or the Judiciary Committee. No hearings were
ever held. And there were no opportunities to amend this bill, to
include provisions that might actually help solve the problem of
premium increases.
The majority believes that the answer to lower medical malpractice
premiums is to institute an arbitrary $250,000 cap on noneconomic
damages in malpractice suits. However, large jury awards are not the
cause of the problem. Only 1.3 percent of all claims result in a
winning verdict. But the noneconomic caps hurt the children and the
low-income wage-earners the most.
Do we really want to create a capped system where the makers of
Vioxx, Accutane, Celebrex and any other drug are suddenly off the hook
because of a weak FDA, and the only thing to keep them remotely honest
is the trial system?
In addition, this legislation undermines the foundation of our court
system, trial by jury of our peers. If we trust juries to determine
whether a person is guilty or innocent and should die in a death
penalty case, surely we can trust juries to determine compensation for
victims in medical malpractice. The fact is that juries are cautious,
and patients only prevail in one of every five cases that ever go to
trial.
Let me tell you what the bill fails to do. It fails to address the
real driver of medical malpractice insurance costs, the insurance
industry itself.
The insurance industry investments tanked in the beginning of this
decade because of a weak stock market, and now the industry is
squeezing health care providers in an effort to protect their bottom
line. Why are we not looking at the insurance industry, including the
fact health insurers continue to be exempt from antitrust legislation?
In addition, the bill does not address the rising health insurance
costs. The Congressional Budget Office, our own CBO, found that even
large reductions in medical malpractice costs will have little effect
on health care costs.
Finally, the bill does nothing to address the two root causes of
medical lawsuits, medical errors and bad actors in the health care
system. It is a tragedy that medical errors account for almost 100,000
patient deaths each year, but Congress has done very little to address
this issue.
The bill also does nothing to address the fact that 5 percent of all
doctors are responsible for 54 percent of the malpractice claims paid.
Why do we allow health care providers to practice if they have a long
record of errors?
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to reject this legislation.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Dent).
Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned a little earlier today, we
talked about the insurance industry and its role in this issue. But let
us be very clear. We need the structural reforms contained in the
HEALTH Act, H.R. 5, in order to continue to provide access to quality
care for our constituents and patients of the United States.
We also need to incent insurance companies to write policies in our
States, which they will not do indefinitely in this current
environment. And I remember a few years ago when people said, when the
crisis was acute in Pennsylvania, they said the problem is the
insurance companies invested money foolishly in the stock market. Well,
a lot of people lost money in the stock market a few years ago. At that
time the insurance companies in my State had about 8 to 10 percent of
their money in equities. Most of it was in investment-grade bonds,
which did rather well. But that really was not the cause of the
problem.
But let me tell you about the city of Philadelphia. In my State, many
people want to get their cases heard in a Philadelphia courtroom. Why?
Because the juries pay more. According to Jury Verdict Research, at
that time the average jury verdict award in Philadelphia was over a
million dollars, and the average everywhere else in the State was under
a half million. No wonder people wanted to go to Philadelphia.
In fact, President Bush even cited Philadelphia in a speech he made
in Scranton, Pennsylvania, where trauma centers were closing down. What
the President said there is that in the city of Philadelphia, there
were more jury awards, more dollars sent out by Philadelphia juries
than in the entire State of California, a State of 35 million people,
and Philadelphia a city of 1.5 million people.
How is that? The system is broken. I am in the Lehigh Valley of
Pennsylvania, 60 miles north of Philadelphia. One hospital, St. Luke's,
was hit with a $100 million jury verdict in a Philadelphia courtroom.
In a Philadelphia courtroom. It was an outrageous decision. It was
settled for something less than that, I will tell you that right now.
But it was an outrageous situation, could have bankrupted a major
institution that has been nationally recognized on many occasions for
clinical excellence. That is one of my problems.
We have also heard, too, that this is not a Federal problem. Does the
word Medicare mean anything to anyone around here? Medicare will save
billions of dollars over 10 years if we enact the reforms contained in
this legislation.
Furthermore, in many States again like mine in Pennsylvania, to amend
the constitution to permit caps on noneconomic damages literally is a
4- to 5-year process.
{time} 1530
But we cannot wait 4 to 5 years to solve this problem. That is why we
need the HEALTH Act now. We can do it much more quickly. It is
absolutely critical. A Band-Aid will not stop the bleeding. Structural
reforms are required.
As I mentioned a little earlier today, in my State, taxpayers,
particularly cigarette smokers, that is who is paying the bill for
doctors' premiums and hospitals' medical liability premiums, that is
who is paying the bill because no one wants to write insurance, and the
State-administered fund is broke. They will have to find hundreds of
millions of dollars more come January 1 to fix this problem.
The point is, structural reform is needed. Taxpayer bail-outs and
Band-Aids will not fix the problem. I commend the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) for his leadership on this issue. A former
colleague, Jim Greenwood, I thank for his leadership in the last
session; and I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Cox) as well. I
want to thank them for their leadership. I urge passage of H.R. 5.
[[Page 18314]]
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Shaw). The gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Smith) has 11\1/2\ minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from Colorado
(Ms. DeGette) has 9 minutes remaining.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
Mrs. JONES of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding
time. I rise today not only as a lawmaker but also as a former judge
who tried many malpractice cases in Cuyahoga County, Ohio, to voice my
disapproval of H.R. 5, the medical malpractice legislation that
irresponsibly limits what might be rightfully owed to an injured
plaintiff.
My previous experiences have taught me to respect the independence of
our court and the jury system. Our judicial system must remain
uninhibited in order to be effective. In direct contradiction to this
fundamental democratic principle, H.R. 5 limits the capacity of a jury
to deliver a fair verdict by capping the amount of noneconomic damages
at $250,000. I say that the facts of each case should be able to
control.
Thomas Jefferson once stated: ``I consider trial by jury as the only
anchor ever yet imagined by man, by which a government can be held to
the principles of its Constitution.'' By handcuffing the jury, this
Congress would be trampling on this democratic principle.
Let me say that we can sit here on the floor of this House and talk
about a number, $250,000. But it does not reach to a courtroom where we
have an injured plaintiff who has the ability to put evidence on in the
courtroom to say to the jury and to the judge that these are the facts
of our case that deserve to have the law applied to it and have the
jury render a verdict.
It would be unfair in my mind as we look at the drug company
advertisements. It used to be that the doctor would recommend the drug
to the patient. Anymore, you turn on the TV and the TV is telling the
patients, Get that purple pill; it will make a difference in your life.
Why should we allow drug companies who spend millions of dollars to
entice parties into getting a particular drug without knowing any
information to be let loose or let go for these reasons.
I say vote against H.R. 5, the medical malpractice legislation,
because it is not what we need to help our plaintiffs.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, let me share with my colleagues the result of three
studies, and let me emphasize that these studies are not about
hypothetical situations. They are not theoretical studies. They are
studies of the actual experiences of States that have enacted reforms
similar to the ones we have in this bill that we are talking about
today.
According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, States
with reasonable legal reforms including caps on noneconomic damages
enjoy access to more physicians per capita: ``We found that States with
caps on noneconomic damages experienced about 12 percent more
physicians per capita than the States without such a cap. Moreover, we
found that States with relatively high caps were less likely to
experience an increase in physician supply than States with lower
caps.''
Mr. Speaker, also, research shows that California reforms, which the
HEALTH Act is based on, have not resulted in unfair awards to deserving
victims. A recent comprehensive study of California's MICRA reforms by
the Rand Institute concluded that under MICRA, ``awards generally
remained quite large despite the imposition of the cap, and
California's reforms have not resulted in any disparate impact on women
or the elderly.''
Mr. Speaker, in another study, researchers at the Harvard School of
Public Health stated that ``we found no evidence that women or the
elderly were disparately impacted by the cap by noneconomic damages in
California under MICRA.''
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, how much time remains?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith) has 10
minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms. DeGette) has 7
minutes remaining.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman
from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is important that we make sure that all our
colleagues are clear on some of the issues that have been discussed
here today. I know there has been some hyperbole maybe on both sides of
the issue, and I want to be very clear.
This bill protects our patients, first and foremost, and gives them
an opportunity to have access to affordable health care and to the
specialist that they need and when they need them. It also helps our
physicians, our doctors be able to stay in practice when they have an
opportunity to have a stable medical malpractice insurance premium that
they have to pay.
Yes, there is no question, Mr. Speaker, that section 7 in regard to
punitive damages, that is applicable to our doctors as well as to
companies that make medical equipment. It also is applicable to drug
companies that provide us with life-saving drugs if they have done so
in a fashion that is not negligent and not deliberately intended to
harm a patient.
Here is an example, Mr. Speaker: things like time released infusion,
chemotherapy, treating cancer patients, insulin pumps for diabetics,
titanium hip replacements, artificial heart valves. If the makers of
these life-saving devices were subject to punitive damages every time
something through no fault of their own went wrong, we would be in the
situation that we were in a year and a half ago in regard to the flu
vaccine. Nobody wants to get involved in that business for the fear of
a lawsuit. And with the government setting prices on flu vaccines, the
profit margin to begin with was very limited.
So this section 7 is a very important provision in this bill, Mr.
Speaker. So again, I want my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to
understand that this is not a bad provision. This is a good provision.
Mr. Speaker, also one of the speakers in opposition, well, actually
several of the speakers in opposition, said that this bill has been
brought to us, we have had no hearings, we have had no opportunity, we
have had no voice. It is not true, Mr. Speaker.
This is the fourth time in 3 years that this exact same bill, H.R. 5,
has been dealt with on the floor of this House. It is the exact same
bill.
I joined this body in 2003. We dealt with it in 2003. We dealt with
it in 2004, and here we are with the exact same bill. Section 7 was in
the bill, the section in regard to punitive damages. Nothing has
changed. In fact, in the Committee on Energy and Commerce this
February, a hearing was held on medical liability and some 15 witnesses
were at that hearing, Mr. Speaker. So it is untrue to suggest that we
have not had hearings and they have not had an opportunity. They know
this bill.
It is a good bill. We have passed it three times. We are going to, in
a few minutes, pass it for a fourth time; and, hopefully, the other
body will do the same thing so we can get this to the President for his
signature and level this playing field once and for all.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Washington (Mr. Inslee).
Mr. INSLEE. Mr. Speaker, there are better ways to solve this problem
than to strip Americans of the right to trial by jury. Fundamentally,
this bill takes the right of trial by jury of your peers away from
Americans and gives that authority to politicians who have never heard
any of the evidence.
Take this case about a 4-year-old girl I know from Yakima,
Washington, named Nichole. Several years ago, she went in with a
urinary tract problem. The doctors put in a foley catheter. When you do
that, there is a balloon they put in your bladder that is inflated to
hold the catheter. This was traumatic to this 4-year-old girl. When
they went to deflate the catheter, it would not deflate. So they tried
to deflate it by sticking a steel wire up
[[Page 18315]]
through her urethra to try to puncture the balloon so they could pull
the catheter out. They tried it many times. This was traumatic to this
young girl. It did not work.
So they finally had to inject a solvent up her urethra to dissolve
the rubber and it dissolved the rubber and it also dissolved part of
her bladder and severely burned her bladder because of the malfunction
of a negligently designed and manufactured foley catheter.
Now, who is better to make a decision for that 4-year-old girl about
what is justice? Teachers, truck drivers, insurance salesmen sitting in
a jury who have heard the evidence and who have looked at Nichole and
understand the future dysfunction she may have and the trauma she had,
or 435 politicians who are clueless about that specific case?
Where is the wisdom from the Creator that these politicians are
vested in to tell us what Nichole went through? Nobody knows except
maybe someone who was at that trial.
This is moving authority from jurors, citizens, the people who are
sitting up in the gallery right here and taking it away from you and
putting it in the pockets, first of Members of Congress, through the
lobbyists for the drug companies and the medical companies. And by the
way you, know what happened because of Nichole's case? That company
cleaned up its act, and it started a new quality-control mechanism so
that we will not have future Nicholes, because we had a medical
negligence system that protected the Nicholes of this world.
There is a problem. This is not the best way to solve it. Respect
America, democracy, and our jurors.
announcement by the speaker pro tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are to refrain from referring to
persons in the gallery.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to remind my colleague who just spoke that
our separation of powers provides that all aspects of the government
are limited to some extent. If juries or judges give outrageous awards,
like any other exercise of government power, they should be subject to
reasonable checks and balances.
Mr. Speaker, I also want to remind my colleagues that unnecessary and
frivolous litigation is threatening the viability of the life-saving
drug industry. To encourage the development of life-saving drugs, the
HEALTH Act contains a safe harbor from punitive damages from a
defendant whose drugs or medical product comply with rigorous rules or
regulations. The provision is manifestly fair.
Why should a drug manufacturer be found guilty of malicious conduct
when all they did was sell a product approved as safe under the
comprehensive regulations of the FDA? Claims for unlimited economic
damages and reasonable noneconomic damages could still go forward under
the HEALTH Act. The safe harbor does not apply if relevant information
was misrepresented or withheld from the FDA.
Eight States have, in fact, provided an FDA regulatory compliance
defense against damages just like this bill. Those States are Arizona,
Colorado, Illinois, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, and Utah.
Opposing this bill jeopardizes those State laws. And the Members who
are from those States might want to remember that.
Mr. Speaker, the evidence is overwhelming. Without legal reform,
patients will continue to go without needed doctors: women will
continue to deliver babies on the side of the road because the nearest
OB/GYN is hundreds of miles away; parents will continue to be forced to
watch as their child with brain injury suffers because lawsuits forced
the nearest neurosurgeon to stop practicing.
Mr. Speaker, we need to pass this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith) has
3\1/2\ minutes remaining and has the right to close. The gentlewoman
from Colorado (Ms. DeGette) has 5 minutes remaining.
{time} 1545
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a
unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr.
Kennedy).
Mr. KENNEDY of Rhode Island. Mr. Speaker, I rise to ask why we are
not doing more to ensure fewer mistakes are made in the first place.
Mr. Speaker, nobody disputes that malpractice premiums are heavily
impacting many physicians. I think very few of us would dispute that
there are frivolous claims filed. All of the justifications for this
bill about losing physicians in high-risk practices are real concerns.
So why is it that we are spending this time debating a bill that
won't address this problem? Repeatedly dramatizing the problem doesn't
make this bill a solution. This bill does nothing to prevent frivolous
lawsuits. It doesn't rein in the bad actors, in penalizes those who are
the most grievously injured.
Experience shows that the link between awards or settlements and
premiums is tenuous at best. An exhaustive study published this month
showed that premiums have gone up 120 percent over the last 5 years
while claims were flat. The GAO has found no evidence that caps on
damages hold premiums down.
But even if this bill could work--it would not, Mr. Speaker, but even
if it could--we are completely missing the real issue.
We are fighting about how or how not to compensate the victims of
mistakes and hold negligent providers accountable. Shouldn't we be
talking instead about how to ensure fewer mistakes in the first place?
We are talking about closing the barn door but the horse is already
galloping across the field.
Mr. Speaker, Sorrel King can teach us all a lesson. Several years
ago, her 18-month-old daughter Josie suffered severe burns and was
rushed to the ICU at Johns Hopkins Hospital.
She got the world-class care you would expect and they saved her
life. She was going home in just a few days. And then communications
were botched, orders were lost, and Josie was administered a drug she
was not supposed to get, over Sorrel's objection. And even then,
further warning signs were missed.
Josie King wound up dying of dehydration in one of our Nation's
finest hospitals. Johns Hopkins settled with Sorrel and her family.
And--here is where we can learn something--Sorrel turned around and
gave the money back to Hopkins to create a new patient safety program.
Mr. Speaker, like Sorrel, we need to spend less effort apportioning
blame and more effort making our system safer and better. Hundreds of
thousands of our constituents die in hospitals every year not in spite
of the care they get, but because of it. These are mostly systems
problems, not the result of individual negligence.
Last year I introduced the Josie King Act to begin transforming
health care delivery so that the system itself is driving better
quality at lower costs. It laid out a roadmap to bringing health care
into the information age and promoted the development of uniform
quality metrics so that providers, the public, and purchasers have a
clearer picture of which providers get the best outcomes for patients.
Now we are finally beginning to see attention to these priorities,
which, unlike the current debate, have bipartisan support. We won't
reach agreement about capping damages to patients who are hurt, but we
can agree that the system should hurt fewer people.
We can pass strong health IT legislation this year, like the bill Mr.
Murphy from Pennsylvania and I introduced or the one that was reported
out of committee in the other body.
We can pass legislation this year to begin linking reimbursements to
outcomes and quality. I know we have strong leadership on both sides of
the aisle, in several committees and in the House leadership, for both
of those things.
Until we begin aligning incentives in health care so that providers
who go the extra mile to make their patients better or, even better,
keep them healthy--people are going to keep getting hurt.
Until we begin aligning incentives in health care so that the tools
of the information age can help make care more accurate and more
efficient.
Mr. Speaker, I agree with my friends on other side that physicians
need lower malpractice rates. I also believe that the best way to get
fewer lawsuits is to get fewer mistakes. Let's keep our eyes on the
ball and make our health care system better, safer, and more efficient
and make everyone better off.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the distinguished minority
leader.
[[Page 18316]]
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms.
DeGette) for yielding me this time and for her leadership on issues
that relate to the health and well-being of the American people.
I also want to salute the two distinguished ranking members, first
the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) of the Committee on the
Judiciary for his leadership on this important legislation; and I
especially want to acknowledge the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Dingell), who this year celebrates his 50th anniversary in Congress,
and every day of those 50 years he has worked to improve access to
quality health care for all Americans. But particularly on this 40th
anniversary of Medicare and Medicaid, it is worth noting the
contributions of the gentleman from Michigan in providing health care
security for millions of Americans and for upholding the fundamental
principle that Democrats believe in: Health care is a right, not a
privilege.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the Republican medical
malpractice bill. Let me begin with this simple fact: Under President
Bush, 5.2 million more Americans have joined the ranks of the
uninsured. Today, 45 million Americans have no health insurance. The
bill before us does not, nor does any other Republican bill during this
so-called Health Week, provide health insurance to one single American.
This bill is not about solving the urgent health insurance crisis
that affects millions of American families, nor is it about improving
our health care system, containing costs, or even lowering medical
malpractice insurance premiums. Instead, the Republican medical
malpractice bill, first and foremost, is a windfall to the big drug
companies at the expense of Americans who have been injured or killed
by harmful and unsafe drugs. Once again, protecting the big drug
companies is at the top of the Republican agenda.
The Republicans have attempted to hide the true purpose and the real
reason for this bill. It contains a special liability waiver for drug
companies for the types of injuries caused by drugs. Under this
Republican bill, when Americans are injured, or even killed, by drugs
that have been negligently marketed, they will not be able to obtain
justice and hold drug companies wholly accountable.
The Republican leadership, beholden to the pharmaceutical companies,
refused to allow amendments that would strike this unjust provision. As
with the Medicare prescription drug bill, where Republicans prohibited
the government from negotiating for low prices for seniors, and forbade
Americans from purchasing lower-priced drugs from Canada, this is yet
another example of the Republicans being the handmaidens of the
pharmaceutical industry.
The Republican medical malpractice bill is an extreme bill that is an
injustice to consumers, and it unconscionably rewards irresponsible
drug companies. If we are to remain a Nation that seeks justice for
all, the special liability waiver for drug companies must be removed.
Unfortunately, the Republicans refused to permit the consideration of
the Emanuel-Berry amendment to remove this unjust and reprehensible
provision.
Apart from pandering to drug companies, this bill utterly fails to
achieve its stated purpose. It will not lower medical malpractice
insurance premiums, nor does it address the real cause. The real cause
of high malpractice premiums is not the payouts for malpractice claims.
Former Missouri State Insurance Commissioner Jay Angoff issued a recent
study showing the amount collected in premiums by major medical
malpractice insurers has doubled. The amount received in premiums has
doubled, while the claims paid out have remained flat, resulting in
excessive profits and excessive reserve surpluses.
The Angoff study found that insurance companies are charging far more
for malpractice insurance than actual payments or estimated future
payments warrant. This finding is also supported by numerous studies
that document that in States that have enacted caps or damage awards,
they have not seen their premiums for malpractice insurance lowered.
Rather than addressing insurance companies' refusal to lower rates,
the Republican bill instead interferes with the rights of injured
Americans to be compensated for their injuries and have their claims
heard by a jury of their peers. If enacted, the cap on damages would
severely harm women, children, and the elderly who have been injured.
Unfortunately, the Republican leadership did not allow the Democratic
substitutes by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) and the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) to be offered.
The Democratic substitute supports sensible approaches that permit
only valid claims to go forward. More significantly, the Democratic
substitute addresses real causes for premium increases and offers real
solutions for the doctors. It repeals the antitrust exemption for
insurance companies. It provides targeted assistance to help physicians
stay in crisis areas.
We all respect the magnificent contribution that doctors provide to
our society. It is not only a profession, it is a vocation, and we
literally could not live without them. So it is with great respect for
them that I say they deserve better than this bill, which purports to
help them.
President Harry Truman said it so well: ``The Democratic party stands
for the people. The Republican party stands, and always has stood, for
special interests.'' That was true almost 60 years ago when he said it,
and it is certainly true today. Let us uphold the public interest. Let
us stand up to the big drug and insurance companies, and let us oppose
this unjust bill.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time, as
we are prepared to close on this side.
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Texas says that this bill does not
preempt State law. In fact, the bill includes a sweeping preemption of
State law which is designed to override State laws that protect
consumers and patients while keeping in place State laws that favor
doctors, hospitals, nursing homes, HMOs, pharmaceuticals and medical
device manufacturers, and other health care defendants.
In fact, the only laws that this bill does not supersede are the ones
that protect those groups, and that is at the great risk to patients.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Waxman).
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Speaker, there are a number of very important reasons
to oppose this bill, but I want to focus on one of the most egregious
parts of the legislation that has nothing to do with medical
malpractice. Under this legislation, if a drug or medical device
manufacturer sells a dangerous product that causes harm to a consumer,
so long as that product received FDA approval prior to being marketed,
a court would be prohibited from awarding punitive damages against that
manufacturer. This marks a dramatic change in current law by
transforming FDA product approval into a shield against liability.
Time and again we have seen that the FDA approval process cannot or
does not guarantee the safety of drugs and other medical products.
Every day our concerns increase about the adequacy of the FDA's
postmarket safety programs. And we have seen numerous instances in
which despite receiving FDA approval, drugs and medical devices, have
been pulled from the market because of the emergence of severe dangers
associated with their use.
Mr. Speaker, we have not given the FDA the tools or the ability to
approve a drug so that all the things that would happen after that
approval will not occur, such as the failure of the company that
manufactures it to make sure they follow their own safety standards; or
that new risks that are not known at the time of the approval will
never arise.
We have to rely on the civil justice system as an additional layer of
protection for American citizens. In court,
[[Page 18317]]
consumers harmed by dangerous medical products are given the
opportunity to hold the pharmaceutical companies accountable for their
wrongdoing. Confronted with the looming threat of liability,
pharmaceutical and medical device companies have every incentive to
ensure that their products are safe before they are marketed, and that
they continue to be safe once on the market.
We have seen mounting evidence that drug and device companies can
withhold key data from physicians, fail to conduct needed safety
studies, and carry out misleading advertisement campaigns even when
they know of the risks of their products. Yet instead of safeguarding
an individual's right to hold a drug and device company accountable for
this kind of conduct, this legislation offers sweeping protection for
those companies.
A company might mislead doctors about the safety of its drug and
continue to aggressively promote the use of a dangerous drug in spite
of studies raising questions as to its safety. Under this legislation,
such company would have a shield from liability for punitive damages
for this behavior. This is an issue that should be decided on the
evidence and in court.
If we fail to preserve the right of Americans to hold manufacturers
of dangerous medical products accountable, we will fail to uphold our
responsibility to American consumers to protect against unsafe products
and medical devices.
Mr. Speaker, I urge opposition to the legislation.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my
time.
Mr. Speaker, first let me say to my colleagues who are not usually
concerned about States rights that if they will look at section 11 of
the bill, they will find the bill respects the right of any State to
set a cap of any amount, be it higher or lower, than the caps in the
bill itself.
Mr. Speaker, the HEALTH Act is the only proven legislative solution
to the current medical liability insurance crisis. According to the
Congressional Budget Office, under this bill, ``Premiums for medical
malpractice insurance ultimately would be an average of 25 percent to
30 percent below what they would be under current law.''
H.R. 5 allows unlimited awards of economic damages. These include
past and future medical expenses, lost or past and future earnings, the
cost of obtaining domestic services, loss of employment, and loss of
business or employment opportunities. Deserving victims can be awarded
tens of millions of dollars in damages, as we have already seen in the
States that have similar reforms to those contained in this bill.
Mr. Speaker, the Harvard Medical Practice Study found that over half
of the filed medical professional liability claims they studied were
brought by plaintiffs who suffered either no injuries at all or, if
they did, such injuries were not caused by the health care providers,
but rather by the underlying disease.
H.R. 5 is modeled on California's legal reforms. Those reforms have
resulted in California's medical liability premiums increasing at a
rate that is only one-third the rate of those of other States.
Mr. Speaker, we need to act, and we need to act now. The nonpartisan
Annals of Medicine predicts that the current doctor shortage could get
worse, and we could lose 20 percent of needed doctors in the coming
years. Let us protect patients everywhere. Let us pass the HEALTH Act.
Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I want to express my concern
regarding the passage of H.R. 5, the Help Efficient, Accessible, Low-
cost, Timely Healthcare (HEALTH) Act of 2005 also known as the medical
malpractice bill. Although some believe that ``reforming'' medical
malpractice litigation will ultimately serve as a solution for
skyrocketing healthcare premiums, it is my belief that this legislation
is both misguided and harmful to the American people.
One of the most contentious provisions within H.R. 5 is a $250,000
cap on awards for non-economic damages. Placing such a cap allows
corporations the opportunity to build into their bottom line a certain
amount of liability. Currently, we have a judicial system that creates
a fine balance between free corporate enterprise viability and consumer
protection. The medical malpractice bill will disrupt this equilibrium
in the name of reducing ``frivolous'' lawsuits without taking into
account the implications for those making legitimate claims. This bill
has the potential to reduce the incentive for corporations to remedy
defective products,and instead may allow those entities to easily
assume the loss incurred by ultimately accounting for the cost
liability, a sum inevitably less than their sometimes lucrative
profits.
I respect the efforts of all of my colleagues to address the concerns
of their constituencies. However, I would be remiss in that duty if I
did not oppose legislation that erodes consumer protection and the
ability of the courts to determine appropriate punitive measures for
negligent defendants.
Mr. ABERCROMBIE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support efforts to
address the medical malpractice problem we have in this country today.
There can be no doubt that doctors are paying excruciatingly high
premiums and as a result, patients,and our medical system are
suffering. However, I do not believe that H.R. 5 will do anything to
solve this problem. As many of my colleagues have pointed out, this
legislation will only lower expenses for the insurance industry and
limit compensation for those victims who need it the most.
Later in this Congress, I will be introducing legislation to offer an
alternative to the idea of caps on compensation. Instead of limiting
victim awards, my proposal is to limit the involvement of the insurance
industry in the medical malpractice system. Physicians will no longer
have to worry about the cost of their medical malpractice insurance.
The practice of defensive medicine and its toll on our medical system
would be eliminated.
In addition, my proposal will ensure that the small number of doctors
who are responsible for a large number of malpractice suits, will be
critically examined. According to the National Practitioner Data Bank,
11% of physicians are responsible for half of all malpractice payments
made between September 1, 1990 and December 31, 2003.
Yesterday, the House of Representatives passed S. 544, an important
first step in addressing one of the root causes to the situation we
face today. The Patient Safety and Quality Improvement Act will create
a voluntary reporting system for errors and ``near misses.'' This
information can then be analyzed so that better medical practices can
be established.
Mr. Speaker, it is time to address the other root causes of rising
medical malpractice premiums. Caps are an old and ineffective solution.
My proposal will be a substantive and constructive reform for the
entire system. I urge my colleagues to keep an open mind in trying to
solve the medical malpractice problems we face today.
Mr. HONDA. Mr. Speaker, for the fourth time in the 5 years I have
been a member of the United States Congress, I will be opposing a
flawed Republican bill which would limit damage awards to patients
injured by medical malpractice. While Republicans claim their measure
would reduce insurance costs for doctors by discouraging frivolous
lawsuits--which they blame for driving up insurance premiums and
reducing access to health care for patients--the Republicans
legislation completely ignores the rate-setting process followed by the
insurance industry. Furthermore, a 2002 study by the Congressional
Budget Office found that the effect of even a very large reduction in
malpractice costs would have a small effect on individual health care
premiums.
This bill broadly defines ``medical malpractice action'' to protect
HMOs, insurance companies, nursing homes and drug and device
manufactures for a broad range of liabilities, including suits by
physicians against those companies. Furthermore, the bill caps non-
economic awards for pain and suffering of $250,000, and punitive
damages at $250,000 or twice economic damages, whichever is greater.
All this measure really does is place legal obstacles on patients
injured by wrongful conduct. Under this bill, individuals face time
limits that would require an injured person to file health care
lawsuits no later than three years after the date of the injury or one
year after discovering the alleged malpractice, whichever occurs first.
In addition, there are limits to attorney contingency fees, which would
potentially force inured persons, faced with medical bills and lost
wages, to finance lawsuits they otherwise cannot afford.
Support of tort reform say large million-dollar damage awards in
medical liability suits are the reason that the cost of malpractice
premium insurance are so high. I believe premium increases represent
only one part of the
[[Page 18318]]
problem facing many doctors throughout the nation and these increases
are not necessary linked to damage awards. Even some insurance industry
insiders say that recent increases in malpractice premiums have nothing
to do with lawsuits or jury awards, and that tort reform will not
reduce premiums. Rather, increases have been driven by the insurance
underwriting cycle and insurance companies' bad investments.
Mr. Speaker, rather than truly deal with a crisis faced by medical
doctors, this bill is simply crafted to benefit the insurance industry
at the expense of victims of medical malpractice. Instead of fruitless
passing this flawed bill for the 4th time in less than five years, we
should be working hard to provide health care to the 45 million
Americans who are uninsured today.
Mr. BOUSTANY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 5, the HEALTH
Act of 2005.
The medical liability crisis have been growing over the last decade
and is rapidly developing into a patient access crisis as well.
Frivolous lawsuits are overwhelming our legal system and wasting
billions of dollars each year.
In 2004, more than 70 percent of medical liability claims did not
result in payments to plaintiffs and only 1.1 percent of claims
resulted in a plaintiff's verdict.
In cases where the defendant prevailed at trial, the average defense
costs were $87,720 illustrating the high cost of unfounded claims.
Frivolous lawsuits further drive up costs by encouraging physicians
to practice defensive medicine ordering additional tests that are not
necessary to provide quality care. Physicians are also less likely to
try new and innovative medical treatments.
The resulting increase in medical malpractice premiums are
threatening access to quality care by forcing physicians to move their
practices, retire early, and limit services. The situation is
particularly critical for ob-gyns. From 2003 to 2004, increases in
rates for ob-gyns were as high at 66.9%. Illinois premiums rose from
$138,031 to $230,428.
H.R. 5, the HEALTH Act, will increase patient access to health care
services and provide improvised medical care by reducing the excessive
burden the liability system place on the health care delivery system.
This bill: Ensures that patients receive adequate compensation while
limiting non-economic damages to $250,000. Sets a statute of
limitations of three years after the date of manifestation of injury or
one year after the claimant discovers the injury to ensure timely
resolution; allows the introduction of collateral source benefits and
the amount paid to secure such benefits as evidence; authorizes the
award of punitive damages only where: (1) it is proven by clear and
convincing evidence that a person acted with malicious intent to injure
the claimant or deliberately failed to avoid unnecessary injury the
claimant was substantially certain to suffer, and (2) compensatory
damages are awarded. Prescribed qualifications for expert witnesses.
States including Louisiana and California that have instituted their
own liability reforms that include caps on non-economic damages have
shown proven success and as a result, these states are not facing a
medical liability crisis.
I urge my colleagues to support the HEALTH Act and ensure patient
access to quality medical care.
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 5.
Proponents of this legislation make numerous false claims.
They claim that ``tort reform'' will magically reduce doctors'
skyrocketing malpractice premiums.
But the truth is that even a spokesman for the American Insurance
Association couldn't promise price reductions with tort reform.
Supporters also claim that capping non-economic damages will make
malpractice insurance more affordable for doctors.
But the truth is that the example set by my home state of
California's MICRA law proves this isn't the case. Enacted in 1975, it
wasn't until after 1988, when California passed insurance reform under
Proposition 103 that malpractice insurance rates began to stabilize.
Proponents even claim that this bill will protect patients' rights.
But the truth is that H.R. 5 would strip away the rights of patients,
especially women, seniors, children, and lower income families.
But Mr. Speaker, let's give credit where credit is due. This bill
does protect someone: It protects HMOs, the insurance industry and the
pharmaceutical companies.
Mr. Speaker, instead of false claims and gifts to HMOs, we need a
bill like the Conyers-Dingell substitute that was not made in order.
Unlike H.R. 5, the Conyers-Dingell bill is balanced and would
eliminate frivolous lawsuits, increase competition, and reduce costs,
without sacrificing crucial protections.
Let's be real, Mr. Speaker. This bill is yet another example that
shows where Republican priorities lie--with their contributors--HMOs
and insurance companies.
Patients and people deserve more.
I urge my colleagues to reject the false claims and vote ``no'' on
H.R. 5.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, there are two ways of dealing with the
medical malpractice problem. One is to take the approach that the House
Republican leadership has chosen for years; a narrowly drawn proposal
that appeases their partisan supporters but doesn't solve the problem.
As I said last year, the rationale was weak and there was little
evidence it would succeed. Instead, it may do more harm to the health
care community and doctors. Most important, because it is so narrow and
partisan, it's very unlikely to become law. Pushing a political
solution is the approach that has been tried repeatedly and is what
Oregon voters rejected again at the polls last year.
The other approach is to work cooperatively, bringing people to the
table to make progress. This is what appears to be happening in Oregon
in the aftermath of the last defeat. In Oregon, doctors, hospitals, and
other healthcare professionals are working with consumer advocates,
trial lawyers, and people from government to fashion a solution that is
acceptable; to make progress building on cooperation and trust.
Between the two approaches it's clear that the narrow, partisan, and
unbalanced approach is not only questionable on its merits, but is a
political dead end. I see no reason to change my longstanding
opposition to both the narrow solution and to the approach that created
it. Given the nature of the crisis of healthcare in the United States,
the problems will only get worse; politicizing them will only put off
the day when real progress is achieved.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 5. This
legislation will not reduce medical liability premiums, and it unfairly
and arbitrarily discriminates against those most severely injured by
medical errors.
I have consistently heard from physicians in Central New Jersey that
the rising cost of medical malpractice insurance represents a growing
crisis. The rising premiums have compelled many physicians to leave the
state or leave medicine altogether. My wife is a general practice
physician, so I fully appreciate the gravity of the situation facing
many doctors. The rising cost of insurance poses obvious dangers for
access to care, particularly for populations most in need.
Unfortunately, the Republican leadership has brought to the floor a
bill that does not reduce premiums for physicians and imposes an
arbitrary cap on damages for the most severely injured victims of
malpractice or negligence.
Capping non-economic damages at $250,000 for patients who have won a
medical malpractice tort will not result in lower insurance premiums
for physicians. Just listen to what the insurance industry itself has
said. ``We have not promised price reductions with tort reform,'' said
Dennis Kelly, an American Insurance Association spokesman in the
Chicago Tribune. In fact, over the past few years, payouts for medical
malpractice cases have remained flat while premiums have continued to
rise, in some cases doubling.
Because of insurance companies over-charging doctors for insurance,
the fifteen largest insurers have accumulated a surplus that is double
what they actually need to pay claims. We should be debating how to
most effectively rebate this surplus to the doctors, rather than
looking for ways to reward them for the squeeze that they are executing
on our healthcare system. The insurance industry is gouging medical
doctors and is trying to use patients as a scapegoat.
Imposing a cap on damages inherently affects the patients most
severely injured by malpractice or negligence. Setting the cap at
$250,000 is an insult to all those who have had their lives permanently
changed by medical errors. The figure is lifted directly from the 1975
California MICRA law. Adjusted for inflation, this amount would be
close to $1 million in 2005 dollars. $250,000 does not come close to
compensating for loss of life or permanent disability or disfigurement.
I am disappointed that, for the third time in three years, the Rules
Committee has eliminated any opportunity to amend the legislation. I am
particularly disappointed that the Rules Committee disallowed
substitute legislation by Ranking Members John Conyers and John
Dingell. Their bill would weed out frivolous lawsuits, require
insurance companies to pass savings on to health care providers, and
provide targeted assistance to the physicians and communities who need
it the most. That Congress is not permitted even to consider
[[Page 18319]]
this legislation as an alternative demonstrates that the bill we have
before us cannot survive on its own merits.
As liability insurance premiums continue to rise for physicians
across the country, the Republican leadership continues to prescribe
the same tired and ineffective legislation. For good reason, this bill
has not survived the legislative process for the past three years, yet
we are once again debating whether to enrich insurance companies at the
expense of victims of medical malpractice and negligence.
We need a comprehensive, fair, and effective approach to lowering
insurance premiums for physicians. The legislation we have before us is
none of the above. I encourage my colleagues to oppose H.R. 5.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, we can all agree on one thing--the
skyrocketing cost of malpractice insurance impacts every doctor and,
indeed, every American. But contrary to what this majority has repeated
time and again, the reason for these soaring costs has nothing to do
with frivolous lawsuits.
Indeed, a new report by the Center for Justice and Democracy found
that in the last 4 years, the 15 largest malpractice insurers increased
premiums by 120 percent--more than doubling premiums. And what about
all those frivolous lawsuits supposedly driving those costs? The same
report found that claims during that same period rose by just 5.7
percent. In my State of Connecticut, the contrast between claims and
rates is even starker, with premiums for our 3 largest malpractice
insurers shooting up 213 percent over the last 4 years while claims
have increased only 1.6 percent.
So, let's call this situation what it is, Mr. Speaker--insurance
companies gouging doctors. To inflate their own profits, insurance
companies are putting doctors at risk, destabilizing our health care
industry and driving up costs for everyone.
And what is this majority's response? Granting authority to State
insurance commissioners to order refunds for doctors when excessive
rates are imposed? Requiring insurance companies to get approval before
rate increases? Demanding that States set standards for actuaries to
calculate rates?
No. Their response: ``blame the patients.'' Limit damages. Drive a
wedge between the parties being hurt the most by rising malpractice
costs--doctors and patients. At all costs, it seems they are saying, do
not hold the insurance industry's feet to the fire on this issue.
Mr. Speaker, this debate ought to be about helping doctors--about
doing something meaningful to ensure they can afford to continue
practicing medicine. Instead, this bill would insulate insurance
companies from having to follow any kind of responsible guidelines
regarding how malpractice insurance rates are set. And, as such, this
bill will do nothing to actually drive those rates down--an admission
the insurance industry itself has acknowledged.
None of this is to say that we do not need to crack down on frivolous
lawsuits--indeed, last year I voted to penalize lawyers who file
frivolous suits with a tough ``3 strikes and you're out'' rule. And
today, Democrats wanted to offer a substitute, which would have taken a
comprehensive approach to the malpractice insurance crisis. Our bill
would have prevented frivolous lawsuits but also required insurance
companies to pass some of their savings on to health care providers, as
well as providing assistance to the physicians and communities who need
it the most.
We had also hoped to strike a provision of this bill that would have
protected manufacturers such as the makers of Vioxx from liability. But
again, Republicans prevented that amendment from coming to the floor
today for consideration. And little wonder--I would not want to justify
why Republicans were protecting the makers of a drug found to be
responsible for thousands of deaths either.
Mr. Speaker, in the face of premium increases that are 20 times
faster than malpractice claims increases--frivolous or otherwise--this
legislation is irresponsible, plain and simple. I urge my colleagues to
do right by doctors and families by opposing this bill. Let's come back
and pass a bill that will actually address the malpractice insurance
crisis.
Mrs. BIGGERT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 5,
the HEALTH Act.
Will County, Illinois, part of which I represent, no longer has any
practicing neurosurgeons. A recent survey found that 11 percent of OB/
GYNs no longer practice obstetrics in my home State of Illinois. And
more than half of OB/GYNs in the State are considering dropping their
obstetrics practice entirely in the next 2 years due to medical
liability concerns.
Women and children are the first to suffer in a crisis like this. As
a mother and a grandmother, I don't want to see pregnant women driving
to another State because they can't find an OB/GYN in their own area. I
don't want to see injured children transported miles away from their
homes because there are no pediatric neurosurgeons left to treat head
injuries. And I don't want to see health insurance premiums climb so
high that employers can no longer afford to provide benefits to their
workers. We need reform and we need it now.
Mr. ETHERIDGE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 5, the
Republican medical malpractice bill, and the process by which it is
being debated in this House.
Today, the House will vote on H.R. 5, a bill to impose caps on
damages that may be awarded for medical malpractice, defective
products, and other health related wrongdoings. Like many Members of
this House, I am concerned about the rising cost of medical malpractice
insurance and its impact on physicians and their patients, but H.R 5 is
the wrong medicine for this national problem.
I oppose H.R. 5 because it will not reduce medical malpractice
premiums. What's more, it protects manufacturers of faulty
pharmaceutical devices and medical equipment from product liability
actions, and overturns North Carolina State law. H.R. 5 also limits the
ability of injured persons to bring suits against pharmaceutical
companies, HMOs, and nursing homes, thus setting a dangerous precedent
allowing these entities to escape the law in even the most severe cases
of neglect and abuse. Finally, H.R. 5 undermines North Carolina's
patient protection statutes, which are some of the strongest in the
Nation.
My colleagues, Mr. Dingell and Mr. Conyers, have drafted an
alternative amendment to H.R 5. This alternative will help courts weed
out frivolous lawsuits without restricting the rights of legitimate
claims, repeal the Federal anti-trust exemption for medical malpractice
insurance companies, thereby increasing competition and lowering
premiums, and provide targeted assistance directly to physicians,
hospitals, and communities in medical malpractice crisis areas.
Finally, the alternative establishes an independent advisory commission
to examine and recommend long-term solutions to this important issue.
Unfortunately the Republican Leadership has denied Representatives
Dingell and Conyers the opportunity to offer this alternative.
Mr. Speaker, the issue of medical malpractice insurance is an
important one. H.R. 5 will without a doubt harm America's patients. I
urge all of my colleagues to vote against H.R. 5 and to support the
motion to recommit the bill.
Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, I'm reluctantly voting against
H.R. 5, which would limit medical malpractice awards.
I am not opposed to considering legislation that would do something
to respond to real problems. But I do not think this bill merits that
description.
In fact, I think the vote today has more to do with politics than
with policy--and if I had any doubts on that point, they ended when the
Republican leadership refused to permit any amendments at all to be
considered. Stifling debate is not the way to develop good policy.
As in the past, the bill's supporters argue that unless the tort laws
are changed, doctors will not be able to afford malpractice insurance
and so will give up providing medical care. And, again, opponents say
the bill would do nothing to affect insurance rates.
I think we're beating a dead horse. Both sides have dug in and aren't
willing to compromise. In the meantime, we aren't doing anything to
reform our medical liability system and we aren't doing anything to
make health care more affordable and accessible for Americans.
Our system is inherently adversarial and we've continued this finger-
pointing game and done nothing to improve patient safety and health
care access, which is what we're really talking about here.
I think we need a system that is non-punitive and encourages openness
and improvement so that doctors can report medical errors without fear
of being sued. This will help us understand medical errors and improve
procedures and patient safety. Fewer medical errors will result in
fewer medical malpractice suits, which in turn will help keep
malpractice insurance rates and health care premiums down.
That's why I have supported legislation to create a voluntary medical
error reporting system under which patient safety organizations, on a
confidential basis, would receive information on reported errors for
analysis. They would then be expected to develop and disseminate
evidence-based information to help providers implement changes in
practice patterns that help to prevent future medical errors.
In addition to that, I think we should explore ideas like alternate
dispute resolution, no-fault systems, and medical courts.
I also want to make it clear that I am not opposed in principle to
capping damages. That
[[Page 18320]]
has been done in Colorado and some other states, and I think there is
evidence indicating that it can help keep health care costs down and
keeps doctors accessible. However, I think this bill's low and
arbitrary limits on damages will hurt those at the bottom of the income
scale the most. Also, I don't think we should be shielding large and
powerful HMOs and drug companies from liability. So, I cannot support
the bill as it stands.
Mr. Speaker, ultimately this issue is about health care access and
patient safety. If we aren't going to compromise, I hope we'd start
thinking outside the box on how to end the logjam. I offer these ideas
as a way to get there, because we aren't going to get there from where
we are today.
Ms. EDDIE BERNICE JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in
opposition to H.R. 5, the Medical Malpractice bill.
H.R. 5 may have been conceived with good intentions, but it is a bad
bill. It is a particularly bad bill for low income Americans.
If a patient is injured by a caregiver due to medical malpractice,
and that patient sues, it should be up to a judge or a jury--not the
U.S. Congress, to decide how much compensation should be awarded.
Injured patients who don't get their fair compensation will suffer.
They will suffer in two ways. First of all, it's hard to put a blanket
price on damages resulting in life or limb.
Secondly, if the compensation is not sufficient, what will happen to
the disabled patient when the money runs out? Who, then, will pay for
their long-term care, or for the children of someone permanently
disabled or even killed?
I'll tell you who will pay for them: the American taxpayer. Those
children and disabled people will enroll in federal programs to help
them exist day by day. American taxpayers pay for those programs.
Mr. Speaker, this bill won't do anything to lower the cost of health
care.
This legislation is good intentions that will have bad consequences.
I ask my colleagues to consider very carefully who will end up paying
at the end of the day.
The American taxpayers--you and I, not the care providers at fault--
will end up paying for the damages incurred from medical malpractice.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 5,
legislation to limit non-economic damages that victims may seek when
injured by medical malpractice. My primary objection to this bill stems
from the Congress imposing its will on the states regarding an issue
that rests squarely within State jurisdiction.
The states are responsible for licensing medical professionals and
for regulating the insurance industry. In fact, the states have had
jurisdiction over medical malpractice for more than 200 years, and it
should continue to be that way. This legislation would unnecessarily
preempt the laws of states that have taken measures to address this
issue. At least 30 states have enacted laws with regard to non-economic
damages, so it is unconscionable that anyone would argue that the
medical malpractice issue is trapped in a regulatory vacuum.
In 2003, the State of Texas saw a need for action on medical
malpractice and enacted a cap on non-economic damages. Having served in
the Texas State Legislature, I know first-hand that state legislatures
are best positioned to determine whether and how to address the medical
malpractice situation in their individual states. The State of Virginia
enacted a different cap that best balances the needs of consumers,
physicians and health care institutions in that particular state. The
situation is different in each state, and a Washington-knows-best
approach ignores the hard work and tough decisions that individual
states have made.
On a substantive level, I oppose this legislation based on two
provisions with significant flaws. First, the bill includes a firm
$250,000 cap on non-economic damages without providing for inflation
adjustment in future years. While that figure mirrors California's
MICRA law, it is important to recognize that California's cap has not
been adjusted for inflation in approximately 30 years. Further,
California's law was crafted during a time when a $250,000 cap would
have sufficed for all but the most egregious jury awards--which, I
might add, the judge has the discretion to overturn. That is certainly
not the case in the 21st century, and I object to the Congress placing
a price on pain and suffering. A cap on non-economic damages would
create a one-size-fits-all figure for each and every case of medical
malpractice. Members of Congress do not hear the details of each
medical malpractice case. Members of juries do, which is why they are
best equipped to determine the appropriate non-economic damages based
on the facts of each case.
This legislation also contains a dangerous provision that would
provide drug companies and device manufacturers with an affirmative
defense against punitive damages as long as their products had FDA
approval. This provision presupposes that FDA approval is an air-tight
process whose integrity need not--and legally cannot--be questioned.
Considering the FDA's recent track record with regard to Vioxx and
other pharmaceuticals that have been removed from the pharmacy shelves,
it is clear that the integrity of the FDA approval process has been
compromised. Until some serious reforms are implemented at the FDA, the
FDA stamp of approval should not provide any company with an
affirmative defense against punitive damages. Such a provision would
only provide drug and device manufacturers with even less of an
incentive to report known adverse events before their products go to
market and ensure that their products are as safe as possible. Given
these concerns, I would urge my colleagues to oppose this bill and
leave this issue to the states, which have clear jurisdiction, as well
as the ability and willingness to handle this delicate issue.
Mr. WELDON of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my strong
support of H.R. 5 and my interest in seeing that one significant
concern is addressed, should this bill move through the Senate.
As a practicing physician I know how important this bill is to
ensuring that Americans have access to good medical care. For too long
too many limited resources have been misdirected away from patient care
and have instead been spent to unnecessary malpractice awards and the
practice of defensive medicine. Defensive medicine offers little in
terms of better patient outcomes, but it adds billions of dollars to
the cost of medical care. I know this not only because studies show
this is the case, but I used to practice defensive medicine every day.
This bill makes sure that there is fair treatment for those
individuals who do suffer serious adverse medical outcomes, while
ensuring that our legal system is not overwhelmed with frivolous
lawsuits.
A serious concern I have with the bill, and an issue I have raised
with the chairman and others, is how it treats liability reform for
manufacturers of drugs and vaccines. With respect to pharmaceuticals we
are often unable to recognize all adverse reactions until we have post-
marketing information. This post-marketing safety data, such as in
cases like Vioxx, is provided to FDA on a voluntary basis by the
manufacturers. I agree with the intent of the bill which is to ensure
that Americans have greater access to potentially live saving
pharmaceuticals. However, it is equally important that we fully examine
the implications of such provisions on safety and the willingness of
manufacturers to come forward with adverse information.
I am also concerned that H.R. 5 offers significant liability
protection for vaccine manufacturers, while failing to fix the broken
vaccine injury compensation program (VICP). It is critically important
that these two not be separated. The VICP is very broken and it would
be wrong to cut off access to the courts without addressing the serious
deficiencies that exist in the compensation program today. As it
operates today, the VICP has essentially imported the tort system into
the program. That was not how the program was designed to operate. If
both the liability problem and the VICP deficiencies are not fixed
fairly, then our nation's immunization program will suffer serious
problems and parents could increasingly reject childhood immunizations
for their children.
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 5. The
Republican leaders of this House have denied us our right to offer an
alternative to the over-broad and ill-conceived legislation that is
before us today and have bypassed both committees of jurisdiction. Why
are they so afraid?
Are they afraid we will demonstrate that their bill will create
excessive litigation as opposed to reducing it? H.R. 5 is ambiguously
drafted, leaving its readers to surmise what its provisions could
possibly mean. Federal and State courts would take years trying to sort
it all out.
Are they afraid we will discuss how their legislation shields HMOs,
insurance companies, and drug manufacturers from all sorts of
skullduggery? The proponents of this legislation offer no evidence that
these privileged industries need additional protections, yet H.R. 5
grants them a special status under the law that is unprecedented.
Are they afraid we will show how this unprecedented immunity bath for
their favorite industries will hurt the rights of injured patients?
There is a human cost to this legislation that we must not forget.
Are they afraid we will tell how H.R. 5 would hurt women, seniors,
and low-income families
[[Page 18321]]
by limiting non-economic damages to $250,000? Because a large part of
economic damages is an individual's income, such a system would place a
higher value on the lives of CEO's. My friends, every human life is
worth more than $250,000.
Unfortunately, my Republican colleagues are quite determined to move
quickly and harshly. Their legislation reaches well beyond malpractice
and offers no guarantees of assistance to providers and communities.
Physicians and patients are asked to cross their fingers and hope that
some of the benefits given to large corporations will trickle down to
them. And women, seniors, and low-income families are left to pay the
human cost of these corporate benefits. It is wrong.
But the rising cost of malpractice insurance is a real problem--
requiring careful, balanced, and targeted legislation. Regrettably my
colleagues will not have the opportunity to vote for the balanced
package that my friend from Michigan, Mr. Conyers, and I have crafted.
Perhaps their greatest fear is that you would prefer a bill that truly
helps physicians, hospitals and nurses, while protecting the rights of
patients and doctors over HMOs. I urge you to support the motion to
recommit and oppose final passage of H.R. 5.
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, we have been told that weapons of mass
destruction required an invasion of Iraq, that ketchup is a vegetable,
and that global warming is a vast, left-wing conspiracy. Now, the great
minds of the Republican Party want us to believe that lawyers are to
blame for skyrocketing medical malpractice insurance premiums.
Respected insurance, health care, and legal experts all show that
insurance companies, with their record surpluses, are to blame for
rising premiums. Who are you going to believe? I cast my vote with the
experts, and against H.R. 5, the so-called Help Efficient, Accessible,
Low-cost, Timely Healthcare (HEALTH) Act of 2005.
This bill arbitrarily caps payments for pain and suffering at
$250,000 and extends liability protection not only to doctors, but to
HMOs, nursing homes and manufacturers of drugs and medical devices.
Furthermore, the President and other Republican proponents claim that
this bill will halt skyrocketing medical costs. That's hogwash. Even
the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office has found that the this
bill would have a negligible effect on health care spending, ultimately
reducing insurance premiums by less than one-half of one percent.
Ineffective legislation is one thing, but this bill is legislative
malpractice. It would mean that a child permanently disabled by an
incompetent doctor would receive only $250,000 to be compensated for a
lifetime of pain and the inability to lead a full life. If this bill
were enacted, nursing homes that abuse our seniors, HMOs that deny
critical care, and drug companies that market dangerous drugs like
Vioxx can take your life for a guaranteed low price set by their
friends in Congress.
The implication of limiting damages and attorneys' fees is that
greedy lawyers and their irresponsible clients are somehow faking
medical errors or blaming natural medical problems on innocent doctors.
Given that medical errors are the eighth-leading cause of death in this
country, exceeding car accidents, breast cancer, and AIDS, that
suggestion is off base. Anyone who's ever been at the bedside of
someone in the hospital and received 12 different answers from 12
different care providers about treatment instructions knows the risk of
a serious medical error.
This bill does nothing to reduce medical errors, and it won't reduce
malpractice premiums. Between 2000 and 2004, claims payments rose by
less than 6% while insurers' net premiums rose by 120%. The money isn't
going to lawyers--it is padding the pockets of wealthy insurance
companies, and they have no intention of ending the windfall even if
this bill passes.
I support the Democratic bill, which Republican leaders won't allow
to come up for a vote. That bill reforms the insurance industry--breaks
up insurance monopolies and gives doctors the right to challenge
premium increases--and has sensible tort reform without blocking
compensation for injured patients. Unlike the Republican bill, any
savings by insurance companies would be required to actually reduce
malpractice insurance premiums and 50% of punitive damage payments
would go to the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality to reduce
medical errors.
If high premiums and medical errors are the problem, the Democratic
bill seems like a logical solution. So logical in fact, so tempting
even to my Republican colleagues, that their leadership won't even
allow them to vote on the Democratic alternative. I urge my colleagues
to reject this sham and force this House to consider real legislation
to solve this national crisis.
Mr. RYUN of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 5,
the next step in the ongoing struggle to reform medical malpractice
liability. Skyrocketing insurance premiums are debilitating our
Nation's health care delivery system and liability insurers are either
leaving the market or raising rates to excessive levels. In turn, more
physicians, hospitals, and other health care providers are severely
limiting their practices, moving to other states, or simply not
providing care. Without a change, the exodus of these providers from
the practice of medicine will continue, and patients will find it
increasingly difficult to obtain needed health care.
H.R. 5 would help to lower the costs associated with health care
coverage by encouraging the speedy resolution of claims, limiting
lawyers' fees, and imposing caps on non-economic damages.
I urge the House to once again pass medical malpractice reform to
help lower the cost of quality health care and make it accessible to
more Americans.
Mr. CARDOZA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to share my concerns about
H.R. 5 and to urge my colleagues to support the Democratic Motion to
Recommit.
I think we all agree that skyrocketing medical malpractice premiums
are spiraling out of control and demand our immediate attention.
As a former member of the California Legislature, I voted to uphold
MICRA on three separate occasions and I think that doctors everywhere
deserve the same protection. MICRA is a model for federal reform
because it has produced a stable, competitive medical liability
insurance market while ensuring prompt and fair payments to those
injured and in need.
While I am pleased that H.R. 5 adopts the basic framework of MICRA, I
am deeply concerned about other elements of the bill that provide cover
to special interests, including liability protection to HMOs,
pharmaceutical manufacturers and medical device manufacturers.
Now is not the time to give greater protections to pharmaceutical
companies that put unsafe drugs like Vioxx on the market. Such
protections have nothing to do with the liability insurance crisis
facing doctors and should be stripped from this bill.
I am also concerned that the caps California established in 1975
under MICRA were never indexed to inflation: To provide the same level
of compensation in today's dollars, the cap would have to equal
$800,000. Put another way, the $250,000 MICRA cap has decreased in
value since 1975 to approximately $70,000.
With that in mind, I believe we should adjust the $250,000 cap to
reflect its current value. As we all know, health care costs--including
hospital charges and medical fees--have risen dramatically since 1975.
If we are going to model our national law after the 1975 MICRA model, I
suggest that we start by using realistic figures that reflect 2005
dollars.
Despite these concerns, in 2003 and again last year, I voted for H.R.
5 with the expectation that improvements would be made in conference
with the Senate.
Unfortunately, that did not happen, and today we are considering a
bill under a Rule that blocked a number of reasonable amendments,
including a substitute offered by my colleague from Michigan, the
ranking member on the Judiciary Committee.
While I plan to support this legislation today, my continued support
is predicated on substantial changes as the Senate attempts to align it
more closely to California's MICRA law. If this happens, I will support
the conference report.
However, I--as well as a number of physicians I know--will oppose a
bill that provides inappropriate protection to drug companies, HMOs and
medical device makers.
I hope that my colleagues in the House leadership will take these
concerns into mind as debate moves forward on this critically important
issue.
Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Speaker, the United States has been blessed with
the best system of medicine in the world. But we are having a crisis of
access. This problem is not a case of whether a patient has health
insurance. You may not be able to find a doctor to treat you.
The headlines are replete with stories of women having to drive
several hours because they cannot find a doctor to deliver their baby.
If you are in a car accident in southern Illinois and need a
neurosurgeon, you will be airlifted to another State because there are
no neurosurgeons left to treat you.
Litigation has escalated and awards have skyrocketed. Multi-million
dollar court decisions and jury awards have left doctors with medical
liability premiums increase 40 to 50 percent per year.
Doctors in certain fields of high-risk fields of medicine can expect
to be sued at least once in their career.
[[Page 18322]]
As a result, doctors are retiring or leaving the practice of
medicine. Emergency rooms and rural facilities have closed. Many other
doctors are moving to States that have taken action to cap jury awards,
which stabilizes malpractice costs.
I know of one OB-GYN in Illinois who left her practice to go back to
being a pharmacist where she could earn more money and not worry about
malpractice premiums. She explained that after paying malpractice
insurance, she and another physician made $50,000. A third doctor made
$60,000 and the fourth doctor made $70,000. Their office manager made
more than all of them: $75,000.
Thirty years ago, California passed comprehensive medical liability
reform. According to the Department of Health and Human Services,
States that have limited noneconomic damages have seen premium
increases by less than 20 percent. States without limits on noneconomic
damages have seen premiums increase on average of 45 percent.
This is quantifiable evidence that medical liability reform works. I
urge my colleagues to vote for H.R. 5.
Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, for 4 years we've been debating what to do
about the malpractice premium crisis. We clearly have a problem but
what's not so clear is what the solution should be.
I'm a Californian, and in my State, we have a law titled the Medical
Injury Compensation Reform Act, MICRA, that has been mentioned many
times on the floor. This law was passed by a Democratic legislature and
signed by a Democratic governor in 1975. It's been on the books ever
since, without a single change. MICRA has contributed to stabilizing
premiums in California, but without other reforms, we would still be
facing the same skyrocketing increases as other States.
The Help Efficient, Accessible, Low-cost, Timely Healthcare, HEALTH,
Act of 2005 has been described as a Federal version of MICRA. I
respectfully dispute this assertion.
The HEALTH Act places a $250,000 cap on noneconomic damages for suits
against physicians, insurers, HMOs and nursing homes as well as drug
and medical device manufacturers. MICRA limits that cap solely to
physicians. The Health Act also places a cap on punitive damages. MICRA
does not.
One of the reasons MICRA has worked is because it's prescribed in its
scope. If we're to get to the heart of exorbitant medical malpractice
insurance, we have to focus our efforts on those who truly need our
help. I'm concerned that extending these provisions to those outside of
the physician community may have a harmful effect on patient care and
on our legal system.
Patients must also be fairly compensated for any wrongs that befall
them, but this bill also uses MICRA's cap level of $250,000, which has
not been updated for inflation since the law was passed in California
in 1975. When adjusted for inflation, $250,000 from 1975 is now worth
only approximately $68,000.
This bill also does not contain any mechanism for studying the
insurance industry and its role in the premium crisis. A review of the
insurance industry is critical to understanding the problem and
possible solutions. While MICRA was enacted in 1975, premiums in
California continued to rise. MICRA did not address, collectively, the
problem of rapidly escalating premiums faced by California doctors.
Only because California voters enacted stringent insurance rate reform
after tort reforms failed did doctor's premiums fall.
In 1988, California enacted insurance reform law, Proposition 103,
which has saved physicians and other medical providers hundreds of
millions of dollars by regulating the premiums insurance companies are
allowed to charge. Premiums dropped and stabilized in the years
following passage of Proposition 103. I urge my colleagues to
accurately look to the experience in California. My State enacted both
tort limits and insurance reform.
This is a multi-faceted problem. If we are to truly help physicians,
we have to look at this issue from all angles and implement solutions
across all levels.
For these reasons, I urge my colleagues to oppose the HEALTH Act.
Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 5, the Republican
Medical malpractice bill.
This bill is bad medicine for American consumers. It is a bitter pill
for our seniors, our children, and the middle class.
The Republican majority will stop at nothing to prevent access to the
legal system for those who are hurt. First they said that all they
wanted to do was limit class action lawsuits to Federal courts. Now
that they have succeeded, they are back again, to take more rights away
from American patients and consumers.
Mr. Speaker, the majority will distort the facts, but the American
people will not be deceived.
The bill places a $250,000 cap on pain-and-suffering awards in
medical malpractice lawsuits. $250,000. Is that what a lifetime of pain
and suffering at the hands of malpractice is worth?
Would you want your mother, grandfather or child to be in that
situation? As the bills pile up, and the Republicans say, sorry, but we
have sold out to the special interests?
The bill makes it much harder for patients injured by medical errors
to seek redress. It shortens the time for patients to prove they were
hurt by malpractice. It gives legal immunity to drug makers, those same
companies that have already killed and maimed people with products that
were prematurely released on the market.
Many of us are alarmed at the skyrocketing cost of medical care,
including patients, who are the consumers. However, medical malpractice
is not the reason for these increasing costs. It is medical
mismanagement and corporate greed.
The Washington Post had an article this past weekend about the health
care system for our seniors. The frightening truth? Some health care
providers deliberately, or indifferently, provide bad medical care, so
that they can increase the costs of treatment, while patients become
even sicker. Wounds become infected, equipment is covered with dust,
and sterile techniques are not used.
It sounds like the plot of a bad medical thriller, or medical
practice in some remote corner of the globe, but it is happening, right
here in America, to your father or mother, grandmother or grandfather.
So, I say, stop picking on the legal system, which fights for the
rights of the poor, the sick, the elderly, and the injured.
Many of the rights that consumers enjoy today are the result of path-
breaking legal decisions and the lawyers who were willing to stand up
and fight.
The Republicans would like to take us back to a darker time, when
corporations ruled and the underserved had no rights. We must say, no;
we must oppose this bad medicine. Enough is enough. We must oppose this
bad bill.
Mr. SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, one of the greatest challenges
facing our Nation's health care system today is the medical malpractice
insurance crisis. My State of Georgia is one of 18 States that have the
highest, most significant medical malpractice insurance premium costs,
and it is costing our Georgia and our entire country dearly. Because
when our health care industry is in danger, we are all threatened.
Who among us is not a patient, who among us does not need and deserve
quality medical care? At its heart, this crisis is a patient care
issue. Every one of us wants ourselves and our loved ones to receive
the highest quality health care possible.
We have to address the issue of medical malpractice insurance and the
extremely high cost of health care. In 2000, Georgia physicians paid
more than $92 million to cover jury awards. That amount was the 11th
highest in the Nation despite the fact that Georgia ranks 38th in total
number of physicians in the United States.
Forty percent of the State's hospitals faced premium increases of 50
percent or more in 2002. St. Paul, the State's second largest insurance
carrier, stopped selling medical liability insurance last year.
Remaining insurers have reportedly raised rates for some specialties by
70 percent or greater. Some emergency room physicians, OB-GYNs and
radiologists have not yet found a new carrier.
Our health care system is suffering immensely, but some say that this
moment in time will pass, that this crisis does not warrant taking
serious action. But study after study proves them wrong.
Earlier this year, the Georgia Board for Physician Workforce released
a study showing the effects of the medical liability crisis on access
to health care for Georgia's patients. For example, the study shows
that 17.8 percent of physicians, more than 2,800 physicians in Georgia,
are expected to limit the scope of their practices which is by far the
largest effect of the medical liability insurance crisis on access to
medical care.
These physicians are expected to stop providing high-risk procedures
in their practices during the next year in order to limit their
liability risk. Nearly 1 in 3 obstetrician/gynecologists and 1 in 5
family practitioners reported plans to stop providing high-risk
procedures, indicating that access to obstetrical care may be
significantly reduced during the next year as a result of the medical
liability insurance crisis.
In addition, nearly 11 percent or 1,750 physicians reported that they
have stopped or plan to stop providing emergency room services. Six
hundred and thirty physicians plan to
[[Page 18323]]
stop practicing medicine altogether or leave the state because of high
medical malpractice insurance rates. About 13 percent of doctors
reported that they had difficulty finding malpractice insurance
coverage.
In fact, at one particular Georgia hospital, the hospital could not
give credentials to a surgeon and add that physician to its staff
because the surgeon could not afford to buy medical malpractice
insurance. In another instance, an obstetrician-gynecologist had to
close his Georgia practice and work for a health care agency because he
could not afford to buy medical malpractice insurance.
What happens to the patients that his hospital could have treated but
now it cannot because it does not have the surgeons that it needs? What
happens to the mothers who need a doctor to provide pre- and post-natal
health care but cannot find one because doctors are leaving the
profession due to the high cost of medical malpractice care?
In addition, Georgia is heavily dependent on other states to train
physicians. Approximately 70 percent of participating physicians in
Georgia completed training in another State. High costs of medical
malpractice liability insurance may reduce the attractiveness of
Georgia as a location for medical practice. High professional liability
insurance costs are a significant financial problem for teaching
hospitals, reducing the already limited funding available for faculty,
residents, and other medical education costs.
Even more upsetting, the high cost of medical malpractice insurance
for doctors and hospitals disproportionately affects seniors, minority
and low-income patients. The physicians and hospitals who depend on
Medicare reimbursements and who serve the over 44 million uninsured
Americans every day cannot afford to pay higher insurance premiums. We
need to ensure that these communities have access to quality health
care and the best physicians or the health disparity that currently
exists will continue to deepen and create a two-tier health care
system.
But it is not only medical care in the present that is threatened,
but also into the future. Many of the medical schools in our State are
saying now that many of students are having second thoughts about even
coming into the medical profession.
These statistics prove that Georgia's doctors cannot wait. More and
more each day, good, principled health care providers are confronting
the possibility of being unable to treat their patients because of out-
of-control medical malpractice insurance premiums. There is no question
that Congress must act, and act immediately.
I support H.R. 5 because doctors, hospitals, and the health care
industry are caught in the middle between insurance companies and
lawyers. Doctors are being squeezed by their medical malpractice
insurance premiums and by the high amounts being awarded to injured
patients. Doctors need to see results; they need to know that if this
bill becomes law that their insurance premiums will go down. The
message must reach the insurance companies that premiums have to go
down so that the medical profession can survive and access to health
care is improved. The health care industry must have relief and this
bill, although not the final answer, is the first step in addressing
the problems that affect doctors and the health care industry.
We must help doctors, physicians and dentists, hospitals, other
health care providers, and, ultimately, American patients who are
suffering in untold ways. Immeasurable damage is occurring in our
Nation's health care delivery system because of the high cost of
medical malpractice insurance. With the passage of this bill, the House
of Representatives will send a clear and salient message to the
insurance industry, and that message is: Bring down the cost of medical
malpractice insurance for physicians and hospitals.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to
H.R. 5, the so-called HEALTH Care Act of 2005. Quite simply, the
problems that we should be addressing today are burdensome malpractice
insurance rates, patient safety, and access to health care. This bill
addresses none of these. In another attempt to cede power from States
to the Federal Government, this bill would impose nationwide limits on
the compensation injured persons can receive in medical malpractice
cases.
We have all heard the stories of doctors leaving their practices
because they cannot afford their malpractice insurance rates. For the
6-year period from 1998 through 2003, medical malpractice insurance
premiums in my State of Connecticut increased, depending on the
insurance company, between 37 percent and 241 percent for internal
medicare, 35 percent and 185 percent for general surgery, and 45
percent and 128 percent for obstetrics/gynecology. During that same
period of time, the consumer price index only rose 13 percent and the
medical consumer price index rose 24 percent. I certainly cannot
imagine running a business where one of my expenses was that out of
line with the rest of my income and expenses. How can we expect doctors
to do that when they provide such an important service to us all? The
end result is the loss of good doctors practicing and diminished access
to health care. The bill we are debating today does not address the
underlying problem and has many flaws.
First, it would remove authority on the issue of tort reform from
States, where it has traditionally resided, and preempt various areas
of State law, including important consumer protections. Each State has
its own issues with regard to medical malpractice and tort law and a
one-size-fits-all solution imposed by the Federal Government is not the
answer.
Second, it would restrict the ability of injured patients to be
compensated for their injuries. An inflexible $250,000 cap on
noneconomic damages would punish victims of malpractice and cause
significant inequalities in compensation for women, children, seniors,
and lower-income workers. A woman who loses a pregnancy or her
fertility is not judged to have high economic value, but juries can
recognize the human value of her losses. A child with no job or income
will obviously have a limited economic value, but juries can recognize
the human value of his future. Even with the same injuries, a corporate
CEO would receive a much larger economic damage award than a minimum-
wage worker or a mother who stays at home to raise her kids, but a jury
can recognize the human value of their pain and suffering.
My final objection to this legislation is the manner in which it was
brought to the floor. It was never debated in committee and was
reported to the floor with a closed rule. In fact, the Rules Committee
has rejected 67 amendments to this legislation over the past 3 years.
This is the third time the House has voted on this legislation in the
past 3 years and the third time it has been the wrong answer for
doctors and patients. This is just another example of the majority
bringing the same legislation to the floor year after year knowing that
it will go nowhere because it is the wrong answer for Americans.
Legislation offered by the ranking members of the Judiciary Committee
and the Energy and Commerce Committee, Mr. Conyers and Mr. Dingell,
have been ignored as well as legislation offered by the gentlewoman
from South Dakota, Ms. Herseth. Americans deserve to have all of these
bills debated side by each.
Mr. Speaker, I conclude by urging my colleagues to join me in
opposing H.R. 5 and working on real solutions for reasonable
malpractice rates, improved patient safety, and accessible health care.
Mr. JEFFERSON. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 5--the so-called HEALTH Act of
2005--is anything but healthy.
If there was even the remotest possibility that H.R. 5 could help get
efficient, accessible, low-cost, timely health care to the American
people, it would probably get 435 votes in this House.
However, H.R. 5 does absolutely nothing to achieve the admirable
goals embodied in its misleading name. It does absolutely nothing to
address the specific problem it is purported to fix: skyrocketing
medical malpractice insurance premiums.
Let me be perfectly clear. I am in complete agreement with this
bill's supposed and stated purpose: to help get efficient, accessible,
low-cost, timely health care to all Americans. I agree that one of the
obstacles to low-cost, accessible health care is outrageous medical
malpractice liability insurance premiums charged to physicians and
other health care providers throughout our Nation. I also agree that
some litigation strategies contribute to the escalating costs of our
Nation's health care by encouraging providers to order tests,
procedures and treatments that may not be medically necessary. I agree
with the supporters of H.R. 5 that high malpractice insurance premiums
charged by carriers have led some physicians to abandon high-risk
specialties and patients.
I ask you though to look at the legislation before us. H.R. 5
contains about 4,000 words. In those 4,000 words, the word ``premium''
appears only once; the word ``insurance'' appears only 5 times; and the
word ``cost'' appears 14 times, the vast majority in the definitions
and not the operative clauses of the bill.
I ask you to consider whether H.R. 5 is really about skyrocketing
medical malpractice insurance premiums as its proponents claim. I have
looked very carefully at this bill, and, after much reflection, have
reached the only reasonable conclusion: It is not.
I stand here today because someone needs to stand up for American
physicians. Someone
[[Page 18324]]
needs to stand up for the American health care system.
The proponents of H.R. 5 tell us medical malpractice insurance
premiums are skyrocketing out of control. There is no dispute that
malpractice insurance premiums are increasing at an alarming rate. We
agree on that.
There is no question that medical malpractice premiums are escalating
across the country, particularly for physicians in high-risk
specialties and certain geographic centers. In some cases, premiums
have increased so dramatically that physicians have relocated their
practices, reduced their services, or retired early. While there is
little doubt that something must be done to alleviate this crisis, H.R.
5 is no solution.
Our friends on the other side of the aisle believe that if you limit
the amount that insurance carriers have to pay for legitimate claims,
then insurance rates will fall.
But I ask you to consider the fact that the American Insurance
Association--the American Insurance Association--has repeatedly and
specifically denied that tort reform will result in premium savings.
Sherman Joyce, the president of the American Tort Reform Association,
has stated, ``We wouldn't tell you or anyone that the reason to pass
tort reform would be to reduce insurance rates.''
So, by the insurance industry's own admission, H.R. 5 will not stem
the tide of rising medical malpractice insurance rates. Nevertheless,
our friends on the other side would have us believe that limiting the
exposure of insurance carriers is a panacea. It is not.
H.R. 5 is a hoax. It is a sham, and our friends on the other side
know it. It is a fraud on the American medical establishment by
insurance carriers who want to limit their exposure but will not commit
to reducing premiums.
Please read the bill. H.R. 5 has absolutely no provision requiring
the reduction of medical malpractice premiums, despite the fact that
our friends believe that it is these high premiums that are crippling
the health care system. Nevertheless, there is not a single word in
this bill that directly calls for reductions in premiums: zero, zilch,
nada, nothing, and they know it. It is a scam. H.R. 5 is absolutely
nothing more than a boon, a windfall for the insurance industry.
Our friends on the other side tell us that damage caps will solve the
premium crisis. Mr. Speaker, I ask that you consider the fact that in
States that have enacted caps, the medical malpractice insurance
premiums are higher than in States that have no caps. The carriers do
not want us to know that.
In fact, in California--the State the other side holds up as a
shining example of the benefits of legislation like H.R. 5--the average
premium is $27,570, fully 8 percent higher than the average of all
States that have no caps on noneconomic damages.
Recently, the American Medical Association issued a list of States
that it concluded were in crisis due to exploding medical malpractice
insurance rates. Five of those States have caps on noneconomic damages
like the one proposed in H.R. 5. Yet, Mr. Speaker, they are still in
crisis.
One of those States is Florida, where, despite having caps of just
the kind proposed by H.R. 5, obstetricians and gynecologists pay the
highest premiums in the Nation for medical malpractice insurance, some
in excess of $200,000 per year. Florida has caps, and Florida has a
crisis. So, Mr. Speaker, damage caps alone are not the solution to the
problem.
If you look further at the California example, it becomes clear that
damage caps alone are not an effective premium-reduction measure. In
the 12 years after California passed MICRA, medical malpractice
premiums rose 190 percent. Only after California passed Proposition
103--actual insurance reform--did medical malpractice premiums
stabilize. Since California passed insurance reform--not medical
malpractice reform--its medical malpractice premiums have been more
stable than in most States.
Mr. Speaker, the lesson to be learned from California is that
measures like H.R. 5 do not reduce medical malpractice insurance
premiums. The facts simply do not bear it out.
Nevertheless, Mr. Speaker, our friends on the other side insist that
one-size-fits-all approach of H.R. 5 is the last and best cure for the
crisis of escalating malpractice insurance rates.
Some of our colleagues are, like me, very deeply concerned about
rising malpractice insurance rates. Some of our colleagues have
expressed an inclination to vote for this bill in order to get the ball
rolling, in order to take a first step toward solving the premium
crisis. But I want to be very clear: If H.R. 5 is our first step, as
the saying goes, it's a doozy. It is a step on the backs of doctors,
hospitals and patients to help out greedy insurance carriers. It is
certainly a step in the wrong direction. H.R. 5--as the best evidence
proves--is an ill-conceived, ill-advised bill that will not--let me
repeat--will not solve the problem. This bill helps insurance
companies--period.
Recent articles in newspapers across the country show in clear and
compelling ways that this crisis is as complex as it is serious.
``Malpractice litigation is only part of the cause of the huge
increases in insurance premiums. The insurance industry's pricing and
accounting practices . . . play [at least] as big a role.''
The insurance company patrons of our friends on the other side want
to hide behind what they consider out-of-control jury awards. Again,
Mr. Speaker, the facts simply do not support this claim.
Over the past few years, many physicians have been hit with medical
liability premium increases of 25 to 400 percent. Yet, according to The
Journal of Health Affairs, during the past decade, malpractice payouts
have grown approximately 6.2 percent per year. That's almost exactly
the rate of medical inflation: an average of 6.7 percent between 1990
and 2004.
Moreover, contrary to the claims of proponents of H.R. 5, juries are
not overly sympathetic to plaintiffs, as evidenced by the rate at which
physicians prevail in medical malpractice suits. Dr. Barry Manuel,
chairman and CEO of ProMutual Group, one of the Nation's leading
malpractice insurance carriers, reported in 2001 that ``we continue to
close 60 percent of all claims without payment, and of those cases we
are forced to defend in court, we prevail in 90 percent.'' In addition,
many of the leading scholars studying the problem have concluded that
despite conventional wisdom, juries in fact often favor physicians.
Neil Vidmar, a professor at Duke University School of Law and a
leading scholar in the field, states unequivocally that ``the assertion
that jurors decide cases out of sympathy for injured plaintiffs rather
than the legal merits of the case . . . have been made about
malpractice juries in the United States since at least the nineteenth
century. Yet, research shows no support for these claims.''
So, Mr. Speaker, one begins to wonder what has caused such
extraordinary increases on medical malpractice insurance premiums
during the past few years.
Well, investment losses, like those of average Americans, and a weak
economy have made a greater dent in the bottom lines of insurance
companies than malpractice payouts.
The difference between insurance companies and average Americans is
that most of us can't give ourselves a raise to cover our losses. A
medical malpractice insurance company can--and does. It alone controls
the premium rates it charges our country's doctors. I think you can
guess what malpractice carriers have done in response to the general
economic climate in the past few years.
The truth is that medical malpractice insurance carriers are asking
doctors, hospitals and patients to pay for underperforming investments.
It is as simple as that. They know it. We have asked the insurance
carriers to commit to reducing premiums in this bill. They will not do
it. They will not even talk about it. That is because they have
absolutely no intention of reducing medical malpractice insurance
premiums.
The bottom line is that H.R. 5 is a jackpot for insurance carriers,
and it is the doctors, hospitals and patients that are going to pay for
it.
Mr. Speaker, I want to talk for just a minute about the cap on
noneconomic damages. If H.R. 5 becomes law, we will be speaking with a
loud and clear voice that the injuries victims of medical malpractice
suffer are valued in direct relation to how much money those victims
have. The unfortunate consequence of this legislation is that--
regardless of the severity of your injury, regardless of how long you
suffer, regardless of its effect on even the most basic functions of
your life, the things we take for granted every day, regardless of
whether you can ever play with your children again, regardless of
whether you can ever hug your grandchildren again, regardless even
whether you or your child or your wife or mother die due to medical
malpractice--no one's injury is ever worth more than $250,000.
Our friends on the other side of the aisle like to equate
``noneconomic damages'' with ``pain and suffering.'' But ``pain and
suffering'' is a misleading label. What is capped is recovery for
disability and disfigurement, among other things, not just ``pain and
suffering.'' H.R. 5 lumps together everything that is not ``economic''
and calls it ``noneconomic''--subject to a $250,000 cap that the bill
does not even adjust for inflation.
Our friends on the other side of the aisle go to great lengths to
emphasize that H.R. 5 in no way limits economic damages as long as they
are objectively quantifiable monetary damages. In other words, if a
surgeon loses
[[Page 18325]]
his hand and is unable to perform surgery again, the injury he will
suffer is greater than that suffered by a carpenter who loses his hand
due to medical malpractice and is never again able to do his job. Why?
Well, under H.R. 5 the answer is simple: The surgeon makes more money,
so his economic damages are greater. Not to worry, they tell us, both
of them can get up to $250,000 in addition to soothe their wounds.
The same is true in the case of an injury suffered by a working
mother when compared to a mother working inside the home. Do our
friends on the other side of the aisle believe that those women's
husbands or children will understand the difference?
At many jobs, the loss of a leg, for example, may not prevent a
worker from earning a living. But it will make it difficult to enjoy
``noneconomic'' pursuits like playing soccer with your kids, or
basketball and volleyball with friends, or a multitude of other things
that make life enjoyable.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 5 instructs that the value of life is capped at
economic losses plus $250,000. That seems inconsistent with the
administration's recent characterization of the value of life as
``immeasurable.'' Remarkably, our friends on the other side of the
aisle have taken out their calculators, and they have measured the
immeasurable. Perhaps they should call the White House, and let them
know.
While the proponents of H.R. 5 appear already to have figured it all
out, I want to ask them: How much is hugging your grandchildren worth?
How much is kissing your husband or wife worth? How much is the ability
to walk or to drive or to play a round of golf worth? How much is your
ability to feed, bathe and clothe yourself worth? How much is seeing
your children grow up worth? How much is your life worth?
I honestly don't know, and I don't think we should be answering those
questions for every American either.
Whether it's losing a limb, or an eye, or just the freedom to be able
to go where you want and do what you want, how many of us would trade a
lifetime of disability or disfigurement, not to mention pain, for
$250,000?
The very real consequence of this legislation is that it punishes the
most economically vulnerable members of our society to the benefit of
greedy insurance companies. It discriminates against children, against
women, against older Americans, against ethnic minorities, against the
poor. And for what, Mr. Speaker? History shows us the only winners
emerging from H.R. 5 are the medical malpractice insurance carriers--
not the doctors, hospitals and patients our friends on the other side
of the aisle purportedly seek to help.
I urge you to vote against this ill-conceived and mean-spirited
legislation.
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H.R. 5,
the so-called HEALTH Act. The civil justice system is about giving
injured consumers their day in court, allowing them the opportunity to
hold wrongdoers accountable, recover damages and change dangerous
behaviors. H.R. 5 is a frontal assault on those consumer rights.
H.R. 5 is a dangerous, anti-consumer bill that would impose an
arbitrary ceiling $250,000--on the amount a patient injured by medical
malpractice, HMO denials, nursing home abuse or defective drugs or
medical devices could receive for noneconomic damages, no matter how
devastating the injury. In many cases, the victim may have few out-of
pocket losses, but suffer great harm. For example, an l8-year old woman
who loses her ability to have a child for the rest of her life may
suffer no monetary loss. Under H.R. 5, the most she could recover in a
medical malpractice lawsuit would be $250,000.
Politicians should not impose arbitrary caps on non-economic damages.
We are no substitute for a jury of one's peers, which has the ability
to look at the facts and weigh the evidence in individual cases. There
are some who say that it is appropriate to limit non-economic damages
since economic damages are not capped. But non-economic damages are not
``extras,'' they are not inconsequential. Unbearable and long-term
pain, loss of sight and mobility, the inability to bear children, the
loss of an infant or a grandparent--these may not be as easily
quantifiable as lost wages but the losses are just as real. And, for
many consumers who have been injured or lost a loved one, noneconomic
damages might be the only damages available.
The National Citizens' Coalition for Nursing Home Reform has provided
actual histories of nursing home residents harmed by medical
negligence. Frances G's physician described her as ``the victim of
gross nursing home neglect. Her pressure sores and dehydration were
inexcusable.'' Her nursing home was consistently understaffed, her
physician's orders were repeatedly ignored, and she endured
excruciating and continual pain from pressure sores but was given no
pain medication. Gertrude H., according to charge nurses, was grossly
neglected and suffered life-threatening pressure sores. Her physician
stated that, ``I have no doubt that Gertrude experienced severe and
unrelenting pain from June 27, 2000 to February 6, 2001, from the deep,
eroding pressure sores.'' Because both Frances and Gertrude were senior
citizens, any compensation would come in the form of non-economic
damages. Do my colleagues really believe that $250,000 is
``reasonable'' compensation for Frances and Gertrude and their
families?
Children are also adversely affected by caps on non-economic damages.
Shannon Hughes had a long and difficult labor. The doctor was called
repeatedly and finally showed up at her 35th hour of labor. At 37
hours, the doctor performed an emergency C-section. The umbilical cord
was twice wrapped around the child's neck. Tyler suffered cardiac
arrest for 18 minutes. As a result, Tyler, who is now 7 years old, is
severely brain-damaged and bedridden. He must be turned every two
hours, is fed through a tube, suffers seizures daily and is non-
communicative. Shannon says, ``My son has no future but pain and
suffering. No politician in Washington has the right to decide what is
proper compensation for him.'' Like many parents, Shannon may need to
use whatever noneconomic damages she received in order to pay for
Tyler's care once her economic compensation runs out. In many
instances, because of rising medical costs and new technologies, the
damages awarded for medical care run out while the medical bills keep
coming.
Tyler survived, but many babies do not. Where medical malpractice
results in the death of a child during labor, a mother most often will
not have any physical injury but only emotional distress of losing her
child. In this case, under the proposal by H.R. 5, no amount of
economic damages will be awarded, and the non-economic damages would be
capped at $250,000.
Non-economic damage caps have a disproportionate effect on women who
work inside the home, children, senior citizens, children and low wage-
earners who are more likely to receive a greater percentage of their
compensation in the form of non-economic damages if they are injured.
But caps on damages are not the only anti-consumer provisions in this
legislation.
In addition to the arbitrary ceiling on non-economic damages, H.R. 5
lets wrongdoers--those found guilty of medical malpractice--decide
whether to pay damages on a periodic basis, even if the injured
consumer wants and needs damages paid upfront.
H.R. 5 eliminates joint and several liability. This means that a
consumer injured by more than one wrongdoer will not be fully
compensated if one of those wrongdoers declares bankruptcy or cannot
pay their share.
H.R. 5 eliminates the collateral source rule, which could mean that
an injured consumer's health insurer--not the wrongdoer--pays the
medical bill.
H.R. 5 also places limits on punitive damages, gives special
protections for drug companies and medical device manufacturers, caps
attorneys' fees for plaintiffs but not defendants, and shortens the
statute of limitations. Finally, it includes a state preemption
provision that leaves in place state laws more favorable to medical
providers and organizations while overturning state laws more favorable
to injured consumers.
While it is clear what H.R. 5 would do in terms of eliminating
consumers' rights, it is equally clear what it won't do. No insurance
company executive has yet to come forward to say that passage of H.R. 5
would reduce medical malpractice premiums. In fact, according to
American Insurance Association spokesman Dennis Kelly, quoted in the
January 3, 2005 Chicago Tribune, ``We have not promised price
reductions with tort reform.'' The General Counsel for the American
Tort Reform Association admitted that ``There is no question that it is
very rare that frivolous suits are brought against doctors. They are
too expensive to bring.'' (Los Angeles Times, 10/22/04).
At the same time, multiple studies have indicated that medical
malpractice premiums are not connected to jury award or settlement
levels. A recent analysis of the top 15 medical malpractice insurers
found no rise in payouts from 2000 to 2004, at the same time that
premiums doubled. Some companies significantly increased premiums while
their claims actually decreased. A study by the Economic Policy
Institute found that the number of tort cases fell 4 percent from 1993
to 2002 and that the real causes of higher premiums were economic
factors and insurers' investment decisions.
H.R. 5 takes away consumers' rights and particularly hurts women,
children and seniors,
[[Page 18326]]
while doing nothing to help doctors with high malpractice insurance
premiums. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.R. 5.
Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my
opposition to H.R. 5, the HEALTH Act of 2005. I rise to oppose this
legislation, not because I do not recognize the crisis that is brewing
in the area of medical malpractice insurance, but because this
legislation tries to remedy this crisis with the wrong prescription.
Many of my distinguished colleagues on both sides of the aisle have
expressed their concern regarding the access to healthcare that their
constituents face. We all recognize this is a major problem in our
country. In addition, physicians are constantly under increased
pressure throughout the nation to deal with the increased burden that
high malpractice premiums pose to their livelihood. In my home state of
Illinois, only two neurosurgeons can be found south of Springfield
because malpractice insurance rates are so out-of-control. Due to this
shortage of neurosurgeons, patients with serious brain injuries are
airlifted to St. Louis, many times costing them valuable minutes that
can mean the difference between life and death. To remedy this
situation as well as the overall problem of liability premium
increases, my state imposed caps on non-economic damages to offer a
quick fix to keep fleeing doctors. Currently, there are some 21 other
states with similar caps.
While caps give the appearance of remedying this crisis in some
states, they do nothing to stem the tide of ``frivolous lawsuits.''
Frivolous lawsuits by definition are lawsuits without merit. According
to the Physicians Insurers Association of America, the trade group
representing physician-owned insurance companies, 70% of malpractice
lawsuits are dismissed and only 0.8% of cases actually go through a
trial and reach a verdict in favor of the plaintiff.
Advocates of caps argue that this 0.8% is what drives up the cost of
malpractice insurance. They argue that out-of-control jury awards drive
up malpractice premiums. Are we to assume that this 0.8% of cases which
go through fair trial, find in favor of the plaintiff, are in fact
``frivolous''? I would argue that the 70% of cases which are dismissed
are the ``frivolous cases,'' and this 0.8% represents many egregious
cases of malpractice.
Without addressing this problem, this bill does nothing to stop
``frivolous lawsuits,'' it only limits the claims of a person who
suffers a terrible and often extreme example of malpractice. Minor
injuries or pain and suffering do not receive massive awards. I ask my
colleagues, if you or one of your family members suffered a
tremendously egregious example of malpractice, would you want to be
limited in what you or your family member could be compensated? I am
sure your response, much as mine is that you would not.
My colleagues, we can debate over and over again on legislation such
as this, but all the debate in the world will not lead to solving this
problem when we are headed in a direction such as this. As many of my
colleagues have pointed out, a recent study of the 15 largest
malpractice insurers in the country found that insurers substantially
increased their net premiums by an average of 120% while both their
payments and projected future claims payments were flat or decreasing
over the past few years. This directly contradicts the insurance
industry's claims that premiums are increasing due to increased jury
awards. Many of these same insurers even admit that capping malpractice
awards will not reverse the trend of rising premiums. The malpractice
insurance industry is unjustifiably raising their premiums, gouging
doctors, and pushing for legislation that only does one thing: pits
doctors against their patients.
If Congress is really serious about fixing this problem it will
develop a system which benefits patients most while sidelining the
interests of big business. Physicians are in the business of caring for
patients, and I appreciate the burden they face with increased
malpractice premiums. I am fully aware that this burden affects their
ability to practice the profession they love. I only hope that in this
struggle to find a remedy to this problem, the few patients who are
harmed as a result of malpractice will not be further harmed by a limit
on a just compensation.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R.
5, the Help Efficient, Accessible, Low Cost, Timely Health Care
(HEALTH) Act. It is irresponsible to limit patients' access to the
civil justice system, particularly without any guaranteed decrease in
the cost of malpractice insurance coverage. This measure contains no
provision requiring insurers to lower their rates once these so-called
reforms are in place. As a result, it would leave countless patients
deprived of relief while failing completely to help our struggling
health providers.
Like many of my colleagues, I am deeply troubled by the rising cost
of malpractice insurance. Doctors across the country are being
adversely affected by an increase in medical liability insurance
premiums. These increases are making it more costly for physicians to
practice, and rising insurance rates could eventually mean that
patients no longer will have easy access to medical care. Doctors
completing residencies in expensive areas are seeking better rates
elsewhere, and physicians already in the market are leaving. I
recognize that this is becoming a national crisis.
There is wide agreement that something must be done to ensure
reasonable rates and protect access to health care. Unfortunately, the
leadership has presented us with a partisan bill, identical to that
which we voted on in two previous Congressional sessions. Nothing in
this legislation would decrease premium costs or increase the
availability of medical malpractice insurance. Instead, it would make
detrimental changes to the health care liability system that would
extend beyond malpractice and compromise the ability of patients and
other health care consumers to hold pharmaceutical companies, HMO's and
health care and medical products providers accountable.
Once again, we are presented with a bill that the leadership claims
will lower costs of medical liability insurance for doctors, but fails
to address the rate-setting process followed by the insurance industry.
Insurance companies benefit from a federal exemption to antitrust laws,
which allows them to collectively raise premiums without fear of
prosecution. A recent study of the annual statements of the 15 largest
medical malpractice insurers found that insurers substantially
increased their premiums while both their claims payments and projected
future claims payments were decreasing. Other studies suggest that rate
changes in premiums are closely tied to the fluctuations of the stock
market--not the increases in claims from frivolous lawsuits.
Perhaps most troubling to me is that nothing in this bill stipulates
that savings earned as a result of the ``reforms'' must be passed along
to doctors, through a lowering of their own insurance costs. In light
of the lack of transparency requirements of the insurance industry,
there is no mechanism to hold them accountable to actually lower costs.
I believe this must be the crux of any meaningful reform measure.
I recognize that the rapid increase in insurance premiums is having
real effects on the health care industry. Not only does it drive up the
cost of health care for consumers and doctors--it is having an impact
on the medical professional workforce. Residents are being encouraged
to enter lower-risk fields of practice and doctors are making decisions
about their careers based the costs of insurance.
The Democratic motion to recommit proposes to address these issues by
allowing patients to seek redress and providing assistance to
physicians and hospitals in need. Specifically, this alternative would
end frivolous lawsuits by requiring affidavits to be filed by qualified
specialists certifying that the case is meritorious. It would also
establish an independent advisory commission to explore the impact of
malpractice insurance rates, particularly in areas where health care
providers are lacking. These are the steps that we must take in order
to adequately address this problem.
In addition to meaningful systemic reform, any responsible approach
to the issues of medical malpractice insurance costs should include
efforts to reduce medical errors in the first place. Reports show that
there preventable medical errors that kill nearly 100,000 hospital
patients a year. The utilization of electronic health records at our
hospitals can go a long way in this effort. The Veteran's
Administration (VA), which relies heavily on information technology,
has been the first large health system in the nation to replace paper
charts with this fully electronic record. Electronic medical records
and the efficient use of technology can be a significant agent for
change in health care quality across all settings, reducing not only
inefficiencies, but the number of medical errors as well.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose the underlying bill,
support the Democratic alternative and commit to working together on
reform measures that will result in significant change, benefiting
doctors and consumers alike.
Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge my colleagues to
support H.R. 5, the HEALTH Act.
This country's health care system and its providers are currently
faced with a crisis in regard to medical liability coverage.
Skyrocketing malpractice insurance premiums have taken an enormous toll
on the physicians and hospitals in my district in Western and
[[Page 18327]]
Central Pennsylvania. I have encountered many situations all over the
communities that make up the 9th district where doctors have moved to
lower-liability states, have reduced the scope of their practices, or
have chosen to retire in the face of this growing malpractice crisis.
This must not be allowed to continue.
I strongly disagree with those that would say there is no problem.
Currently, only 4 percent of physicians practicing in Pennsylvania are
under the age of 35 and students graduating from our medical schools
are choosing not to stay and practice in State. As our older doctors
retire or limit their practices there is no one to continue their
important work. This real and increasing threat to patients' access to
quality care cannot be ignored. The medical liability system in this
country is in desperate need of reform.
We must act now to reverse a dangerous litigious trend that is
eliminating doctors faster than we can replace them. I urge my
colleagues to support and vote in favor of H.R. 5.
Mr. SALAZAR. Mr. Speaker, today, the House of Representatives will
debate and vote on a proposal that supporters claim will solve the
problem of increasingly unaffordable medical malpractice insurance
premiums for our Nation's doctors. They argue that outrageous jury
awards are to blame for rising healthcare costs.
I am afraid this bill is not the end-all, save-all solution to our
health care crisis; and, in fact, I fear it will do nothing to relieve
the burden our doctors face. If we are serious about lowering the cost
of medical malpractice insurance why aren't we addressing the issue of
insurance reform or ways in which we can weed out bad doctors, or for
that matter, trial lawyers who abuse the court system?
This bill does little more than set a 1970's era cap on jury awards
for medical malpractice cases, an action which will only hurt those who
are already suffering--the patients and their loved ones.
An analysis of State by State medical malpractice insurance premiums,
obtained from the Medical Liability Monitor, compared with caps on
damages reveals no conclusive evidence these caps work. In fact,
according to one survey, insurance premiums in states with caps were on
average $4170 higher than those in States without caps.
This bill goes much further than simply addressing the medical
malpractice insurance dilemma; it even sets caps on damages for nursing
home neglect, unsafe prescription drugs, and a variety of other health-
related industries. In 2004, Congress and others raised questions about
the safety and effectiveness of several FDA-approved biomedical
products on the market, including certain antidepres-
sants, Merck's pain relief drug, Vioxx, Boston Scientific's cardiac
stents, and other drugs and medical devices. Evidence has suggested
that there were problems with these items during clinical trials.
Does this Congress really want to protect companies who knowingly put
dangerous products on the market? I know I don't.
H.R. 5 does not go nearly far enough to address the climbing medical
malpractice insurance rates or the healthcare crisis our constituents
are trying to negotiate. I again pose the questions, why doesn't this
bill address the insurance industry; why aren't we trying to weed out
bad doctors; or punish trial lawyers who abuse the system?
We need something more than caps on jury awards to lower the cost of
health care in this country.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this bill. I support
reform of our nation's medical liability system. I also believe that
doctors and medical institutions who are experiencing unsustainable
increases in their malpractice premiums deserve relief. Before coming
to Congress, as Speaker of the Maryland House of Delegates, I worked to
craft legislation that brought significant changes at the state level,
including reasonable caps on non-economic damages. It worked well to
hold down the cost of premiums and make our State's malpractice system
a much fairer one.
The problems in our Nation's medical liability system require a
multi-faceted approach that includes addressing the causes of premium
increases, reducing the number of frivolous lawsuits, and limiting the
number of medical errors. I support enacting fair reforms that will
continue to permit injured patients to hold wrongdoers accountable, and
I am willing to support legislation that provides for reasonable caps
on non-economic and punitive damages.
In recent years, I have seen so-called malpractice ``reform'' bills
come to the floor of this House. Those bills provided an inequitable
approach--limiting patients' access to the courts and imposing strict
limits on compensation for their injuries, no matter how serious the
injury or how egregious the malpractice, while doing nothing to lower
malpractice premiums. Fortunately, they were not enacted into law.
I had hoped that this year's legislation would be the product of
careful deliberation at the committee level. I had hoped that the
authors would take into consideration the rights of patients and
balance them carefully with the need to alleviate the burden of
escalating malpractice insurance costs. Unfortunately, once again this
year, the bill before us does neither. In fact, the leadership has
simply rolled out a bill that is nearly identical to the one we
considered in the last Congress. There were no hearings, no markups,
and today, there are no opportunities to amend the bill. The same bill,
the same bill number, the same disregard for the rights of patients,
the same ineffectual approach to helping physicians.
Mr. Speaker, I want to call attention to a few aspects of this bill.
First, this bill contains an arbitrary cap of $250,000 on non-economic
damages. Non-economic awards compensate patients and their families for
real injuries, and sharply capping them will disproportionately hurt
families, children, seniors, and others who have lower or fixed
incomes.
Second, H.R. 5 provides a shield against punitive damages for
manufacturers of prescription drugs and medical devices as long as they
have been approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. At one
time, the FDA shield might have been less controversial. After all, the
FDA has long been considered the gold standard for prescription drug
quality and safety, and for years its seal of approval was viewed by
the American public as a guarantee that drugs were safe. But in light
of developments related to several other pharmaceuticals approved by
the FDA, this provision is truly baffling. Cases involving life-
threatening complications from these drugs have raised fundamental
questions about the safety determinations made by the FDA.
In 2004, the Energy and Commerce Committee held hearings to examine
safety Issues surrounding the prescribing of antidepressants to
children. At that time, several members of the Committee criticized the
FDA for failing to take prompt action to address these concerns. Last
September, Vioxx was withdrawn from the market after a study showed it
doubled the risk of heart attacks and strokes in patients taking the
drug for more than 18 months. Since then, it has been reported that
more than 130,000 persons have suffered heart attacks as a result of
taking Vioxx. Richard Matthews of Thurmont, Maryland, was one of the
first reported fatalities from Vioxx. According to an Associated Press
account, Richard's wife, Lisa, said her husband had no previous heart
problems and died in 2002 at age 42 of a heart arrhythmia only a few
days after he began taking Vioxx. Several Congressional committees have
responded to these events by initiating investigations of drug safety
issues, including the FDA's procedures for evaluating the safety of
prescription drugs.
Given the questions that have arisen about FDA's effectiveness, it is
truly astonishing that the leadership is here promoting a bill that
prohibits the awarding of any punitive damages and limits non-economic
damages for drugs and devices approved by the FDA. This bill, H.R. 5,
was referred to the Energy and Commerce Committee, the same committee
that acknowledged problems at the FDA. Did the committee's members try
to amend this bill to strike or tone down the FDA provision? There was
no opportunity. H.R. 5 was introduced one week ago, July 21, referred
to the Judiciary and Energy and Commerce Committees, which did not hold
a hearing or mark-up, and then brought to the floor today. The FDA
shield is an irresponsible provision that should have been stricken
from this bill. We have no opportunity to strike it today, because an
amendment that would have done so was not made in order by the Rules
Committee. It may endanger the health and lives of thousands of
Americans. It will certainly deny them the opportunity to receive fair
compensation when they are injured.
Third, I firmly believe that we must reduce medical errors in our
health care system if we are to reduce the number of malpractice cases.
It has been nearly six years since the 1999 report of the Institute of
Medicine, IOM, entitled ``To Err Is Human: Building A Safer Health
System.'' That report focused a great deal of attention on the issue of
medical errors and patient safety. IOM estimated that between 44,000
and 98,000 people die in hospitals each year as the result of medical
errors.
Even using the lower estimate, this would make medical errors the
eighth leading cause of death in this country, higher than motor
vehicle accidents, breast cancer, or AIDS. This House has just passed
S. 544, legislation intended to reduce medical errors and improve
patient safety. But its passage by a nearly unanimous vote of 428 to 3
is a clear indication that Congress knows there are valid
[[Page 18328]]
cases whose victims deserve their day in court. The patient safety bill
has not yet been signed into law. I hope it will be law soon, and that
it will help improve patient safety. But each case is an individual
case, and those who are harmed by medical errors deserve just
compensation for their injuries.
Finally, I must question why the authors of this bill are not
addressing malpractice insurance premium increases in this bill. The
provisions of H.R. 5 would not reduce the rates that insurance
companies charge providers. We have an alternative that would directly
address the problems of frivolous lawsuits and insurance industry
abuses. But once again this year, the base bill, H.R. 5, contains no
provisions that will lower malpractice premiums.
Mr. Speaker, I must tell you, malpractice premium costs are the
reason that providers ask me to support medical malpractice reform.
These are practitioners who truly love their professions, and they are
troubled by dramatic increases in their malpractice rates, increases
that they must pay whether or not there have been any malpractice
claims filed against them in the past year. They say that they want to
continue practicing medicine next year, but they may not be able to
afford to. When I ask if they would like to see provisions in the bill
that limit their premium increases, they emphatically reply yes. So it
is puzzling that this bill, which the authors say was written to help
physicians stay in business, fails to address their central concern by
even monitoring insurance companies' rate hikes. In fact, there are no
provisions anywhere in the bill that affect malpractice insurers.
In sum, H.R. 5 represents a missed opportunity for this House. We
could have produced a bill that would truly make a difference, in
lowering malpractice premiums, in placing reasonable caps on non-
economic damages. I am disappointed that we don't have a better bill, a
more responsible bill that we can vote on today. I urge my colleagues
to reject this approach, which will do nothing to improve access to
care, nothing to hold insurance companies accountable for premium
increases, and nothing to make our nation's medical liability system
more fair.
Ms. McCOLLUM of Minnesota. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R.
5, the Republican Medical Malpractice legislation. This flawed bill
provides sweeping liability protections to pharmaceutical and insurance
companies, provides inadequate protections for doctors, and will do
nothing to lower health care costs.
Doctors are rightly frustrated over the significant increases in
medical liability insurance premiums and I am truly concerned that
additional costs make it more difficult for physicians to stay in
practice. However, I do not believe that this legislation addresses the
real problem, which lies with the insurance companies.
Republicans have for years claimed that the rising costs of
malpractice insurance are due to a dramatic increase in malpractice
lawsuits. However, a recent study of the 15 largest insurance companies
shows that over the past 5 years, premiums have doubled while claims
payments have been reduced or remained static. This study proves that
insurance companies are simply increasing their profits on the backs of
our physicians.
Another totally outrageous provision of this bill is the sweeping
liability protection for pharmaceutical companies. This bill states
that if a product has gone through the Food and Drug Administration
approval process, no punitive damages can be awarded against the
manufacture of the device or drug later. If this were to become law,
the manufacturers of Vioxx would be protected from lawsuits from the
families of those harmed or killed by this faulty medication. It is
unacceptable to put into law that pharmaceutical and insurance
companies are without accountability when their products or decisions
knowingly cause harm.
This Republican bill will hurt patients who are harmed by medical
malpractice by arbitrarily capping damages and denying justice to
injured patients and their families. This is not only unfair, it is
unnecessary. New information shows that there is no link between the
existence of malpractice caps and insurance premiums.
Finally, because medical malpractice accounts for less than one
percent of national health care costs, this legislation will do nothing
to reduce health care premiums. Families across America are struggling
to afford quality health care and the numbers of uninsured are on the
rise. We need to address the real issues involved in the dramatic
increase in health care costs, such as the cost of prescription drugs,
provider shortages, uninsur-
ance, and the cost of new technologies.
This Congress must become serious about increasing access to quality
health care. We need to put families, not pharmaceutical companies,
first. I support the Democratic substitute which would have weeded out
frivolous lawsuits but allowed justice for injured patients. Democrats
were ready to take steps to really reduce insurance premiums by
requiring insurance companies to give half of their savings to
reductions in medical malpractice rates for doctors. Finally, this
substitute would create a commission to evaluate the real causes of
increases in premiums as well as insurance reform proposals. We all
recognize that this is an important issue. This substitute will give us
an opportunity to work together, with accurate information, to make
real progress for patients and providers.
Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition
to H.R. 5, Help Efficient, Accessible, Low-Cost, Timely Health-
care (HEALTH) Act. This bill would hurt patients who are harmed by
medical malpractice by arbitrarily capping damages, denying justice to
injured patients and their families.
This bill makes a number of changes to current law affecting medical
malpractice lawsuits filed in Federal and State court, including
limiting the amount of non-economic and punitive damages that could be
awarded to a plaintiff, and restricting the contingency fees that can
be charged by attorneys. The bill also pre-empts State laws that
conflict with the enforcement of any of its provisions. The measure
does not, however, pre-empt any State statutory limits on the amount of
compensatory, punitive or total damages awarded in health care
lawsuits. The provisions of the measure dealing with caps on awards
would apply only to those States that have no statutory limits on
damage awards in health care lawsuits.
The bill seriously restricts the rights of injured patients to be
compensated for their injuries, while rewarding insurance companies for
bad investment decisions and doctors for practicing bad medicine. In
the 13th District of Michigan and in many districts across the country,
physicians have either retired prematurely or relocated their
practices. The supporters of this bill claim their proposal would
reduce insurance costs for doctors. This bill does not lower premiums
for doctors, contains no insurance reforms, and would not address the
rising cost of health care.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support the Democratic
substitute, which would directly address rising premiums by reforming
malpractice insurance and stopping frivolous lawsuits. The Democratic
substitute does not restrict the rights of injured patients who file
meritorious claims. It requires certification, with civil penalties,
that a pleading is not frivolous, factually inaccurate or designed to
harass. It includes a 3-year statute of limitation; establishes an
alternative dispute resolution process; limits suits for punitive
damages; and applies 50 percent of awards from any punitive damages to
a patient safety fund at HHS. Finally, it requires insurance companies
to develop a plan to give 50 percent of their savings to reductions in
medical malpractice rates for doctors.
It is unfortunate the Democratic Substitute was not adopted. H.R. 5
in its present form does not address rising premiums and denies justice
to injured patients and their families.
Vote against H.R. 5.
Ms. CORRINE BROWN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, we need a fix for our
healthcare system, but H.R. 5 is not it. Limiting patient's legal
redress and compensation is not it. The punishment should fit the crime
and if a doctor or drug company does harm knowingly or negligently to a
patient they should be compensated to make them whole. That is the
standard and it should be decided on a case by case basis according to
the facts of each case. It makes me very uncomfortable to place a cap
and effectively a dollar amount on what an impact an injury has on an
individual's life.
The main group that benefits are big drug companies who will be able
to evade their responsibilities injured parties.
The bill will seriously restrict the rights of injured patients to be
compensated for their injuries, while rewarding insurance companies for
bad investment decisions and doctors for practicing bad medicine. It
will do almost nothing to make insurance more affordable or available
for doctors. That is the bottom line. In a State like Florida where
topic of healthcare is on the tip of every tongue it is important that
we take the right steps to solve our mounting healthcare costs.
I am sensitive to the physicians and medical students who plead with
me to make it affordable to practice. I know that physicians are now
being forced to make specialty choices based on how much malpractice
insurance costs, but let's be honest to our colleagues if not these
poor students, the Republican leadership has trotted this bill out for
purely political purposes--no hearings were held on the measure, nor
did either committee with jurisdiction mark up the bill. This bill was
only introduced last week.
[[Page 18329]]
If H.R. 5 becomes law, this bill would have serious consequences for
sick and injured patients. The measure's $250,000 cap on non-economic
damages will hurt those at the bottom of the income scale the most.
While corporate chief executive officers would receive economic damage
awards that could easily reach into the millions of dollars, minimum-
wage workers and stay-at-home moms would receive a pittance. The cap on
punitive damages is similarly unjust. It imposes an impossibly high
standard of proof, completely eviscerates the deterrent that effect
punitive damages have on egregious misconduct of defendants, and would
not affect how large drug companies test and market their products.
When investment income decreased because of stock market declines,
insurance companies hiked premiums, reduced coverage and then blamed
the legal system for a ``liability insurance crisis.'' This bill also
contorts the American legal system, first by taking the issue of tort
litigation out of the hands of the states, where it has traditionally
resided, and by severely limiting juries' abilities to adequately
compensate victims of malpractice. We place our trust in juries every
day to judge the facts and to decide what constitutes justice. If we
can trust juries to make life and death decisions on death-penalty
cases, we can surely trust them to decide the appropriate level of
compensation for those injured by medical malpractice.
Our current tort system is the great equalizer in the civil justice
system--it allows ordinary citizens to take on billion-dollar companies
and millionaire doctors defended by $500-an-hour lawyers so they can
get the compensation they deserve. The contingency fee system also
deters frivolous lawsuits--no lawyer would agree to take on a case he
believed would result in no award for his client and no payment for
himself.
Tort reformers often ridicule million-dollar jury awards, saying that
the plaintiffs must feel like they have won the lottery. Tell that to
the parents of the 17-year-old transplant patient who died after being
given organs with the wrong blood type, or the Wisconsin woman who had
a double mastectomy, only to discover after the operation that the lab
had made a mistake and she did not have breast cancer after all. It is
doubtful that any family that loses a loved one or suffers years of
pain and suffering because of a medical error feels like celebrating
after fighting their way through the court system and finally receiving
compensation.
The Institute of Medicine estimated in 1999 that as many as 98,000
people are killed by medical errors every year--that is as many people
as live in the president's old hometown of Midland, Texas. Instead of
penalizing innocent victims of medical malpractice, Congress should be
focusing on reducing the number of mistakes made. According to data
from the National practitioner Database, 5 percent of all doctors are
responsible for 54 percent of malpractice claims paid. The medical
profession needs to crack down on these repeat offenders. It is
disgraceful that the House leadership is using this bill as filler
round out its ``health care'' theme for next week's floor schedule.
Medical malpractice insurance rates and medical errors are important
issues that reserve the full attention of Congress. These issues need
to be studied by Congress in a bipartisan manner to address both
problems and should not be used as political fundraising tools.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Shaw). Pursuant to House Resolution 385,
the bill is considered read and the previous question is ordered.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Conyers
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the bill?
Mr. CONYERS. I am, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Conyers moves to recommit the bill H.R. 5 to the
Committee on the Judiciary and the Committee on Energy and
Commerce with instructions to report the same back to the
House forthwith with the following amendment:
Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the
following:
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Medical
Malpractice and Insurance Reform Act of 2005''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
TITLE I--LIMITING FRIVOLOUS MEDICAL MALPRACTICE LAWSUITS
Sec. 101. Statute of limitations.
Sec. 102. Health care specialist affidavit.
Sec. 103. Sanctions for frivolous actions and pleadings.
Sec. 104. Mandatory mediation.
Sec. 105. Limitation on punitive damages.
Sec. 106. Reduction in premiums paid by physicians for medical
malpractice insurance coverage.
Sec. 107. Definitions.
Sec. 108. Applicability.
TITLE II--INDEPENDENT ADVISORY COMMISSION ON MEDICAL MALPRACTICE
INSURANCE
Sec. 201. Establishment.
Sec. 202. Duties.
Sec. 203. Report.
Sec. 204. Membership.
Sec. 205. Director and staff; experts and consultants.
Sec. 206. Powers.
Sec. 207. Authorization of appropriations.
TITLE I--LIMITING FRIVOLOUS MEDICAL MALPRACTICE LAWSUITS
SEC. 101. STATUTE OF LIMITATIONS.
(a) In General.--A medical malpractice action shall be
barred unless the complaint is filed within 3 years after the
right of action accrues.
(b) Accrual.--A right of action referred to in subsection
(a) accrues upon the last to occur of the following dates:
(1) The date of the injury.
(2) The date on which the claimant discovers, or through
the use of reasonable diligence should have discovered, the
injury.
(3) The date on which the claimant becomes 18 years of age.
(c) Applicability.--This section shall apply to any injury
occurring after the date of the enactment of this Act.
SEC. 102. HEALTH CARE SPECIALIST AFFIDAVIT.
(a) Requiring Submission With Complaint.--No medical
malpractice action may be brought by any individual unless,
at the time the individual brings the action (except as
provided in subsection (b)(1)), it is accompanied by the
affidavit of a qualified specialist that includes the
specialist's statement of belief that, based on a review of
the available medical record and other relevant material,
there is a reasonable and meritorious cause for the filing of
the action against the defendant.
(b) Extension in Certain Instances.--
(1) In general.--Subject to paragraph (2), subsection (a)
shall not apply with respect to an individual who brings a
medical malpractice action without submitting an affidavit
described in such subsection if, as of the time the
individual brings the action, the individual has been unable
to obtain adequate medical records or other information
necessary to prepare the affidavit.
(2) Deadline for submission where extension applies.--In
the case of an individual who brings an action for which
paragraph (1) applies, the action shall be dismissed unless
the individual (or the individual's attorney) submits the
affidavit described in subsection (a) not later than 90 days
after obtaining the information described in such paragraph.
(c) Qualified Specialist Defined.--In subsection (a), a
``qualified specialist'' means, with respect to a medical
malpractice action, a health care professional who is
reasonably believed by the individual bringing the action (or
the individual's attorney)--
(1) to be knowledgeable in the relevant issues involved in
the action;
(2) to practice (or to have practiced) or to teach (or to
have taught) in the same area of health care or medicine that
is at issue in the action; and
(3) in the case of an action against a physician, to be
board certified in a specialty relating to that area of
medicine.
(d) Confidentiality of Specialist.--Upon a showing of good
cause by a defendant, the court may ascertain the identity of
a specialist referred to in subsection (a) while preserving
confidentiality.
SEC. 103. SANCTIONS FOR FRIVOLOUS ACTIONS AND PLEADINGS.
(a) Signature Required.--Every pleading, written motion,
and other paper in any medical malpractice action shall be
signed by at least 1 attorney of record in the attorney's
individual name, or, if the party is not represented by an
attorney, shall be signed by the party. Each paper shall
state the signer's address and telephone number, if any. An
unsigned paper shall be stricken unless omission of the
signature is corrected promptly after being called to the
attention of the attorney or party.
(b) Certificate of Merit.--(1) A medical malpractice action
shall be dismissed unless the attorney or unrepresented party
presenting the complaint certifies that, to the best of the
person's knowledge, information, and belief, formed after an
inquiry reasonable under the circumstances,--
(A) it is not being presented for any improper purpose,
such as to harass or to cause unnecessary delay or needless
increase in the cost of litigation;
(B) the claims and other legal contentions therein are
warranted by existing law or by a nonfrivolous argument for
the extension,
[[Page 18330]]
modification, or reversal of existing law or the
establishment of new law; and
(C) the allegations and other factual contentions have
evidentiary support or, if specifically so identified, are
likely to have evidentiary support after a reasonable
opportunity for further investigation and discovery.
(2) By presenting to the court (whether by signing, filing,
submitting, or later advocating) a pleading, written motion,
or other paper, an attorney or unrepresented party is
certifying that to the best of the person's knowledge,
information and belief, formed after an inquiry reasonable
under the circumstances--
(A) it is not being presented for any improper purpose,
such as to harass or to cause unnecessary delay or needless
increase in the cost of litigation;
(B) the claims, defenses, and other legal contentions
therein are warranted by existing law or by a nonfrivolous
argument for the extension, modification, or reversal of
existing law or the establishment of new law; and
(C) the allegations and other factual contentions have
evidentiary support or, if specifically so identified, are
reasonable based on a lack of information or belief.
(c) Mandatory Sanctions.--
(1) First violation.--If, after notice and a reasonable
opportunity to respond, a court, upon motion or upon its own
initiative, determines that subsection (b) has been violated,
the court shall find each attorney or party in violation in
contempt of court and shall require the payment of costs and
attorneys fees. The court may also impose additional
appropriate sanctions, such as striking the pleadings,
dismissing the suit, and sanctions plus interest, upon the
person in violation, or upon both such person and such
person's attorney or client (as the case may be).
(2) Second violation.--If, after notice and a reasonable
opportunity to respond, a court, upon motion or upon its own
initiative, determines that subsection (b) has been violated
and that the attorney or party with respect to which the
determination was made has committed one previous violation
of subsection (b) before this or any other court, the court
shall find each such attorney or party in contempt of court
and shall require the payment of costs and attorneys fees,
and require such person in violation (or both such person and
such person's attorney or client (as the case may be)) to pay
a monetary fine. The court may also impose additional
appropriate sanctions, such as striking the pleadings,
dismissing the suit and sanctions plus interest, upon such
person in violation, or upon both such person and such
person's attorney or client (as the case may be).
(3) Third violation.--If, after notice and a reasonable
opportunity to respond, a court, upon motion or upon its own
initiative, determines that subsection (b) has been violated
and that the attorney or party with respect to which the
determination was made has committed more than one previous
violation of subsection (b) before this or any other court,
the court shall find each such attorney or party in contempt
of court, refer each such attorney to one or more appropriate
State bar associations for disciplinary proceedings, require
the payment of costs and attorneys fees, and require such
person in violation (or both such person and such person's
attorney or client (as the case may be)) to pay a monetary
fine. The court may also impose additional appropriate
sanctions, such as striking the pleadings, dismissing the
suit, and sanctions plus interest, upon such person in
violation, or upon both such person and such person's
attorney or client (as the case may be).
SEC. 104. MANDATORY MEDIATION.
(a) In General.--In any medical malpractice action, before
such action comes to trial, mediation shall be required. Such
mediation shall be conducted by one or more mediators who are
selected by agreement of the parties or, if the parties do
not agree, who are qualified under applicable State law and
selected by the court.
(b) Requirements.--Mediation under subsection (a) shall be
made available by a State subject to the following
requirements:
(1) Participation in such mediation shall be in lieu of any
alternative dispute resolution method required by any other
law or by any contractual arrangement made by or on behalf of
the parties before the commencement of the action.
(2) Each State shall disclose to residents of the State the
availability and procedures for resolution of consumer
grievances regarding the provision of (or failure to provide)
health care services, including such mediation.
(3) Each State shall provide that such mediation may begin
before or after, at the option of the claimant, the
commencement of a medical malpractice action.
(4) The Attorney General, in consultation with the
Secretary of Health and Human Services, shall, by regulation,
develop requirements with respect to such mediation to ensure
that it is carried out in a manner that--
(A) is affordable for the parties involved;
(B) encourages timely resolution of claims;
(C) encourages the consistent and fair resolution of
claims; and
(D) provides for reasonably convenient access to dispute
resolution.
(c) Further Redress and Admissibility.--Any party
dissatisfied with a determination reached with respect to a
medical malpractice claim as a result of an alternative
dispute resolution method applied under this section shall
not be bound by such determination. The results of any
alternative dispute resolution method applied under this
section, and all statements, offers, and communications made
during the application of such method, shall be inadmissible
for purposes of adjudicating the claim.
SEC. 105. LIMITATION ON PUNITIVE DAMAGES.
(a) In general.--Punitive damages may not be awarded in a
medical malpractice action, except upon proof of--
(1) gross negligence;
(2) reckless indifference to life; or
(3) an intentional act, such as voluntary intoxication or
impairment by a physician, sexual abuse or misconduct,
assault and battery, or falsification of records.
(b) Allocation.--In such a case, the award of punitive
damages shall be allocated 50 percent to the claimant and 50
percent to a trustee appointed by the court, to be used by
such trustee in the manner specified in subsection (d). The
court shall appoint the Secretary of Health and Human
Services as such trustee.
(c) Exception.--This section shall not apply with respect
to an action if the applicable State law provides (or has
been construed to provide) for damages in such an action that
are only punitive or exemplary in nature.
(d) Trust Fund.--
(1) In general.--This subsection applies to amounts
allocated to the Secretary of Health and Human Services as
trustee under subsection (b).
(2) Availability.--Such amounts shall be available for use
by the Secretary of Health and Human Services under paragraph
(3) and shall remain so available until expended.
(3) Use.--
(A) Subject to subparagraph (B), the Secretary of Health
and Human Services, acting through the Director of the Agency
for Healthcare Research and Quality, shall use the amounts to
which this subsection applies for activities to reduce
medical errors and improve patient safety.
(B) The Secretary of Health and Human Services may not use
any part of such amounts to establish or maintain any system
that requires mandatory reporting of medical errors.
(C) The Secretary of Health and Human Services shall
promulgate regulations to establish programs and procedures
for carrying out this paragraph.
(4) Investment.--
(A) The Secretary of Health and Human Services shall invest
the amounts to which this subsection applies in such amounts
as such Secretary determines are not required to meet current
withdrawals. Such investments may be made only in interest-
bearing obligations of the United States. For such purpose,
such obligations may be acquired on original issue at the
issue price, or by purchase of outstanding obligations at the
market price.
(B) Any obligation acquired by the Secretary in such
Secretary's capacity as trustee of such amounts may be sold
by the Secretary at the market price.
SEC. 106. REDUCTION IN PREMIUMS PAID BY PHYSICIANS FOR
MEDICAL MALPRACTICE INSURANCE COVERAGE.
(a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, each medical malpractice liability
insurance company shall--
(1) develop a reasonable estimate of the annual amount of
financial savings that will be achieved by the company as a
result of this title;
(2) develop and implement a plan to annually dedicate at
least 50 percent of such annual savings to reduce the amount
of premiums that the company charges physicians for medical
malpractice liability coverage; and
(3) submit to the Secretary of Health and Human Services
(hereinafter referred to in this section as the
``Secretary'') a written certification that the company has
complied with paragraphs (1) and (2).
(b) Reports.--Not later than one year after the date of the
enactment of this Act and annually thereafter, each medical
malpractice liability insurance company shall submit to the
Secretary a report that identifies the percentage by which
the company has reduced medical malpractice coverage premiums
relative to the date of the enactment of this Act.
(c) Enforcement.--A medical malpractice liability insurance
company that violates a provision of this section is liable
to the United States for a civil penalty in an amount
assessed by the Secretary, not to exceed $11,000 for each
such violation. The provisions of paragraphs (3) through (5)
of section 303(g) of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act
apply to such a civil penalty to the same extent and in the
same manner as such paragraphs apply to a civil penalty under
such section.
(d) Definition.--For purposes of this section, the term
``medical malpractice liability insurance company'' means an
entity in the business of providing an insurance policy
[[Page 18331]]
under which the entity makes payment in settlement (or
partial settlement) of, or in satisfaction of a judgment in,
a medical malpractice action or claim.
SEC. 107. DEFINITIONS.
In this title, the following definitions apply:
(1) Alternative dispute resolution method.--The term
``alternative dispute resolution method'' means a method that
provides for the resolution of medical malpractice claims in
a manner other than through medical malpractice actions.
(2) Claimant.--The term ``claimant'' means any person who
alleges a medical malpractice claim, and any person on whose
behalf such a claim is alleged, including the decedent in the
case of an action brought through or on behalf of an estate.
(3) Health care professional.--The term ``health care
professional'' means any individual who provides health care
services in a State and who is required by the laws or
regulations of the State to be licensed or certified by the
State to provide such services in the State.
(4) Health care provider.--The term ``health care
provider'' means any organization or institution that is
engaged in the delivery of health care services in a State
and that is required by the laws or regulations of the State
to be licensed or certified by the State to engage in the
delivery of such services in the State.
(5) Injury.--The term ``injury'' means any illness,
disease, or other harm that is the subject of a medical
malpractice action or a medical malpractice claim.
(6) Mandatory.--The term ``mandatory'' means required to be
used by the parties to attempt to resolve a medical
malpractice claim notwithstanding any other provision of an
agreement, State law, or Federal law.
(7) Mediation.--The term ``mediation'' means a settlement
process coordinated by a neutral third party and without the
ultimate rendering of a formal opinion as to factual or legal
findings.
(8) Medical malpractice action.--The term ``medical
malpractice action'' means an action in any State or Federal
court against a physician, or other health professional, who
is licensed in accordance with the requirements of the State
involved that--
(A) arises under the law of the State involved;
(B) alleges the failure of such physician or other health
professional to adhere to the relevant professional standard
of care for the service and specialty involved;
(C) alleges death or injury proximately caused by such
failure; and
(D) seeks monetary damages, whether compensatory or
punitive, as relief for such death or injury.
(9) Medical malpractice claim.--The term ``medical
malpractice claim'' means a claim forming the basis of a
medical malpractice action.
(10) State.--The term ``State'' means each of the several
States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico, American Samoa, Guam, the Commonwealth of the Northern
Mariana Islands, the Virgin Islands, and any other territory
or possession of the United States.
SEC. 108. APPLICABILITY.
(a) In General.--Except as provided in section 104, this
title shall apply with respect to any medical malpractice
action brought on or after the date of the enactment of this
Act.
(b) Federal Court Jurisdiction Not Established on Federal
Question Grounds.--Nothing in this title shall be construed
to establish any jurisdiction in the district courts of the
United States over medical malpractice actions on the basis
of section 1331 or 1337 of title 28, United States Code.
TITLE II--INDEPENDENT ADVISORY COMMISSION ON MEDICAL MALPRACTICE
INSURANCE
SEC. 201. ESTABLISHMENT.
(a) Findings.--The Congress finds as follows:
(1) The sudden rise in medical malpractice premiums in
regions of the United States can threaten patient access to
doctors and other health providers.
(2) Improving patient access to doctors and other health
providers is a national priority.
(b) Establishment.--There is established a national
commission to be known as the ``Independent Advisory
Commission on Medical Malpractice Insurance'' (in this title
referred to as the ``Commission'').
SEC. 202. DUTIES.
(a) In General.--The Commission shall evaluate the causes
and scope of the recent and dramatic increases in medical
malpractice insurance premiums and formulate additional
proposals to reduce such medical malpractice premiums and
make recommendations to avoid any dramatic increases in
medical malpractice premiums in the future, in light of
proposals for tort reform regarding medical malpractice.
(b) Considerations.--In formulating proposals under this
section, the Commission shall, at a minimum, consider the
following:
(1) Alternatives to the current medical malpractice tort
system that would ensure adequate compensation for patients,
preserve access to providers, and improve health care safety
and quality.
(2) Modifications of, and alternatives to, the existing
State and Federal regulations and oversight that affect, or
could affect, medical malpractice lines of insurance.
(3) State and Federal reforms that would distribute the
risk of medical malpractice more equitably among health care
providers.
(4) State and Federal reforms that would more evenly
distribute the risk of medical malpractice across various
categories of providers.
(5) The effect of a Federal medical malpractice reinsurance
program administered by the Department of Health and Human
Services.
(6) The effect of a Federal medical malpractice insurance
program, administered by the Department of Health and Human
Services, to provide medical malpractice insurance based on
customary coverage terms and liability amounts in States
where such insurance is unavailable or is unavailable at
reasonable and customary terms.
(7) Programs that would reduce medical errors and increase
patient safety, including new innovations in technology and
management.
(8) The effect of State policies under which--
(A) any health care professional licensed by the State has
standing in any State administrative proceeding to challenge
a proposed rate increase in medical malpractice insurance;
and
(B) a provider of medical malpractice insurance in the
State may not implement a rate increase in such insurance
unless the provider, at minimum, first submits to the
appropriate State agency a description of the rate increase
and a substantial justification for the rate increase.
(9) The effect of reforming antitrust law to prohibit
anticompetitive activities by medical malpractice insurers.
(10) Programs to facilitate price comparison of medical
malpractice insurance by enabling any health care provider to
obtain a quote from each medical malpractice insurer to write
the type of coverage sought by the provider.
(11) The effect of providing Federal grants for geographic
areas that have a shortage of one or more types of health
providers as a result of the providers making the decision to
cease or curtail providing health services in the geographic
areas because of the costs of maintaining malpractice
insurance.
SEC. 203. REPORT.
(a) In General.--The Commission shall transmit to
Congress--
(1) an initial report not later than 180 days after the
date of the initial meeting of the Commission; and
(2) a report not less than each year thereafter until the
Commission terminates.
(b) Contents.--Each report transmitted under this section
shall contain a detailed statement of the findings and
conclusions of the Commission, including proposals for
addressing the current dramatic increases in medical
malpractice insurance rates and recommendations for avoiding
any such dramatic increases in the future.
(c) Voting and Reporting Requirements.--With respect to
each proposal or recommendation contained in the report
submitted under subsection (a), each member of the Commission
shall vote on the proposal or recommendation, and the
Commission shall include, by member, the results of that vote
in the report.
SEC. 204. MEMBERSHIP.
(a) Number and Appointment.--The Commission shall be
composed of 15 members appointed by the Comptroller General
of the United States.
(b) Membership.--
(1) In general.--The membership of the Commission shall
include individuals with national recognition for their
expertise in health finance and economics, actuarial science,
medical malpractice insurance, insurance regulation, health
care law, health care policy, health care access, allopathic
and osteopathic physicians, other providers of health care
services, patient advocacy, and other related fields, who
provide a mix of different professionals, broad geographic
representations, and a balance between urban and rural
representatives.
(2) Inclusion.--The membership of the Commission shall
include the following:
(A) Two individuals with expertise in health finance and
economics, including one with expertise in consumer
protections in the area of health finance and economics.
(B) Two individuals with expertise in medical malpractice
insurance, representing both commercial insurance carriers
and physician-sponsored insurance carriers.
(C) An individual with expertise in State insurance
regulation and State insurance markets.
(D) An individual representing physicians.
(E) An individual with expertise in issues affecting
hospitals, nursing homes, nurses, and other providers.
(F) Two individuals representing patient interests.
(G) Two individuals with expertise in health care law or
health care policy.
(H) An individual with expertise in representing patients
in malpractice lawsuits.
(3) Majority.--The total number of individuals who are
directly involved with the provision or management of
malpractice insurance, representing physicians or other
providers, or representing physicians or
[[Page 18332]]
other providers in malpractice lawsuits, shall not constitute
a majority of the membership of the Commission.
(4) Ethical disclosure.--The Comptroller General of the
United States shall establish a system for public disclosure
by members of the Commission of financial or other potential
conflicts of interest relating to such members.
(c) Terms.--
(1) In general.--The terms of the members of the Commission
shall be for 3 years except that the Comptroller General of
the United States shall designate staggered terms for the
members first appointed.
(2) Vacancies.--Any member appointed to fill a vacancy
occurring before the expiration of the term for which the
member's predecessor was appointed shall be appointed only
for the remainder of that term. A member may serve after the
expiration of that member's term until a successor has taken
office. A vacancy in the Commission shall be filled in the
manner in which the original appointment was made.
(3) Compensation.--Members of the Commission shall be
compensated in accordance with section 1805(c)(4) of the
Social Security Act.
(4) Chairman; vice chairman.--The Comptroller General of
the United States shall designate at the time of appointment
a member of the Commission as Chairman and a member as Vice
Chairman. In the case of vacancy of the Chairmanship or Vice
Chairmanship, the Comptroller General may designate another
member for the remainder of that member's term.
(5) Meetings.--
(A) In general.--The Commission shall meet at the call of
the Chairman.
(B) Initial meeting.--The Commission shall hold an initial
meeting not later than the date that is 1 year after the date
of the enactment of this title, or the date that is 3 months
after the appointment of all the members of the Commission,
whichever occurs earlier.
SEC. 205. DIRECTOR AND STAFF; EXPERTS AND CONSULTANTS.
Subject to such review as the Comptroller General of the
United States deems necessary to assure the efficient
administration of the Commission, the Commission may--
(1) employ and fix the compensation of an Executive
Director (subject to the approval of the Comptroller General)
and such other personnel as may be necessary to carry out its
duties (without regard to the provisions of title 5, United
States Code, governing appointments in the competitive
service);
(2) seek such assistance and support as may be required in
the performance of its duties from appropriate Federal
departments and agencies;
(3) enter into contracts or make other arrangements, as may
be necessary for the conduct of the work of the Commission
(without regard to section 3709 of the Revised Statutes (41
U.S.C. 5));
(4) make advance, progress, and other payments which relate
to the work of the Commission;
(5) provide transportation and subsistence for persons
serving without compensation; and
(6) prescribe such rules and regulations as it deems
necessary with respect to the internal organization and
operation of the Commission.
SEC. 206. POWERS.
(a) Obtaining Official Data.--The Commission may secure
directly from any department or agency of the United States
information necessary to enable it to carry out this section.
Upon request of the Chairman, the head of that department or
agency shall furnish that information to the Commission on an
agreed upon schedule.
(b) Data Collection.--In order to carry out its functions,
the Commission shall--
(1) utilize existing information, both published and
unpublished, where possible, collected and assessed either by
its own staff or under other arrangements made in accordance
with this section;
(2) carry out, or award grants or contracts for, original
research and experimentation, where existing information is
inadequate; and
(3) adopt procedures allowing any interested party to
submit information for the Commission's use in making reports
and recommendations.
(c) Access of General Accounting Office to Information.--
The Comptroller General of the United States shall have
unrestricted access to all deliberations, records, and
nonproprietary data of the Commission, immediately upon
request.
(d) Periodic Audit.--The Commission shall be subject to
periodic audit by the Comptroller General of the United
States.
SEC. 207. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
(a) In General.--There are authorized to be appropriated
such sums as may be necessary to carry out this title for
each of fiscal years 2006 through 2010.
(b) Requests for Appropriations.--The Commission shall
submit requests for appropriations in the same manner as the
Comptroller General of the United States submits requests for
appropriations, but amounts appropriated for the Commission
shall be separate from amounts appropriated for the
Comptroller General.
Amend the title so as to read: ``A bill to limit frivolous
medical malpractice lawsuits, to reform the medical
malpractice insurance business in order to reduce the cost of
medical malpractice insurance, to enhance patient access to
medical care, and for other purposes.''.
Mr. CONYERS (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous
consent that the motion to recommit be considered as read and printed
in the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Michigan?
There was no objection.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring a motion to recommit
that goes to the heart of the medical malpractice crisis. Rather than
limiting the rights of legitimate malpractice victims, as the
underlying bill actually does, our motion would directly address the
problem of frivolous lawsuits and insurance industry abuses.
Title I of the substitute addresses the problem of frivolous
lawsuits. Among other things, it would require that both an attorney
and health care specialist submit an affidavit that the claim is
warranted before a malpractice action can be brought, and imposes
strict sanctions for attorneys who make any frivolous pleadings.
Unlike the majority's bill, our amendment is limited to licensed
physicians and health care professionals for malpractice cases only. It
does not include lawsuits against HMOs, insurance companies, nursing
homes, and drug and device manufacturers. And it sure does not insulate
the manufacturer of Vioxx from liability.
Title II establishes a national commission to evaluate the rising
insurance premiums and to review whether the McCarran-Ferguson
antitrust exemption for medical malpractice insurers should be
repealed.
This is a good motion.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time, the last 2\1/2\ minutes,
to the gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms. DeGette).
Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, Congress is faced with an irony today. We
have identified a problem, and the problem is that doctors are going
out of business because of their high medical malpractice insurance
premiums. So what are we going to do? We are going to pass a bill that
caps damages for victims injured by medical malpractice, but we are
going to do nothing to reduce the premiums for these doctors.
{time} 1600
So doctors get no relief, and victims of malpractice get less. But
wait, there is more. There is so much more to this bill. We have not
heard one word today about the pressing problems the pharmaceutical
industry has and how we need to give them immunity so they will keep
making drugs. But yet that is what this bill does.
We have not heard one word today about how all of the nursing homes
are going out of business because of the lawsuits against them, but we
are giving them immunity today.
We have not heard a thing about the medical device manufacturers and
how they will not make the titanium hip replacements or the insulin
pumps, but yet we are giving them immunity today.
This bill goes further than any State law. It goes further than any
law anybody would contemplate, and it is just a giveaway to the
insurance industry, to the pharmaceutical industry, to the nursing home
industry, and to the medical device manufacturers.
If we pass the Conyers-Dingell motion to recommit, we will send this
bill back and we will do something that will really give relief to the
doctors who face these high malpractice insurance premiums.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on the motion to recommit. If that fails, I
urge a ``no'' vote on the underlying bill.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
This motion to recommit sets up a limitation on malpractice cases
being brought. It requires that there be an attorney and health care
specialist to submit an affidavit that the claim is warranted; and then
in the second part, we establish a national commission to
[[Page 18333]]
evaluate the causes of rising health insurance premiums.
This motion to recommit protects legitimate victims, limits frivolous
lawsuits, and gives us a much-needed opportunity to examine the real
causes of the medical malpractice insurance crisis that has this Nation
in its grip.
I urge my colleagues to support the motion to recommit so that we can
deal with medical malpractice insurance as a crisis and not as a
giveaway to the companies that have been named throughout this debate.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise to claim the time in
opposition to the motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Shaw). Is the gentleman opposed to the
motion?
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Yes, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith) is
recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, the motion to recommit must be
defeated because it contains zero legal protections for doctors beyond
current law, and in some cases it actually makes the current crisis
even worse.
The Democratic alternative would require that before a health care
lawsuit is filed, the claimant file an affidavit declaring that a
qualified specialist has been consulted and has issued a written report
that says the filing is meritorious.
Mr. Speaker, the definition is so broad it is meaningless. The
Democratic alternative also imposes another wasteful layer of
bureaucracy on the health care system, mandatory mediation, which
simply has no binding effect.
The motion to recommit even makes the situation of OB/GYNs worse than
it is today by allowing someone as old as 21 to file a lawsuit claiming
the doctor who delivered them caused their injury 21 years before. The
motion to recommit would subject OB/GYNs to even more nuisance suits
and drive even more of them out of business.
So the Conyers-Dingell substitute contains zero legal reforms and
would make the current litigation crisis even worse; yet legal reforms
are needed to solve the current crisis in medical liability insurance
and increase access to health care.
H.R. 5 is the only proven legislative solution. According to the
Congressional Budget Office under the HEALTH Act, ``premiums for
medical malpractice insurance ultimately would be an average of 25 to
30 percent below what they would be under current law.''
Mr. Speaker, for the sake of health care providers and the people who
need them, let us keep doctors practicing their profession and defeat
this motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from
Wisconsin (Mr. Green), who is an expert on this subject.
Mr. GREEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, it all boils down to this: we
cannot get a handle on health care costs unless we first get a handle
on the least productive part of heath care costs. Excessive liability
costs are unproductive. They do not increase the quality of care. They
do not increase accessibility to care, and they certainly do not
increase affordability of care.
Here is what excessive liability costs do. They drive up insurance
costs for doctors. They drive physicians out of high-risk specialties
and fields, and they drive them out of high-cost areas. In some cases,
they drive them out of practice altogether; and in those cases we all
lose.
The great thing about the bill before us is we know it will work. It
is not speculative. We know it works. We know that reforms which permit
injured parties to recover every last dollar of economic damages, but
place a modest cap on noneconomic damages, loss of society, loss of
companionship, we know these reforms can help solve the medical
liability crisis. It worked in California. It once worked in Wisconsin.
And it can work all across America if we pass the HEALTH Act. If we
defeat this motion to recommit, we can solve the medical liability
crisis. This is what we must do.
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no''
on the motion to recommit and ``yes'' on the HEALTH Act.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Sweeney). Without objection, the
previous question is ordered on the motion to recommit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of passage.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 193,
nays 234, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 5, as follows:
[Roll No. 448]
YEAS--193
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Cardoza
Carnahan
Case
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (TN)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Ford
Frank (MA)
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney
Markey
Marshall
Matsui
McCarthy
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Menendez
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sherman
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Strickland
Stupak
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
NAYS--234
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Beauprez
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boustany
Bradley (NH)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Chocola
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Cubin
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis (KY)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Feeney
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Flake
Foley
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Gutknecht
Hall
Harris
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hostettler
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Istook
Jenkins
Jindal
[[Page 18334]]
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kennedy (MN)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Osborne
Otter
Oxley
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Saxton
Schwarz (MI)
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Sodrel
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1
Sensenbrenner
NOT VOTING--5
Andrews
Carson
Kelly
Paul
Schakowsky
{time} 1631
Mr. McHUGH, Mr. ISSA, Mrs. DRAKE, Mr. GORDON, Mrs. MUSGRAVE, and Mr.
HOBSON changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Messrs. HINCHEY, FARR, SMITH of Washington, and SPRATT changed their
vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Sweeney). The question is on the passage
of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 230,
noes 194, answered ``present'' 2, not voting 7, as follows:
[Roll No. 449]
AYES--230
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Beauprez
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Cardoza
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Chocola
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Ehlers
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Feeney
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Foley
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Gutknecht
Hall
Harris
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hostettler
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
King (IA)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Osborne
Otter
Oxley
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Saxton
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Sodrel
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Thomas
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--194
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carnahan
Case
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duncan
Edwards
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Flake
Ford
Frank (MA)
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
King (NY)
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney
Markey
Marshall
Matsui
McCarthy
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Menendez
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sherman
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Strickland
Stupak
Tanner
Tauscher
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wynn
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--2
Burton (IN)
Sensenbrenner
NOT VOTING--7
Andrews
Burgess
Carson
Johnson, Sam
Paul
Schakowsky
Wu
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). Members are advised there
are 2 minutes remaining in this vote.
{time} 1640
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
FURTHER MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A further message from the Senate by Ms. Curtis, one of its clerks,
announced that the Senate has passed without amendment a bill of the
House of the following title:
H.R. 3423. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act with respect to medical device user fees.
____________________
GENERAL LEAVE
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and
extend their remarks and that I may include
[[Page 18335]]
tabular and extraneous material on the conference report to accompany
H.R. 2361.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from North Carolina?
There was no objection.
____________________
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2361, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR,
ENVIRONMENT, AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House
Resolution 392, I call up the conference report on the bill (H.R. 2361)
making appropriations for the Department of the Interior, environment,
and related agencies for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and
for other purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 392, the
conference report is considered as having been read.
(For conference report and statement, see proceedings of the House of
July 26, 2005 at page 17661.)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr.
Taylor) and the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks) each will control
30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Taylor).
{time} 1645
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time
as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, today we bring before the House the conference agreement
on H.R. 2361, the Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies
Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2006. I would like to thank all of
the members of the Subcommittee for their support and guidance this
year. I want to extend special thanks to the subcommittee vice
chairman, the gentleman from Idaho (Mr. Simpson), and the gentleman
from Washington (Mr. Dicks), the ranking member and my good friend, for
their assistance in shaping the bill. We are under last year, and we
are under the allocation.
The conference report balances many competitive and diverse needs. It
provides funding for programs in the Department of the Interior, the
Environmental Protection Agency, the Forest Service, the Indian Health
Agency, the Smithsonian Institution, and several other environmental
and cultural agencies and commissions.
With the ongoing war on terrorism and a sizable Federal debt, the
American taxpayer demands fiscal prudence, yet entrusts us to continue
the conservation and care of our Nation's natural resources, the
protection of the environment, and critical programs for native
Americans and other programs. The needs far outweigh the funds
available, but I believe this bill addresses the most critical needs.
The conference report is the product of a balanced, bipartisan,
bicameral effort that resolves over 2,000 differences between the House
and the Senate bills. Moreover, it addresses many of the key issues
raised on the House floor in May and stays true to the fundamental
issues that helped the bill pass overwhelmingly in the House. Here are
a few of the highlights:
Payments in Lieu of Taxes are $9 million over the enacted level. The
arts and humanities are $5 million each over the enacted level. Funding
for operations of the national parks has increased by $61 million.
Restrictions remain in the bill for pesticide testing on human
subjects. Funding for the Clean Water State Revolving Act is $900
million, which is $50 million above the House level and $170 million
above the budget request.
The Forest Health Program, which is critical to reducing this
Nation's risk of catastrophic wildfires, is restored to the enacted
level.
Finally, I am proud to say that this conference agreement contains
$1.5 billion in critically needed funds for veterans medical care.
Mr. Speaker, I believe the priorities of the American people are
reflected in the conference agreement, and I urge all of my colleagues
to support it.
I would like to thank staff on both sides of the aisle because,
without their hard work, we would not be able to bring this bill
forward at this time.
At this time, I will include a table detailing the various accounts
in the bill for insertion in the Record.
[[Page 18336]]
TH28JY05.001
[[Page 18337]]
TH28JY05.002
[[Page 18338]]
TH28JY05.003
[[Page 18339]]
TH28JY05.004
[[Page 18340]]
TH28JY05.005
[[Page 18341]]
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I support this conference report on the fiscal year 2006 Interior and
Environment Appropriations bill, and I will vote for it, in just a few
minutes, I hope. With the addition of $1.5 billion in spending for
veterans health care attached to this bill, I believe that this
conference report will get widespread support in both the House and the
Senate.
After we made a decision to add this $1.5 billion, I contacted back
in the State of Washington the veterans hospital in Seattle and the one
at American Lake to find out what the backlog was, and I was shocked to
find out that there is a backlog of some 2,000 veterans who are waiting
to get an initial appointment at those hospitals. So this money clearly
is needed, and I am pleased that the other body selected the Interior
appropriations to add this $1.5 billion to and that we were able to
present it here today to the House.
There are several areas of this bill that I believe are underfunded;
however, I believe these funding decisions were the result of an
inadequate allocation. Although the majority cannot escape
responsibility for this allocation, I believe that we here in the
minority have been treated fairly during the process of developing the
2006 Interior appropriations.
First of all, I want to thank the chairman, the gentleman from North
Carolina (Mr. Taylor), for the decision to provide the Park Service
operating budget another year of healthy increases. Over the last 2
years, we have provided more than $100 million in increases for the
parks operating budget, and I am very proud of that accomplishment. We
really were seeing a decline in some of the parks because they were not
able to cover their fixed costs on an annual basis and had to lay off
people and were unable to provide the American people with the services
that they needed.
However, I am disappointed with the overall amount for the Clean
Water Act State Revolving Fund. I had hoped that the conference report
would end up closer to the Senate mark of $1.1 billion, rather than at
$900 million, which is only $50 million above the House mark. Over the
last 2 years, this funding has been cut by 33 percent.
I am also disappointed that we could not retain the full $10 million
increase for the National Endowment for the Arts, which was approved on
the House floor in an overwhelming vote, but I am gratified that we
could agree to some increase for both the NEA and the NEH.
I am glad to see this conference report contains increases over the
House mark for both land acquisition and the State grant program.
Although these programs are cut from last year, I agree with the
decision to restore some of the funding; and I am sympathetic to the
argument that, during a year with such a low allocation, it is most
important to protect core programs and make land acquisition a more
secondary goal.
I am deeply appreciative of everyone's efforts to resolve the issue
concerning the use of humans during pesticide testing. I think the
conference report reflects the will of both the House and Senate to
stop such tests until the EPA develops regulations reflecting the
recommendation of the National Academy of Science and follows the
Nuremburg protocols. In addition, these regulations will prohibit such
testing on pregnant women, infants, and children.
I also want to praise the compromise contained in this conference
report on the Martin Luther King, Jr., memorial to be built on the
National Mall. The conference report contains $10 million that must be
matched by private donations. This matching requirement will spur
increased private donations and reflects the thinking of the chairman,
the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Taylor), who felt very strongly
that we should try to raise as much money for the memorial from the
private sector.
Again, I want to say that the chairman has been very fair and his
staff, led by Debbie Weatherly, has done an outstanding job in putting
together this bill. I want to congratulate Mike Stevens and Pete Modoff
of my staff for the exceptional work they did on this bill. I think
this is, in a very difficult year, I think this is a bill that deserves
our support.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from
Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking Democrat of the full Committee on
Appropriations.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time. I would simply like to say that this is a close call on this bill
as far as I am concerned; but weighing all of the conflicting
pressures, I come down on the side of recommending a vote for the bill,
primarily because of what it does to finally provide sufficient funding
for veterans health care.
With respect to that item, I would simply say to our friends on the
majority side of the aisle, welcome aboard. We tried for the last year
and a half to convince this administration and to convince the majority
that the veterans health accounts were underfunded. Finally, the
administration admitted that that was true; and, in fact, the amount
being added to this bill today for veterans health care is exactly the
amount that we had been asking be added to that program for that
purpose for a long period of time.
I want to make clear, the shortfall for veterans' health care is not
the responsibility of the chairman of this subcommittee. This problem
is supposed to be taken care of by another subcommittee; but, in fact,
after running away from the problem for months and months, the majority
party has finally decided that they did not want to go home in August
and have to face the folks at the Legion hall or the VFW hall without
finally doing something to fix the problem. So I am glad that they did.
But even though I am going to vote for this bill because of what it
does for veterans, I think we need to understand that in a number of
other areas, this bill is far from where it ought to be if we are to
meet the responsibilities that we have to this country's future.
Overall, funding for the EPA declines by $291 million in this bill. The
Clean Water State Revolving Fund has now been cut by 33 percent over 2
years. Grants to States for conservation and recreation are reduced by
two-thirds from fiscal year 2005. Every State suffers a 66 percent cut.
In the year 2001, land acquisition funds in this bill were $442
million. Today, they are $124 million. That is the lowest appropriation
for this item in the past 20 years. Construction funding for national
parks and refuges and forests has been reduced by about 10 percent from
last year. The funding for Forest Service buildings, roads, and trails
has been cut from $514 million to $441 million, a reduction of 14
percent.
BIA school construction is funded at a level $53 million below last
year. Health facilities construction for Indian health services is
funded at $38 million, a reduction of $50 million. I do not believe
those numbers are numbers that we would be proud to take home.
So we are stuck with a choice. We can cast a protest vote against the
cuts in this bill, which many of us have already done; or we can
recognize the fact that in a time of war we have an obligation to meet
the health care needs of those who have risked everything for this
country; and I think we, in the end, have no real choice but to come
down in favor of voting for that increased veterans funding.
But I hope that the general public will understand that the cuts in
this bill do the Nation no favors. We are shortchanging our country's
future. We are not meeting our stewardship responsibilities, and we
will pay a long-term price for that, I regret to say.
Mr. Speaker, let me say one other thing. I do want to express my
appreciation to the subcommittee chairman for the fairness with which
he has dealt with this bill. I may not agree with the priorities that
the majority party budget resolution imposed on the subcommittee, but I
do want to say that I think the chairman has been most fair in his
dealing with the minority; and we appreciate that.
[[Page 18342]]
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of
my time.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt), who is one of the leaders
in this House on budget matters.
Mr. SPRATT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in full support of the $1.5 billion in veterans
health care funding for 2005, which was added on to this conference
report. I am pleased that my colleagues on the other side have finally
come around to our position on veterans funding and now acknowledge
that their budgets have not funded this priority accurately or
adequately.
This shortfall has not occurred for lack of notice or foresight. Over
warnings from veterans groups and our own strenuous objections, the
budgets passed by this House have consistently, consistently,
understated the cost of veterans health care.
{time} 1700
This is the Veterans Administration borrowing from Peter to pay Paul,
denying or delaying service until a supplement finally comes through.
And then when the supplement comes through, it busts the spending caps
imposed in the budget and adds to the deficit.
This is no way to budget for veterans health care, and it is no way
to budget generally. The White House just 2 weeks ago issued a
midsession review of the budget, which we received with some
skepticism. We observed that their projections of the deficit seemed
better, partly because they omit the full cost of various policies like
veterans health care, the ongoing cost of operations in Afghanistan and
Iraq, and fixing the alternative minimum tax, extending other tax
credits.
In the short run, these omissions make the deficit look better, sure,
but in the long run the true costs emerge, and the actual deficits turn
out to be worse than projected.
Here, for example, is what happened to veterans health care in the
fiscal 2005 budget cycle. When we brought forth our budget resolutions
on the Democratic side for 2005, we argued that the discretionary
spending levels in the Republican resolution were too tight, not
realistic, and would shortchange essential priorities like veterans
health care.
We were not alone. The chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Committee
argued that more funding for veterans health care was badly needed, but
our concerns went unheeded. Now we have to face the truth. The funding
provided for veterans health care in the 2005 budget was, in fact, not
sufficient.
And since an accurate funding level was not built into the budget,
today's bill will move discretionary spending for 2005 over the
allocation included in the Republican budget. This misesti-
mate, like others, was left out of the deficit projections that OMB
announced just a couple of weeks ago.
For the record, let me point out that the Democrats put forth a
responsible budget for 2005. Our budget brought us to balance by the
year 2012, yet we funded veterans health care priorities and other
priorities adequately.
Our budget provided $1.3 billion more for veterans health care in
2005, and $1.5 billion more over a 5-year period of time. Unfortunately
the same story is playing out, unfolding again in 2006. Once again,
once again, this year we warned that the budget provided too little for
veterans health care, and once again it was to no avail.
Our resolution provided $1.5 billion more for veterans health care in
2006, $16.4 billion more over 5 years, and a budget, mind you, that
balanced by 2012. Just 3 months later, 3 months later, we are told that
the VA appropriations bill for 2006 will have to exceed its budget
allocation to accommodate the administration's amended request for
veterans health care. And, of course, the deficit estimates for 2006
will have to be revised upward accordingly.
Mr. Speaker, I would gladly vote to raise veterans health care to the
level it should have been to start with, but I urge that we learn a
lesson from this experience and be forthright in the future about the
cost of veterans health care. And in that connection, I would note that
in the outyears, 2007, 2008 and onward, the official estimates of the
Republican budget still grossly underfund veterans health care, they
understate the deficit, and they definitely will have to do this all
over again until the numbers are finally done right.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Solis), who has been a real leader on the issue of
dealing with pesticides and their effect on humans.
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Interior-Environment
appropriations bill. I want to especially thank the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lewis), the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the
gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Taylor) and the gentleman from
Washington (Mr. Dicks), the ranking, for their work on this
legislation.
I am particularly proud of the steps that Congress has taken today to
require the application of stringent ethical and scientific safeguards
of intentional human dosing studies, and to stop the testing of
pesticides on pregnant women and children. And I would like to thank
all of your staff for their leadership on this issue.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. SOLIS. I yield to the gentleman from Washington.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate the gentlewoman on her
hard work on this. I can remember when we had the amendment on the
floor. It was adopted here in the House unanimously. And I think your
work and the work of your colleague from California in the other body
on this matter, where they also won a vote there, too, was very
impressive.
And, you know, this is the first year our committee has had
jurisdiction over the Environmental Protection Agency, so we are all
learning about these issues. I want to congratulate you on your real
leadership. And I think what you did will be something that will
protect children and pregnant mothers and will bring better standards
at EPA on this issue. I congratulate you on this effort.
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I would like to also
submit that our staffs have worked very hard, and the outside
organizations that worked in tandem with us, religious organizations,
the scientific, environmental community, as well as activists. In fact,
the United Farm Workers also submitted a letter of support.
This should never have happened. It should never have taken place,
the testing of pesticides on humans, and particularly children.
So I know that I stand here before you in the Congress to say that
this is a good moment for us in this particular time. Thank you very
much.
Mr. Speaker, as co-sponsor of this amendment, I rise today to support
the application of stringent ethical and scientific safeguards to
intentional human dosing studies of toxic chemicals and applaud the
inclusion of this language in the Interior-Appropriation bill.
This amendment forbids the EPA from considering any intentional human
dosing study unless it meets the minimum ethical and scientific
safeguards outlined in the February 2004 National Academy of Sciences
report and the 1947 Nuremberg Code adopted after World War II. I am
submitting copies of the NAS report and the Nuremberg Code into the
Record.
In particular, this amendment prohibits intentional human dosing on
pregnant women, infants, or children, and requires the creation of a
review board to evaluate the ethical and scientific propriety of
intentional human dosing studies before they can be conducted,
considered, or relied on. In 2002, the National Academy of Sciences
convened a panel to examine the issue of intentionally dosing human
subjects with pesticides and other toxic substances.
The report of the NAS, published in February 2004, recognized that
these experiments can be ``troubling'' and in some cases ``repugnant.''
For this reason, the NAS concluded that to be ``ethically justified,''
a human pesticide experiment must pass ``rigorous scrutiny on both
scientific and ethical grounds.''
[[Page 18343]]
All of the studies currently pending before EPA are scientifically
and ethically suspect and appear to fall far short of the stringent
criteria for EPA consideration outlined by the NAS and the Nuremberg
Code, and required in this amendment. EPA provided Congress with a list
of all human intentional dosing tests under consideration by the
agency. An extensive evaluation of these tests shows that they are rife
with ethical and scientific flaws and do not approach the standard for
acceptability.
Representative Waxman and Senator Boxer evaluated the serious flaws
in these studies in a report released last month entitled Human
Pesticide Experiments, which I am submitting into the Record.
It is also clear that EPA's draft regulation regarding human testing
similarly fails to meet the minimum criteria required in this
amendment. EPA circulated internally a draft rule among the agency's
various offices on June 20, 2005. EPA's draft rule, slated for proposal
next month, would have allowed the systematic testing of pesticides on
humans. The draft rule does not comply with the recommendations of the
NAS and the Nuremberg Code, and it contains multiple loopholes that
invite abuse.
The EPA draft is inconsistent with the standards we require in this
amendment. EPA originally commenced its rulemaking in response to a
wave of industry pressure to permit intentional dosing of human test
subjects with toxic chemicals.
The pesticide industry has mounted a campaign to expand testing of
pesticides on humans in order to weaken health standards. Because of
the stricter requirements imposed by the Food Quality Protection Act of
1996, the pesticide industry has been under growing pressure to reduce
the risks that pesticides pose to infants and children. The industry
has adopted a strategy to evade these requirements by testing
pesticides on a small number of adult human subjects, and then cite
these tests to argue that the chemicals are safe.
EPA's proposed rule encourages this strategy and is contrary to the
recommendations of the NAS and the ethical guidelines of the Nuremberg
Code that we require in this amendment. I am submitting for the record
a June 2005 report titled Flash Report: New EPA Proposal Encourages
Human Pesticide Experiments.
As outlined in more detail in this report, EPA's proposed rule
violates the ethical and scientific safeguards now required by this
amendment, by failing to establish a national review panel to prevent
abusive experiments, and by failing to provide full protections for
children and other vulnerable populations.
Furthermore, the EPA draft rule does not clearly require that
pesticide experiments comply with even its sub par standards. To the
contrary, EPA proposed to accept all experiments as long as they
``substantially'' comply. This provision overtly undercuts the
protections in the rule. The vague standard of substantial compliance
wrongly sends the signal that EPA will not demand strict adherence to
ethical standards in human pesticide experiments.
Intentional human toxicity testing has a troubling history that
includes manipulation and abuse of the most vulnerable members of
society. The amendment that I am supporting today will ensure that EPA
may not consider or rely on any intentional human-dosing study that
does not meet the minimum ethical and scientific criteria recommended
by the NAS and expressed in the Nuremberg Code.
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I would yield such time as
he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis).
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I will not consume very much
time. I rise to express my deep appreciation one more time to my
colleague and friend, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), for his
cooperating with me as we have gone through this initial conference
process, but most importantly to congratulate both my colleague, the
gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks), and my colleague, the gentleman
from North Carolina (Mr. Taylor), for the fabulous job on this first of
a series of conference reports that we expect to send to the
President's desk.
It is very early in the process, but the Interior bill will be on the
President's desk, and I am very certain he will find it to be to his
liking. So congratulations to each of you for your work.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. LEWIS of California. I yield to the gentleman from Washington.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I think this is a very important moment today
that we are passing this conference report before the August recess.
And I want to congratulate the chairman and ranking member, who has
really worked tirelessly to work with the chairman to get these bills
enacted.
But I think there is absolutely no excuse not to try to do this and
try to pass the rest of the bills in September and show the American
people that we can get the job done before the start of the fiscal
year.
And I think every time we have a new chairman, we do better in this
regard. The previous chairman, of course, had to deal with other
problems. But I think the chairman has made this a big priority. I
think it is important that we do this, and I want to congratulate him
for his leadership as the new chairman of the full committee.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, let me
further say that none of this would have been done as effectively and
with the high quality reflected in the conference report without the
great help of our staff. They have done a tremendous job. They are
breaking records here. It is because of the cooperation of the entire
committee, the Members and the staff working together.
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, it is with deep regret that I rise in
opposition to this conference report. Let me explain. Mr. Speaker, this
is a bad bill. It guts some of our most important environmental
programs. It seems that the Republican majority realized what a bad
bill it was and in order to win support for it, they put $1.5 billion
in much needed funds for veterans' healthcare.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I am a pragmatist. I realize that there is no
perfect bill. Sometimes we have to settle for some good and some bad.
The bill before us, however, is a close call.
The problem is a simple one. You see, for years my Republican
colleagues have been shortchanging our veterans. The number of veterans
treated at VA facilities increased from 2.7 million to 4.7 million from
1995 to 2004. The Department expects to treat 5.2 million veterans in
2006. Currently, more than 50,000 veterans are waiting in line for at
least 6 months for health services from the VA. Medical costs are
increasing at nearly double the rate of inflation. Yet, over five
years, the Republican budget for primarily veterans' health programs is
funded $13.5 billion below the amount needed to maintain services at
current levels.
I am pleased that my Republican colleagues have finally seen the
light and realized that we cannot ask our men and women in uniform to
make the ultimate sacrifice only to come home and have the promise of
quality and timely healthcare broken. However, I am angry as hell that
they attached this much needed funding to a particularly appalling
bill.
You are probably saying, ``Dingell, how appalling could it be when we
are finally getting this funding for our veterans?''
Well, let me tell you.
EPA has estimated that there is a $388 billion shortfall between
needed clean water and drinking water investments and the current level
of spending. What do my Republican colleagues do to address that
shortfall, Mr. Speaker? They cut the Clean Water State Revolving Loan
Fund by $200 million from the FY 05 enacted level! That is a 33 percent
cut over the past two years. Moreover, the bill cuts water and sewer
construction grants by more than 30 percent--a reduction of $107
million from last year. This hardly seems like a reasonable response.
Conservation and land acquisition got a $41 million reduction. This
is 25 percent below last year's enacted level. Mr. Speaker, my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle have the dubious honor of
providing the lowest appropriation for land and conservation programs
in 20 years.
Funding for construction at our National Parks, Refuges and Forests
was cut by ten percent and funding for Forest Service buildings, roads
and trails by 14 percent. Stateside grants for conservation and
recreation got an amazing two-thirds cut, from $90 million last year to
$30 million.
So, you see the conundrum before us.
It is with a heavy heart that I feel that I must stand against not
only a bad bill, but also against the process. It is unconscionable
that my friends on the other side of the aisle would link this
critically important and much needed funding for our Nation's heroes to
a bad bill.
Mr. ETHERIDGE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant support of this
conference report.
I am very reluctant to support this bill because it contains
provisions I strongly oppose. Specifically, this bill contains harmful
cuts to important interior and environmental priorities.
[[Page 18344]]
It cuts $800 million from last year's funding level for natural
resources and the Environmental Protection Agency. Environmental and
management and science and technology accounts are severely cut in this
bill. The bill cuts $107 million for water and sewer construction STAG
grants, cuts $200 million from SRF clean water funds, and cuts $30
million from stateside grants to states for conservation and
recreation.
Mr. Speaker, this Congress has a solemn obligation to protect our
Nation's water, air and land resources for public health and safety. We
must practice responsible stewardship of our natural resources and pass
on to future generations a physical environment as bountiful as the one
we have enjoyed. This bill fails this test miserably.
I will vote for this bill because it contains desperately needed
funding for veterans health care. Specifically, the conference report
on H.R. 2631 contains $1.5 billion in veterans health care funds to
make up for the Administration's bogus budget proposals. Democrats in
this House have been arguing for months that the Administration is
shortchanging VA health care, and we should restore that funding in the
proper legislation under regular order. A nation at war must take care
of its veterans, and I will vote for this bill to provide this critical
funding for veterans health care.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my disappointment with the
Interior Appropriations bill that we are considering today. Although I
will reluctantly vote for this legislation, I am concerned with the
reduction in funding for many important domestic programs.
While I am pleased that this conference bill does not completely
eliminate the Land and Water Conservation Fun, (LWCF), as in the House-
passed version, I am still disappointed that this program only received
$30 million, which is one-third of what it received last year.
The Land and Water Conservation Fund has been instrumental in
assisting local and State governments preserve vital open spaces. This
program was established in 1965 to address rapid overdevelopment by
increasing the number of high quality recreation areas and facilities
and by increasing the local involvement in land preservation. To
achieve this goal, the fund was separated into two components, one
portion of the fund serves as an account from which the Federal
government draws from to acquire land and the other portion is
distributed to states in a matching grant program.
New Jersey has been active in seeking grants from this program and
has received funds from the LWCF that were used to preserve treasures
such as the Pinelands National Reserve and the Delaware National Scenic
River. In addition, LWCF has provided more that $111 million in state
and local grants to build softball fields, rehabilitate playgrounds and
to expand state parks.
Urban and highly developed regions, such as the region that I
represent, will suffer the most from the elimination of the LWCF state
grant program. The LWCF matching-grant program has proven to be a
successful way to overcome the high cost of living that makes land
acquisition and renewal projects costly in these regions. The steep
reduction in funding for this program will leave local leaders without
the capital necessary to enhance the quality of life in their
communities.
This bill also cuts other domestic programs that benefit all
Americans and future generations. This legislation only provides $900
million for the Clean Water State Revolving Fund--a reduction of $200
million from last year. This is vitally important to keeping drinking
water clean and safe by supporting wastewater treatment, nonpoint
source pollution and watershed and estuary management. Additionally,
this bill cuts Federal land acquisition funding by 25 percent and
reduces funding for construction projects in our national parks,
refuges and forests by 10 percent.
Despite my reservations with cuts to important Environmental
Protection Agency, EPA, and the Department of Interior, DOI, programs,
I am pleased that this bill does the right thing and finally provides
the VA the funds it needs to continue the delivery of care to our
veterans through the end of the current fiscal year. This month, our
Nation marked the 75th anniversary of the founding of the Veterans'
Administration, the forerunner of today's Department of Veterans
Affairs. Even as we celebrate the VA's many achievements, particularly
in the field of medical research, we should use this opportunity to ask
if we, as a country, are truly putting our money where our mouth is
regarding VA funding. Every day, VA doctors, nurses, technicians and
other staff across our country work to try to deliver the best possible
health care to our veterans. They face one critical and continuing
obstacle--a VA medical system that is chronically, and needlessly,
underfunded.
I hope that the Congress will learn from this experience and pass
mandatory funding legislation for the VA health care system. It's long
past time for Congress to cease its band-aid approach to funding for
veteran's health care, and I urge my colleagues to honor the request of
the leaders of our Nation's veterans organizations to deal once and for
all with this shameful and avoidable situation.
Another positive provision in this bill is the modest increase in
funding for the National Endowment for the Arts and the National
Endowment for the Humanities. Although the final funding levels fall
slightly short of the amount approved by the House in May, the
additional money will allow the NEA and NEH to build programs that use
the strength of the arts and our Nation's cultural life to enhance
communities in every State and every county around America.
It is clear that increasing funding for the arts and humanities are
among the best investments that we as a society can make. They help our
children learn. They give the elderly intellectual sustenance. They
power economic development in regions that are down and out. They tie
our diverse society and country together. I thank the conferees for
recognizing the importance of this investment and giving the NEA and
NEH the funds they need to advance our Nation's artistic and cultural
life.
Even though I strongly oppose cuts to certain programs in this
appropriations bill, I will vote in favor of this legislation. I hope
in the future we can provide sufficient funding to these programs that
enhance our communities, provide the Nation with clean water, and
protect our precious natural wonders.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this
conference report to provide funding for the Department of the Interior
and the Environmental Protection Agency for fiscal year 2006. Despite a
tight allocation, the Chairman and Ranking Member of the Interior
subcommittee performed an admirable task in providing the necessary
funding for the continued management of federal lands and the operation
of our country's environmental programs. I was disappointed to learn,
however, that the bill does not provide much needed funding for a
project I requested for the City of Houston and the University of
Texas, Houston to conduct a risk assessment of air toxics in the
Greater Houston area.
The Houston Chronicle recently completed a five-part series titled
``In Harm's Way'' that investigated air toxics in the ``fence-line''
communities near industrial facilities in Houston's East End. In
particular, the series noted that the Texas Commission on Environmental
Quality found that folks residing in some of these neighborhoods
experience higher levels of potentially carcinogenic compounds than
other areas.
For many years, residents have had concerns and questions about the
quality of the air in Houston's East End, the potential relationship to
local industry, and the potential health effects on their families. The
City of Houston, partnering with the University of Texas School of
Public Health, is already working to characterize the science and weigh
the evidence on health effects. Federal funding would allow us to
broaden the scope of these efforts to ensure that we include the full
range of risk assessment activities in our effort to improve the air in
Houston.
While I remain disappointed that the Appropriations Committee did not
include a line-item appropriation for this project, I am pleased that
my colleague from Washington, the Interior Subcommittee Ranking Member,
recognized the need for this air toxics assessment and has agreed to
work with me to encourage the EPA to include this assessment as part of
its fiscal year 2006 operations.
I thank my friend, Mr. Dicks, for his willingness to work with me on
this effort. The folks in these fence-line communities--my
constituents--are often the workers who produce many of the essential
energy and petrochemical products we all use everyday, and they deserve
accurate information about their environment.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to support this
bill.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, there is an old saying that, ``You can put
a dress on a pig, but it's still a pig.'' While I am happy that the
FY06 Interior Appropriations Conference Report includes $1.5 billion to
make up for the funding shortfall for the Veterans' Administration, VA,
it does not mask the horrible choices that were made in the rest of
this bill. It's still a pig. This legislation includes cuts to the
Clean Water State Revolving Fund, decreases in the number of STAG
grants, and completely eliminates many conservation grants.
Ensuring that the VA has the funding it needs is one of my highest
priorities, which is why I am so disappointed that this money was
included in a bill that undermines our environment. It is sad that
veterans' have been shortchanged by President Bush who was all to
[[Page 18345]]
eager to send troops off to war, but failed to account for the cost of
their care after they had dutifully served their country. The
underestimation by the White House of $1.5 billion for this year is
only the tip of the iceberg with the shortfall for next year already
projected to be $2.6 billion. Unfortunately, the shortsightedness of
the Republican majority failed to include this spending where it should
be, in the Military Quality of Life Appropriations bill.
However, Mr. Speaker, in spite of the shortcomings for the
environment, I will vote for this bill to support our troops.
Mr. SALAZAR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support
for the conference report on H.R. 2361, the Interior Appropriations
bill. This important piece of legislation provides $1.5 billion to
remedy the shortfall in veterans' health care for this year. Earlier
this month, I stood here urging this body to step up to the plate when
it comes to veterans. Our veterans must be our number one priority. By
passing this measure, we take the first step in fulfilling our
obligation to the men and women who have served our country with honor
and dignity.
Passage of this bill is a necessity--I will never turn my back to our
Nation's veterans. However, I do want to take this opportunity to
discuss my concerns with the larger measure and its failure to address
the land and water conservation and management needs of our nation. The
Land and Water Conservation Fund has been a valuable program for my
district. This has been a fund to assist communities in helping
preserve open space to protect and conserve unique landscapes. The cut
in funding for the Land and Water Conservation Fund is a cut in land
conservation for Colorado.
For those who know, the 3rd Congressional District is comprised of
rural communities containing millions of acres of public lands. These
public lands are managed by the U.S. Forest Service, Bureau of Land
Management, National Park Service, and the Fish and Wildlife Service.
These agencies and public lands provide many benefits for the local
communities in my district. I am disappointed with the decrease in
funding to these agencies in this year's Interior Appropriations
Conference Report. These agencies have to maintain a difficult balance
of managing our nation's public lands with budget constraints. By
cutting funding to these agencies it makes it very difficult for them
to maintain their current management practices and leaves our nation's
public lands in jeopardy.
With that being said, this report does have some positive aspects.
The funding of $5.6 billion for Indian programs is beneficial for
school and hospital construction, education grants, human services
programs, and law enforcement needs. These programs are essential for
the Native American reservations within my district.
More often than not, in the West, the Federal Government is not just
your neighbor, it is the entire neighborhood. Since most of my district
cannot raise taxes, Payment in Lieu of Funding is vital. These counties
with public lands within their boundaries need this funding for
schools, roads, and other infrastructure needs. This program has never
been fully funded, yet my counties are dependent upon this program. I
hope to see this program fully funded next year.
I also want to see continued funding for the National Fire Plan and
the forest health initiatives. These programs need to see increased
funding due to the continued drought periods in the West and the
current pine beetle epidemic. If the beetle infestations are not
addressed, we will continue to see our forests decimated. These insects
will continue to cause fire hazards in our nation's forests if we do
not get them under control.
I urge Congress next year to fully fund these agency budgets. This is
critical to the Western States and our existence.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank Representatives Obey and
Dicks for their assistance in securing $100,000 for Montrose's City
Hall Renovation Project. The City Hall building of Montrose was built
in 1926 and has been well preserved throughout the years. However, as
the City and County continues to grow, so too must the building in
order to accommodate the needs of the people. Preserving and expanding
the City Hall building in Montrose will allow us to keep a part of
history alive for future generations of Colorado. Mr. Speaker once
again I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this legislation. We
need to sure up our VA budget so we can continue to provide critical
health care services to our nation's veterans. In the future we need to
restore the Land and Water Conservation funding and fully fund our
agencies budgets.
Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, I will vote for this conference
report--but only because it includes an essential immediate increase in
funding for veterans health care.
This has been a long time coming. Last September, many of us sought
to provide a $2.5 billion increase over the Bush Administration's
budget for veterans' health care. Earlier this year, Members on our
side of the aisle made an unsuccessful effort to add $1.2 billion for
veterans' health care to the emergency supplemental appropriations for
military activities in Afghanistan and Iraq. And over the last month,
the Republican leadership led successful efforts to block consideration
of amendments to add the needed funds for VA health care.
Things finally changed when the Bush Administration finally
acknowledged a $1 billion shortfall in veterans' health care for FY
2005, which had been well known since spring. When that happened, the
Senate added $1.5 billion in supplemental funding to this bill because
it was the most convenient legislative vehicle--and the conferees
wisely agreed to retain it in the conference report.
This additional $1.5 billion is essential if we are to make any claim
to meeting our moral obligation to America's veterans and returning
soldiers. Because of its inclusion, I will vote for the conference
report, even though the rest of the conference report does not deserve
to pass.
Except for the veterans' health funding, this conference report falls
short across the board.
It once again fails to provide the authorized funding for the
payments-in-lieu-of-taxes program, shortchanging the counties and other
local governments in Colorado and across the country for whom these
``PILT'' payments are so important.
It does not provide enough funds to enable the Bureau of Land
Management, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, the National Park
Service, or the Forest Service to properly manage the federal lands for
which they are responsible.
And it inadequately funds many other agencies as well, particularly
the Environmental Protection Agency, which will be cut by about 3
percent from this fiscal year. I am particularly concerned about deep
cuts to EPA's state grants (down nearly $400 million from fiscal 2005),
which support environmental protection programs through grants to
State, local and tribal governments, and a $24 million shortfall for
EPA science and technology research.
Of course, Colorado will benefit from funding earmarked for projects
in several parts of the state. But the needs of many communities will
go unmet, and opportunities to acquire high-priority lands such as
those in the Beaver Brook watershed in Clear Creek County will be
missed.
Finally, the bill includes extensive legislative provisions
authorizing the Forest Service to sell, lease, exchange, or otherwise
convey lands that the Forest Service identifies as ``administrative
sites''--including forest headquarters, ranger stations, research
stations, or laboratories, among many other kinds of sites.
Mr. Speaker, this part of the conference report originated in the
Senate. Inclusion of such legislative provisions in a general
appropriation bill is contrary to the House rules, because it properly
should be handled by the authorizing committee--the Committee on
Resources--in an orderly fashion that allows for hearings and the
consideration of amendments.
It would have been far better for the House conferees to have
rejected it and enabled our committee to consider it in that fashion.
However, I want to express my appreciation for the fact that the
conferees did make very important changes in the Senate-passed
language.
In particular, I am glad that they included an explicit requirement
for the Forest Service to consult with affected local governments and
to provide public notice regarding their plans for disposing of
properties covered by this part of the conference report. And I think
that excluding visitor centers and potential inholdings as well as
lands providing access to other lands or waters were valuable changes,
as was the requirement that the Forest Service provide advance notice
to Congress of planned disposals and the reaffirmation that
environmental analysis of proposed disposals include consideration of
the ``no action'' alternative as required by NEPA.
While this legislation will remain in effect only through fiscal
2008, the statement of managers clearly signals an expectation that
Congress will be asked to renew it or perhaps even make it permanent.
If that should occur, I will do all I can to make sure that the
Resources Committee is responsible for considering such legislation and
that it is not accomplished by inclusion of legislation in an
appropriations measure.
Ms. CORRINE BROWN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my
support for the Senate passed amendment to the Interior Appropriations
bill to include $1.5 billion in
[[Page 18346]]
emergency supplemental funding to the veterans budget.
However, this funding comes more than a month late. We had a chance
to get this emergency spending to the people who need the funding
before we left for the July Fourth recess.
After the budget shortfall was announced, both sides of the aisle in
the Senate came together to take immediate action to address this
issue. They passed a $1.5 billion emergency funding amendment to
immediately get the funds to the people who need it, our veterans,
those who have defended this Nation against its enemies.
As we have seen by the slow movement of these badly needed funds, all
Republicans do is talk, when it comes to a veteran in need.
The Republican Leadership in the House decided to sit on their hands
and wait for President Bush to pull a number out of the air. That
number was $975 million.
However, it turns out that the Bush level was $300 million short to
fund veterans health.
This would be a good start to resolving the funding crisis in
veterans healthcare, but I know this administration will continue to
try to balance the budget on the backs of the men and women who have
sacrificed to defend this great Nation of ours.
The Fiscal Year 2006 budget is short, and the FY 2007 budget is being
calculated as we stand here.
Let this be the beginning of full funding for veterans healthcare,
now and in the future.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss funding for
veterans' healthcare. As the son, grandson, and brother of veterans, I
understand just how important this funding is to our brave men and
women who have answered the call of duty to serve their country. Since
coming to Congress, it has been one of my greatest pleasures to be able
to provide our veterans with the care and the treatment they deserve.
Since 1995, Congress has increased spending on veterans by more than
59 percent--an average increase of 6.9 percent per year. During this
Congress alone we have increased the death benefits and life insurance
coverage of our Armed Services personnel. We have also provided funding
for specialty mental health care for the first time ever, increased
funding for the treatment of conditions like Post Traumatic Stress
Syndrome, and doubled funding for mental health care issues. This is
indeed a record to which we can all be proud.
I was also proud to cosponsor H.R. 303, the Retired Pay Restoration
Act, in the 108th Congress. With the agreement of the House and Senate,
another version of this bill was passed and signed by President Bush in
order to allow certain military retirees to receive both their
longevity retired pay and veterans disability compensation. As Speaker
of the House J. Dennis Hastert noted, ``Congressman Hensarling's strong
support for our nation's veterans and concurrent receipt legislation
was critical to ensuring that we achieved the most significant,
positive step forward for veterans in our nation's history.''
Unfortunately, sometimes Congress can fall short. For instance, the
Fiscal Year 2004 Veterans Affairs and Housing and Urban Development
Appropriations bill, fell $1.8 billion short of what was agreed to in
that year's budget resolution. This inadequate level for funding for
veterans healthcare greatly concerned me, and that is why I voted
against the bill. When thousands of veterans were waiting 6 months or
longer for healthcare, I did not believe that it was the time to skimp
on needed resources.
Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the House of Representatives voted on the
Fiscal Year 2006 Department of the Interior, Environment, and Related
Agencies Appropriations bill. Included as part of this legislation was
$1.5 billion in funding for the Department of Veterans Affairs to cover
an anticipated budgetary shortfall for the current fiscal year. I am
very pleased that the House of Representatives has approved the funding
necessary to ensure that they receive the medical care they deserve.
However, because the underlying legislation to which we attached this
important provision violated the budget we agree to abide by earlier
this year, I found myself in the difficult position of having to vote
against this legislation.
There were a number of alternative methods that could have been used
to alleviate this problem--methods that would not have violated the
budget. Most notably, we could have amended H.R. 3130, which was
approved unanimously by the House of Representatives on June 30, 2005,
to provide the necessary funding levels. This broadly supported measure
would have demonstrated our firm commitment to our veterans, and it is
unfortunate this alternative was not utilized.
Mr. Speaker, in the end the greatest threat to adequately funding the
needs of our veterans is Congress' seemingly inherent inability to
control runaway wasteful spending in our budget. Each and every time we
spend another dollar on wasteful measures like bulletproof vests for K-
9s, bridges to nowhere, or an underground cafeteria in the Carlsbad
Caverns, is a dollar that is not available for our veterans.
One of Congress's most solemn obligations is to care for our
veterans. I remain committed to funding 100 percent of the benefits
veterans have earned through their service and sacrifice to our
country. I will continue to work with Members of Congress to explore
ways to ensure that the Department of Veterans Affairs gets the money
they need within the rules of our budget agreement. I will not however,
support legislation to grow the budget of another department, such as
this bill would have done with the Department of the Interior, at the
expense of our veteran's and our children's future.
Mr. SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, as a strong supporter of our
Nation's veterans, I support the additional $1.5 billion provided in
the FY 2006 Interior Appropriations bill that addresses the current
shortfall in funding for veterans' health care. These funds are
urgently needed to care for troops returning from Iraq and Afghanistan,
as well as the heroes from former conflicts who rely upon the VA for
their health care. According to the Department of Veterans Affairs, VA,
currently, there are 24.8 million veterans of the U.S. armed services.
They served their country in one of the military branches--Army, Navy,
Air Force, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard--or in one of many smaller
groups that supported the military services, primarily during World War
II.
Approximately 769,000 veterans live in Georgia serving in every major
conflict and during peacetime. About a quarter of the nation's
population, approximately 70 million people, are potentially eligible
for VA benefits and services because they are veterans, family members
or survivors of veterans. The benefits include: medical care, payments
to compensate for disabilities suffered during military service,
rehabilitation and employment assistance, pensions to low-income
disabled veterans, guarantees on loans to help veterans buy homes,
financial aid to help them attend school, burial in a national cemetery
and special headstones or markers for their gravesites.
Slightly less than half of all Americans who ever served during
wartime in our country's history are alive today, and nearly 80 percent
of today's veterans served during a war or an official period of
conflict. There are widows and children of veterans of the Civil War
and the Indian War of the last century who still receive VA benefits.
The largest group of veterans fought in World War II. Approximately
550,000 Georgia veterans served during wartime during either World War
II, the Korean conflict, during the Vietnam era or during the Gulf War.
These veterans deserve our support especially due to the extraordinary
sacrifices and contributions that they have made so that peace and
freedom could exist around the world.
I also encourage Congress to provide much needed additional funding
for veterans' health care in FY 2006 so that the VA's resources are
sufficient to meet the increased demand for its services from our
Nation's veterans and their families. It is critical that at all times,
but particularly during a time of war, the quality of care for veterans
must be a clear and unmistakable priority. We must fulfill our
commitment to those who helped build America's strength and security.
Our veterans should not have to wait any longer for the benefits they
deserve.
Ms. McCOLLUM of Minnesota. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the
conference agreement on the Department of Interior Appropriations, H.R.
2361, because it addresses urgent needs within our veterans' health
care system. Last month, the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA)
announced a $1.3 billion shortfall in funding for veterans' medical
care, and it is estimated that in FY 2006 this shortfall could grow.
This is unacceptable. With thousands of new veterans entering our
health care system every year--including those that have fought in
Iraq, Afghanistan and the global war on terrorism--we must provide the
resources they need and deserve, as well as continuing to provide for
those who came before them. This bill provides $1.5 billion in
emergency funding in FY 2005 for veterans health care and keeps our
promise to those who have so honorably served our nation.
This bill also provides a $5 million increase for the National
Endowment for the Arts. I support this investment in our artistic
resources. It enhances the richness of Minnesota and our nation's
cultural legacy and allows participation in the arts by many who would
not otherwise have the opportunity.
Regrettably, this bill falls short on supporting the federal programs
that conserve our environment and protect the public's health. This
[[Page 18347]]
bill cuts funding for the Clean Water State Revolving Loan Fund by 17
percent. This fund allows states to allocate funds for local water and
sewage treatment projects. St. Paul Regional Water Services recently
applied for Clean Water funds for a water filtration project and were
denied because there wasn't enough funding.
Funding for the National Park Service is also cut by three percent.
These dollars are used to protect our national treasures like
Voyageurs, Yosemite and Yellowstone National Parks. The maintenance
backlog at our National Parks has increased from $4.9 billion in 2000,
when President Bush pledged to eliminate the backlog, to $7.1 billion
today. We should give the Park Service the resources to maintain these
national treasures instead of slipping farther and farther behind in
unmet maintenance needs.
I am pleased to support our nation's honored veterans. Unfortunately,
while this bill could have done so much more to keep our families and
communities strong and healthy and protect our nation's cherished
natural resources for generations to come, this Congress failed to make
the environment and public health a priority.
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests
for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Walden of Oregon). Without objection the
previous question is ordered on the conference report.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX further proceedings on this question
will be postponed.
____________________
GENERAL LEAVE
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and
extend their remarks and that I may include tabular and extraneous
material on the conference report to accompany H.R. 2985.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
____________________
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2985, LEGISLATIVE BRANCH APPROPRIATIONS ACT,
2006
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I call up the conference report
on the bill (H.R. 2985), making appropriations for the Legislative
Branch for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and for other
purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 396, the
conference report is considered read.
(For conference report and statement see proceedings of the House of
July 26, 2005 at Page 17728.)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis)
and the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) each will control 30
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis).
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
might consume. I do not expect that we will use very much of our time,
Mr. Speaker.
The conference report I bring forth today to fund the legislative
branch involves those activities providing some $3 billion, 800
million, an increase of 4.5 percent over the year 2005.
Mr. Speaker, the adjustments upward almost entirely represent
increased expenditures for our police services and security around the
Capitol campus, and, beyond that, expenses that are directly related to
the development of the Congressional Visitors Center.
Otherwise the bill is absolutely flat in terms of spending over 2005-
2006. It is a very, very lean bill. I urge the Members to support the
bill.
Mr. Speaker, I submit the following for the Record:
[[Page 18348]]
TH28JY05.006
[[Page 18349]]
TH28JY05.007
[[Page 18350]]
TH28JY05.008
[[Page 18351]]
TH28JY05.009
[[Page 18352]]
TH28JY05.010
[[Page 18353]]
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, at the risk of beating a dead horse, I would once again
like to express my profound misgivings about supporting this bill this
afternoon.
Obviously this Chamber has basic expenses, and they have to be paid
for, but I want to suggest that I think that the visitors center, which
is now being constructed on the east side of the Capitol, is a project
which, while it might be desirable, has been managed in such an
outlandish fashion that I think before it is done, it is going to bring
great embarrassment to this institution.
The fact is that that center started out costing around $90 million.
Before it is finished, it is now going to cost a good $600 million. It
was supposed to be open by 2005. We are going to be lucky if it will be
open and fully operational, if we ignore the nice word games that we
have been presented by the Architect's office; in fact, we will be
lucky if this is fully operational by the year 2007.
In my view, this project has been mismanaged as badly as the entire
Federal budget has been mismanaged. That hole that we used to have out
here, I think, was symbolic of the hole in logic that has dominated the
administration of this entire project.
I have two principal objections to that visitors center. Number one,
I think it is far too expensive. And, secondly, I object to the
misallocation of space in that project.
Now, I have seen three different stories that have purportedly
reported on my objections to the center. And each of those stories
leaves the impression that my major concern is simply that Congress did
not have enough room. That is not my point at all.
My point is that when you have such a huge addition of space to the
Capitol, that space should be allocated in an intelligent way, in a way
which makes Congress more efficient, in a way which gives Congress more
working space as opposed to propaganda space.
We are going to have a lot of money lavished on a media center. We
are going to have all of the creature comforts that you can imagine for
any of the reporters who cover Members of Congress in that media
center. But there will be very little done to make this Congress more
able to sit down in a timely fashion in conference and work out our
differences.
So I think a tremendous amount of space has been wasted. And I think
a tremendous amount of taxpayers' dollars have been wasted. And the
reason I am voting against this is because I think this is the last
chance that any of us will have to ask the leadership of this House and
the Architect's office to at least review the way space is being
allocated, at least review the way taxpayer dollars are being expended.
We are going to have, when this project is over, we will have a
project which is cosmetically beautiful, no question about that. There
will be lots of Taj Mahal marble show space, but there will be very
little working space that will be added.
{time} 1715
I think that if we are not getting the biggest bang from the buck we
ought to be getting out of a project like this. I do believe that not
only is the cost of this project out of control, I think the heating
center project which is also ongoing is also going to wind up
embarrassing this institution significantly.
So I intend to vote ``no.'' I am not going to particularly try to ask
anyone to vote any which way, but I intend to vote ``no'' because I
think this visitor center represents a missed opportunity and a
spectacular case of mismanagement and wasting of taxpayer funds.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, it is by way of suggesting to my colleagues in the body
that my friend, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), is raising
serious questions regarding the visitor center, and because of that
focus he has not spent a lot of time today talking about the
fundamentals of this bill that relate to supporting the institution,
the work of the legislative branch, an effort which is fundamental to
our being successful as a legislative branch.
The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) and I share together great
concern about making sure that work goes forward and goes forward
successfully. We are partners. In connection with this, I, frankly,
today would like to predict at least that somewhere out there before we
leave the Congress, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) and I
together will walk with our brides through this visitors centers and
have different kinds of observations. We will enjoy much of the Taj,
but in the meantime it will be a fabulous addition to the Congress, the
largest addition that has been made in our lifetime at any rate, my
public affairs lifetime.
I am very proud of the work of this subcommittee, the work they have
done to carry forward the effort of the legislative branch.
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would not mind, I would like to take
just a moment to ask my colleague, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
LaHood), to kind of introduce your piece of that because the gentleman
from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) and he share similar interests regarding the
real work of the legislative branch.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. LaHood).
Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, I just want to say this is a good bill. It
is a bill that every Member should support. It is a bill that takes
care of all the things that get done around here. Every day there is a
Record printed of every word that is spoken in the House. Every day
there are Clerks that show up here that help the Members. Every day
there are people here that take care of the security of the Capitol.
Every day there are people here to make sure that we can come and do
our work and this bill takes care of all of that.
That is why it is a bill that is absolutely critical to every Member
of this institution. It is a bill that I think highlights some of the
important things that have gone on and will go on around here in terms
of opportunities to enhance the facilities, one of the most beautiful,
magnificent buildings in the world, and the one across the street, the
Library of Congress, is also accounted for, and the staff that work
there and provide the kind of resources, the people that do the
research that help us write the bills around here and all of that
staff.
There is also in this bill the opportunity not only to enhance a
visitors center, which may not be perfect but one that is sorely
needed, but there are also provisions in this bill to account for what
happens if some sort of national calamity would fall upon the United
States Capitol, the idea of continuity and how we should succeed
ourselves around here. I think that is an important part of it.
I hope during our deliberations next year we can consider some sort
of governance board for the visitors center to account for maybe a
little bit more opportunity to look at how it should be run and how it
should be operated. But this is a good bill.
This is the bill that says to all of the people that make this
institution work, we are grateful to you. This is the bill that says to
all the people who help us get our jobs done, we thank you for what you
do. And this is a bill that deserves the support of every Member of the
Chamber.
I encourage all Members to vote ``aye'' on the legislative branch
bill so that we can continue to keep the operations of the United
States Capitol, the House of Representatives, the United States Senate,
and all the workings of this great institution going.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. LaHood)
for reminding me that I forgot to mention the continuity issue as well.
Again, I find myself in the minority.
This is a very important question. What we are talking about here is
very simply, what would happen if a large number of Members of Congress
were obliterated in some kind of terrorist
[[Page 18354]]
attack and we were left in a crisis situation? And we have very simply
a choice that needs to be made. We have a choice between an operation
which would allow the executive branch to essentially operate almost
any way it sees fits with perhaps only a handful of surviving Members
for a 45-day period until we can have special elections to replace
Members of Congress who might have been killed in such an attack; or we
could follow a different model under which we would have this Congress
populated for a temporary period by persons who are appointed under a
previously prescribed procedure until we could have a special election
so that we would again have elected representatives for each of the 435
districts in this House.
I much prefer the latter. I do not think it is a good idea, as this
bill does, to, in effect, create a situation in which we would have
one-man rule for 45 days. We could have literally only a handful of
Members of Congress who had survived an attack, and I do not think
under those circumstances that we want to be ruled by a President
without any kind of checks and balances whatsoever.
So there is an honest, intellectual difference of opinion on this
question. And I think we are going down the wrong road. I think that by
choosing the model that was chosen, what is happening is that we are in
fact choosing form over substance. It is indeed important to have
persons who represent each of our districts be elected representatives.
But if the Member from an individual district is blown away in a
terrorist attack, it is in my judgment, better that that district be
represented on a temporary basis by an appointed person rather than
having them represented by no one at all for that period.
So that is why I think that this House in its haste to find a
solution is going down the wrong road.
Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. OBEY. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. LaHOOD. I wonder if the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey)
would, since I gave him a friendly reminder, would be willing to vote
for the bill now as a result from the fact now that you could now
expound on this for another 5 minutes?
Mr. OBEY. No, I do not think so. I think there is always room in this
place for protest votes, and this is one occasion when I intend to
exercise it; but I thank the gentleman for his efforts.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. LaHood).
Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, I just want to say this. We did have a very
spirited debate on this issue of continuity. We really did. I do not
know if there were 5 or 6 or 7 hours, but the gentleman from Washington
(Mr. Baird) had his chance to present his bill and have a vote on it.
And, frankly, not very many Members voted for it. And we did have a
good debate about it, but I think ultimately the Speaker decided that
we have to get on with this issue and this was the place to put it.
It may not be the best place, but it is in this bill because I think
the Speaker felt an obligation that we have to deal with this issue at
some point. It may not be perfect, but we did have a very good debate
about it, and I think that is why it is included in the bill.
I thank the chairman for allowing me to explain that.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Walden of Oregon). Without objection,
the previous question is ordered on the conference report.
There was no objecton.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this question
will be postponed.
____________________
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, ENVIRONMENT, AND RELATED AGENCIES
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The pending business is the question of
agreeing to the conference report on the bill, H.R. 2361, on which the
yeas and nays are ordered.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the Chair will reduce to 5 minutes
the minimum time for the electronic vote on the question of adoption of
the conference report on H.R. 2985.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 410,
nays 10, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 450]
YEAS--410
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Baca
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Bean
Beauprez
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (OH)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carter
Case
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Culberson
Cummings
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Gutknecht
Hall
Harman
Harris
Hart
Hastert
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Herger
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Maloney
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinney
McMorris
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Menendez
Mica
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Oberstar
Obey
Ortiz
Osborne
Otter
Owens
Oxley
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Reyes
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Sabo
Salazar
[[Page 18355]]
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Saxton
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Sodrel
Solis
Souder
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Strickland
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--10
Dingell
Duncan
Flake
Franks (AZ)
Graves
Hefley
Hensarling
Jones (NC)
Pence
Petri
NOT VOTING--14
Andrews
Carson
Cox
Cramer
Cuellar
Davis (FL)
Gillmor
Lynch
Olver
Paul
Renzi
Schakowsky
Scott (GA)
Waxman
{time} 1747
Mr. HEFLEY changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Messrs. BUTTERFIELD, MACK, BLUMENAUER, and STARK changed their vote
from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the conference report was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. RENZI. Mr. Speaker, on Thursday, July 28, 2005 I was unavoidably
detained and missed the House of Representative's vote on the adoption
of the Conference Report on H.R. 2361, Department of the Interior,
Environment, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year
2006. Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on H.R. 2361.
Mr. CUELLAR. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 450, Interior
Appropriations bill, had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''
____________________
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
Mr. JONES of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, on vote No. 450 regarding
adoption of the Conference Report on H.R. 2361--the Department of the
Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act for
Fiscal Year 2006--my vote was recorded in a manner inconsistent with my
intent. Let the Record show that my vote should have been recorded as
``yea'' not ``nay.''
____________________
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2985, LEGISLATIVE BRANCH APPROPRIATIONS ACT,
2006
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). The pending business is the
question of agreeing to the conference report on the bill, H.R. 2985,
on which the yeas and nays are ordered.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 305,
nays 122, not voting 7, as follows:
[Roll No. 451]
YEAS--305
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Baca
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Beauprez
Berkley
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carnahan
Carter
Case
Castle
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costa
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dingell
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Evans
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Foley
Fortenberry
Foxx
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goodlatte
Granger
Green, Al
Hall
Harman
Hart
Hastert
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Herger
Higgins
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (RI)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris
McNulty
Meeks (NY)
Mica
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Myrick
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Ortiz
Osborne
Otter
Owens
Oxley
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Reyes
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Sabo
Sanchez, Linda T.
Saxton
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Sherwood
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Sodrel
Souder
Strickland
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Towns
Turner
Upton
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--122
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berman
Berry
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Brown (OH)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Cardoza
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Coble
Conyers
Cooper
Costello
Davis (CA)
Davis, Jo Ann
DeFazio
DeGette
Dicks
Doggett
Duncan
Etheridge
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Ford
Fossella
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Garrett (NJ)
Goode
Gordon
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Gutknecht
Harris
Hayworth
Hefley
Hensarling
Herseth
Hinchey
Honda
Hooley
Hulshof
Inslee
Israel
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (MN)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
Kucinich
Lee
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Maloney
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McKinney
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Melancon
Menendez
Miller (FL)
Miller, George
Moore (KS)
Musgrave
Nadler
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pelosi
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pomeroy
Price (GA)
Rohrabacher
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Salazar
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Shays
Sherman
Shimkus
Slaughter
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Tierney
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Westmoreland
Woolsey
Wu
NOT VOTING--7
Andrews
Carson
Clay
Lynch
Paul
Renzi
Schakowsky
{time} 1755
So the conference report was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. RENZI. Mr. Speaker, on Thursday, July 28, 2005, I was unavoidably
detained and missed the House of Representatives' vote on the adoption
of the Conference Report on H.R. 2985, Legislative Branch
Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 2006. Had I been present I would
have voted ``yea'' on H.R. 2985.
[[Page 18356]]
____________________
PROVIDING FOR AN ADJOURNMENT OR RECESS OF THE TWO HOUSES
Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I offer a privileged concurrent resolution
(H. Con. Res. 225) and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the concurrent resolution, as follows:
H. Con. Res. 225
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That, in consonance with section 132(a) of the
Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, when the House
adjourns on the legislative day of Thursday, July 28, 2005,
Friday, July 29, 2005, or Saturday, July 30, 2005, on a
motion offered pursuant to this concurrent resolution by its
Majority Leader or his designee, it stand adjourned until 2
p.m. on Tuesday, September 6, 2005, or until the time of any
reassembly pursuant to section 2 of this concurrent
resolution, whichever occurs first; and that when the Senate
recesses or adjourns on any day from Friday, July 29, 2005,
through Friday, August 5, 2005, on a motion offered pursuant
to this concurrent resolution by its Majority Leader or his
designee, it stand recessed or adjourned until noon on
Tuesday, September 6, 2005, or at such other time on that day
as may be specified by its Majority Leader or his designee in
the motion to recess or adjourn, or until the time of any
reassembly pursuant to section 2 of this concurrent
resolution, whichever occurs first.
Sec. 2. The Speaker of the House and the Majority Leader of
the Senate, or their respective designees, acting jointly
after consultation with the Minority Leader of the House and
the Minority Leader of the Senate, shall notify the Members
of the House and the Senate, respectively, to reassemble at
such place and time as they may designate whenever, in their
opinion, the public interest shall warrant it.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 132(a) of the
Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 404,
nays 16, not voting 13, as follows:
[Roll No. 452]
YEAS--404
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Baca
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Bean
Beauprez
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (OH)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carter
Case
Castle
Chabot
Chocola
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Flake
Foley
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Gutknecht
Hall
Harman
Harris
Hart
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Maloney
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinney
McMorris
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Menendez
Mica
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Oberstar
Obey
Ortiz
Osborne
Otter
Owens
Oxley
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Reyes
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Saxton
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Sodrel
Solis
Souder
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Strickland
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Upton
Van Hollen
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--16
Boswell
Chandler
Cooper
Doggett
Ford
Lewis (GA)
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
Matheson
Olver
Sanchez, Loretta
Sherman
Taylor (MS)
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Wu
NOT VOTING--13
Andrews
Barrett (SC)
Butterfield
Carson
Eshoo
Larson (CT)
Lynch
Moore (KS)
Paul
Renzi
Sanders
Schakowsky
Velazquez
{time} 1813
Mr. UDALL of Colorado and Mr. OLVER changed their vote from ``yea''
to ``nay.''
So the concurrent resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. RENZI. Mr. Speaker, on Thursday, July 28, 2005, I was unavoidably
detained and missed the House of Representatives vote on an Adjournment
Resolution. Had I been present I would have voted ``yea'' on the
resolution.
____________________
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, I regret that I missed five votes on July
28, 2005. Had I been present I would have voted ``yes'' on rollcall
Nos. 448, 450 and 452. I would have voted ``no'' on rollcall Nos. 449
and 451.
____________________
REMOVAL OF NAME OF MEMBER AS COSPONSOR OF H.R. 1946
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to have my
name removed as a cosponsor of H.R. 1946.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). Is there objection to the request
of the gentleman from Georgia?
There was no objection.
____________________
CONGRATULATING SUSAN HANBACK ON HER RETIREMENT FROM THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES
(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, as we approach completion of our work here
before the summer break, I think it is important for us to note that
when we return, a very familiar face will no longer be greeting us here
when we regularly come onto the House floor. I am
[[Page 18357]]
referring, of course, to Susan Hanback, who has worked on Capitol Hill
since 1967.
{time} 1815
That is a long, long period of time. And after that long tenure, she
has chosen to retire. And I would like to take just a minute because I
learned some things about her, in the fact that she is headed to
retirement, that I did not know, Mr. Speaker.
Earlier in her career, during a very challenging time in our Nation's
history, she worked hard and reported on the hearings for the
confirmation of Nelson Rockefeller to become Vice President of the
United States and Gerald Ford to become President of the United States.
In 1976 she joined the House as a House official committee reporter.
And in 1979 she became a floor reporter of debates, one of the first
two stenotype reporters to come to the floor. Since 1995 Susan has been
Chief of the combined committee/floor reporter offices.
And I would like to say that she has got a number of outside
interests as well. Not everyone knows that she and former Senator John
Breaux actually won a mixed doubles tournament at the Capitol Hill
Tennis Club.
She is a very, very familiar face to us, and one that we will miss
greatly. And I would like all of us, Mr. Speaker, to join in expressing
our appreciation to the fine service of Susan Hanback.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. DREIER. I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from California, the
chairman of the Committee on Rules, for yielding to me.
Mr. Speaker, those of us who have been here for some period of time
quickly learn that those who serve this House, this institution, who
may not speak in the well, who may not introduce legislation, who may
not participate in debates, nevertheless are absolutely critical to the
legislative process. As a group they bring a degree of love of country,
love of the House of Representatives, and commitment to their work that
surely if paralleled somewhere, it is only in a few places.
I have had the privilege of working with the desk officers, the
reporters, the parliamentarians for now over a quarter of a century,
less time than Susan Hanback has served this House. She was here when I
came here in 1981.
Her decision to retire as Chief of the Office of Official Reporters
is, of course, wonderful news for her and her family. We had an
opportunity to discuss it on the floor just the other evening about how
she is going to enjoy her Virginia residence, perhaps much more
peaceful, less hassled, but from time to time perhaps a little less
interesting as well, but certainly more restful. And she deserves the
rest because her service has been extraordinary.
As has been said by the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), she
has worked in the House since the late 1960s. She witnessed during that
time some of the most important events that have occurred on the House
floor, including debates on legislation affecting every aspect of
Americans' lives as she transcribed innumerable speeches and statements
of hundreds of Members of Congress.
Those who transcribe history are critically important because future
generations will learn from the historic record that they have set
down, and the accuracy of that reporting is critically important not
only to the deliberations of this body today, but it will be critically
important to the precedents of tomorrow.
Mrs. Hanback has dedicated her career to serving the American people
just as surely as every one of us who serves here in elected office.
Those who serve as reporters and at the desk and as the
parliamentarians and in every other aspect of making sure this House
runs correctly serve America, serve America's citizens, serve America's
freedom. By accurately reporting for and helping oversee the production
of the Congressional Record, Susan has helped ensure that there is a
government accessible to the people and is, therefore, a government for
the people, of the people, and by the people.
Susan was critical, as so many of you are whose names are not known
to the public and, indeed, whose names may not be known to many who
serve here by your sides every day. But because your names are not
known, it does not mean that the service you perform is not absolutely
essential to our democracy.
Susan Hanback was offered a job, Mr. Speaker, as a Senate official
reporter in 1987. As testimony to the love of this House, she turned
that offer down and chose to stay in the House because she thought it
was more interesting, and the people said, Amen.
We are all, of course, very grateful, Susan, that you made that
decision. We have been advantaged not only by the skill with which you
have performed your job, but by the warmth of your personality and the
grace that you have served this body.
I would like to wish you all the very best. The gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), minority leader, and the leadership on this
side joins with the Speaker, the majority leader, the majority whip,
and all the officers, including the gentleman from California (Mr.
Dreier), on that side of the aisle to say in a nonpartisan, bipartisan,
unanimous way, Susan, you have served us well. You have served your
country well. We wish you the very greatest of happiness as you now
retire from this body to serving so well your family as you have done
for so long, but now will do so much more present with them, and we
wish you the very best.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I thank my friend for
his very thoughtful comments.
And as he was talking about Susan's history here, and as I look at
the gathered employees here of the House of Representatives, I was
thinking during the remarks that the gentleman from Maryland, the
distinguished minority whip offered, of the new assignment that we have
taken on here in this institution when we established under the
direction of the gentleman from Illinois (Speaker Hastert) and the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), minority leader, this new
commission, the House Democracy Assistance Commission. And we have over
the past several months, and are continuing at this time, to proceed
with assessments of different countries around the world, and we are
working with those Parliaments that are looking to model their work
after much of what we do here. Obviously, there are some things that we
might do a little differently.
But, clearly, the example that Susan has set is one that is a model
not just for the future here in the United States of America, but, Mr.
Speaker, it should be known that her example is one that can be set for
these emerging Parliaments, and there are so many of them around the
world, because of the great reverence that is held for this
institution. And as the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) said very
well, the appreciation that exists for all who work at this institution
is something that is held by all of us who are privileged to serve as
elected representatives of this House.
And we do wish you well in your retirement. And we want you to know,
of course, from the Speaker and all of the leadership team, as the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) said, on both sides of the aisle,
that you are welcome back to visit us at any time at all.
____________________
RECESS
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). Pursuant to clause 12(a) of rule
I, the Chair declares the House in recess until approximately 6:35 p.m.
Accordingly (at 6 o'clock and 25 minutes p.m.), the House stood in
recess until approximately 6:35 p.m.
____________________
{time} 1840
AFTER RECESS
The recess having expired, the House was called to order by the
Speaker pro tempore (Mr. Bass) at 6 o'clock and 40 minutes p.m.
[[Page 18358]]
____________________
RECESS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 12(a) of rule I, the
Chair declares the House in recess subject to the call of the Chair.
Accordingly (at 6 o'clock and 41 minutes p.m.), the House stood in
recess subject to the call of the Chair.
____________________
{time} 1859
AFTER RECESS
The recess having expired, the House was called to order by the
Speaker pro tempore (Mr. Bass) at 6 o'clock and 59 minutes p.m.
____________________
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 3, SAFE, ACCOUNTABLE, FLEXIBLE, EFFICIENT
TRANSPORTATION EQUITY ACT: A LEGACY FOR USERS
Mr. YOUNG of Alaska submitted the following conference report and
statement on the bill (H.R. 3) to authorize funds for Federal-aid
highways, highway safety programs, and transit programs, and for other
purposes:
Conference Report (H. Rept. 109-203)
The committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses on the amendment of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
3), to authorize funds for Federal-aid highways, highway
safety programs, and transit programs, and for other
purposes, having met, after full and free conference, have
agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective
Houses as follows:
That the House recede from its disagreement to the
amendment of the Senate and agree to the same with an
amendment as follows:
In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the Senate
amendment, insert the following:
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Safe,
Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act: A
Legacy for Users'' or ``SAFETEA-LU''.
(b) Table of Contents.--
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. General definitions.
TITLE I--FEDERAL-AID HIGHWAYS
Subtitle A--Authorization of Programs
Sec. 1101. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 1102. Obligation ceiling.
Sec. 1103. Apportionments.
Sec. 1104. Equity bonus program.
Sec. 1105. Revenue aligned budget authority.
Sec. 1106. Future Interstate System routes.
Sec. 1107. Metropolitan planning.
Sec. 1108. Transfer of highway and transit funds.
Sec. 1109. Recreational trails.
Sec. 1110. Temporary traffic control devices.
Sec. 1111. Set-asides for Interstate discretionary projects.
Sec. 1112. Emergency relief.
Sec. 1113. Surface transportation program.
Sec. 1114. Highway bridge program.
Sec. 1115. Highway use tax evasion projects.
Sec. 1116. Appalachian development highway system.
Sec. 1117. Transportation, community, and system preservation program.
Sec. 1118. Territorial highway program.
Sec. 1119. Federal lands highways.
Sec. 1120. Puerto Rico highway program.
Sec. 1121. HOV facilities.
Sec. 1122. Definitions.
Subtitle B--Congestion Relief
Sec. 1201. Real-time system management information program.
Subtitle C--Mobility and Efficiency
Sec. 1301. Projects of national and regional significance.
Sec. 1302. National corridor infrastructure improvement program.
Sec. 1303. Coordinated border infrastructure program.
Sec. 1304. High priority corridors on the National Highway System.
Sec. 1305. Truck parking facilities.
Sec. 1306. Freight intermodal distribution pilot grant program.
Sec. 1307. Deployment of magnetic levitation transportation projects.
Sec. 1308. Delta region transportation development program.
Sec. 1309. Extension of public transit vehicle exemption from axle
weight restrictions.
Sec. 1310. Interstate oasis program.
Subtitle D--Highway Safety
Sec. 1401. Highway safety improvement program.
Sec. 1402. Worker injury prevention and free flow of vehicular traffic.
Sec. 1403. Toll facilities workplace safety study.
Sec. 1404. Safe routes to school program.
Sec. 1405. Roadway safety improvements for older drivers and
pedestrians.
Sec. 1406. Safety incentive grants for use of seat belts.
Sec. 1407. Safety incentives to prevent operation of motor vehicles by
intoxicated persons.
Sec. 1408. Improvement or replacement of highway features on National
Highway System.
Sec. 1409. Work zone safety grants.
Sec. 1410. National Work Zone Safety Information Clearinghouse.
Sec. 1411. Roadway safety.
Sec. 1412. Idling reduction facilities in Interstate rights-of-way.
Subtitle E--Construction and Contract Efficiency
Sec. 1501. Program efficiencies.
Sec. 1502. Highways for LIFE pilot program.
Sec. 1503. Design build.
Subtitle F--Finance
Sec. 1601. Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act
amendments.
Sec. 1602. State infrastructure banks.
Sec. 1603. Use of excess funds and funds for inactive projects.
Sec. 1604. Tolling.
Subtitle G--High Priority Projects
Sec. 1701. High Priority Projects program.
Sec. 1702. Project authorizations.
Sec. 1703. Technical amendments to transportation projects.
Subtitle H--Environment
Sec. 1801. Construction of ferry boats and ferry terminal facilities.
Sec. 1802. National Scenic Byways Program.
Sec. 1803. America's Byways Resource Center.
Sec. 1804. National historic covered bridge preservation.
Sec. 1805. Use of debris from demolished bridges and overpasses.
Sec. 1806. Additional authorization of contract authority for States
with Indian reservations.
Sec. 1807. Nonmotorized transportation pilot program.
Sec. 1808. Addition to CMAQ-eligible projects.
Subtitle I--Miscellaneous
Sec. 1901. Inclusion of requirements for signs identifying funding
sources in title 23.
Sec. 1902. Donations and credits.
Sec. 1903. Inclusion of Buy America requirements in title 23.
Sec. 1904. Stewardship and oversight.
Sec. 1905. Transportation development credits.
Sec. 1906. Grant program to prohibit racial profiling.
Sec. 1907. Pavement marking systems demonstration projects.
Sec. 1908. Inclusion of certain route segments on Interstate System
and NHS.
Sec. 1909. Future of surface transportation system.
Sec. 1910. Motorist information concerning full service restaurants.
Sec. 1911. Approval and funding for certain construction projects.
Sec. 1912. Lead agency designation.
Sec. 1913. Bridge construction, North Dakota.
Sec. 1914. Motorcyclist Advisory Council.
Sec. 1915. Loan forgiveness.
Sec. 1916. Treatment of off ramp.
Sec. 1917. Opening of Interstate ramps.
Sec. 1918. Credit to State of Louisiana for State matching funds.
Sec. 1919. Road user fees.
Sec. 1920. Transportation and local workforce investment.
Sec. 1921. Update of obsolete text.
Sec. 1922. Technical amendments to nondiscrimination section.
Sec. 1923. Transportation assets and needs of Delta region.
Sec. 1924. Alaska Way Viaduct study.
Sec. 1925. Community enhancement study.
Sec. 1926. Budget justification.
Sec. 1927. 14th Amendment Highway and 3rd Infantry Division Highway.
Sec. 1928. Sense of Congress regarding Buy America.
Sec. 1929. Designation of Daniel Patrick Moynihan Interstate Highway.
Sec. 1930. Designation of Thomas P. ``Tip'' O'Neill, Jr. Tunnel.
Sec. 1931. Richard Nixon Parkway, California.
Sec. 1932. Amo Houghton Bypass.
Sec. 1933. Billy Tauzin Energy Corridor.
Sec. 1934. Transportation improvements.
Sec. 1935. Project flexibility.
Sec. 1936. Advances.
Sec. 1937. Roads in closed basins.
Sec. 1938. Technology.
Sec. 1939. BIA Indian Road Program.
Sec. 1940. Going-to-the-Sun Road, Glacier National Park, Montana.
Sec. 1941. Beartooth Highway, Montana.
Sec. 1942. Opening of airfield at Malmstrom Air Force Base, Montana.
Sec. 1943. Great Lakes ITS implementation.
Sec. 1944. Transportation construction and remediation, Ottawa County,
Oklahoma.
Sec. 1945. Infrastructure awareness program.
Sec. 1946. Gateway rural improvement pilot program.
Sec. 1947. Eligible safety improvements.
Sec. 1948. Emergency service route.
Sec. 1949. Knik Arm Bridge funding clarification.
Sec. 1950. Lincoln Parish, LA/I-20 Transportation Corridor Program.
Sec. 1951. Bonding assistance program.
Sec. 1952. Congestion relief.
Sec. 1953. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 1954. Bicycle transportation and pedestrian walkways.
Sec. 1955. Conveyance to the City of Ely, Nevada.
Sec. 1956. Brownfields grants.
Sec. 1957. Traffic circle construction, Clarendon, Vermont.
[[Page 18359]]
Sec. 1958. Limitation on project approval.
Sec. 1959. Cross harbor freight movement project.
Sec. 1960. Denali access system program.
Sec. 1961. I-95/Contee Road interchange study.
Sec. 1962. Multimodal facility improvements.
Sec. 1963. Apollo Theater leases.
Sec. 1964. Project Federal share.
TITLE II--HIGHWAY SAFETY
Sec. 2001. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 2002. Highway safety programs.
Sec. 2003. Highway safety research and outreach programs.
Sec. 2004. Occupant protection incentive grants.
Sec. 2005. Grants for primary safety belt use laws.
Sec. 2006. State traffic safety information system improvements.
Sec. 2007. Alcohol-impaired driving countermeasures.
Sec. 2008. NHTSA accountability.
Sec. 2009. High visibility enforcement program.
Sec. 2010. Motorcyclist safety.
Sec. 2011. Child safety and child booster seat incentive grants.
Sec. 2012. Safety data.
Sec. 2013. Drug-impaired driving enforcement.
Sec. 2014. First responder vehicle safety program.
Sec. 2015. Driver performance study.
Sec. 2016. Rural State emergency medical services optimization pilot
program.
Sec. 2017. Older driver safety; law enforcement training.
Sec. 2018. Safe intersections.
Sec. 2019. National Highway Safety Advisory Committee technical
correction.
Sec. 2020. Presidential Commission on Alcohol-Impaired Driving.
Sec. 2021. Sense of the Congress in support of increased public
awareness of blood alcohol concentration levels and
dangers of alcohol-impaired driving.
Sec. 2022. Effective date.
TITLE III--PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION
Sec. 3001. Short title.
Sec. 3002. Amendments to title 49, United States Code; updated
terminology.
Sec. 3003. Policies, findings, and purposes.
Sec. 3004. Definitions.
Sec. 3005. Metropolitan transportation planning.
Sec. 3006. Statewide transportation planning.
Sec. 3007. Planning programs.
Sec. 3008. Private enterprise participation.
Sec. 3009. Urbanized area formula grants.
Sec. 3010. Clean fuels grant program.
Sec. 3011. Capital investment grants.
Sec. 3012. Formula grants for special needs of elderly individuals and
individuals with disabilities.
Sec. 3013. Formula grants for other than urbanized areas.
Sec. 3014. Research, development, demonstration, and deployment
projects.
Sec. 3015. Transit cooperative research program.
Sec. 3016. National research and technology programs.
Sec. 3017. National Transit Institute.
Sec. 3018. Job access and reverse commute formula grants.
Sec. 3019. New Freedom Program.
Sec. 3020. Bus testing facility.
Sec. 3021. Alternative transportation in parks and public lands.
Sec. 3022. Human resources programs.
Sec. 3023. General provisions on assistance.
Sec. 3024. Special provisions for capital projects.
Sec. 3025. Contract requirements.
Sec. 3026. Project management oversight and review.
Sec. 3027. Project review.
Sec. 3028. Investigations of safety hazards and security risks.
Sec. 3029. State safety oversight.
Sec. 3030. Controlled substances and alcohol misuse testing.
Sec. 3031. Employee protective arrangements.
Sec. 3032. Administrative procedures.
Sec. 3033. National transit database.
Sec. 3034. Apportionments of formula grants.
Sec. 3035. Apportionments based on fixed guideway factors.
Sec. 3036. Authorizations.
Sec. 3037. Alternatives analysis program.
Sec. 3038. Apportionments based on growing States formula factors.
Sec. 3039. Over-the-road bus accessibility program.
Sec. 3040. Obligation ceiling.
Sec. 3041. Adjustments for fiscal year 2005.
Sec. 3042. Terrorist attacks and other acts of violence against public
transportation systems.
Sec. 3043. Project authorizations for new fixed guideway capital
projects.
Sec. 3044. Projects for bus and bus-related facilities and clean fuels
grant program.
Sec. 3045. National fuel cell bus technology development program.
Sec. 3046. Allocations for national research and technology programs.
Sec. 3047. Forgiveness of grant agreement.
Sec. 3048. Cooperative procurement.
Sec. 3049. Transportation fringe benefits.
Sec. 3050. Commuter rail.
Sec. 3051. Paratransit service in Illinois.
TITLE IV--MOTOR CARRIER SAFETY
Sec. 4001. Short title.
Subtitle A--Commercial Motor Vehicle Safety
Sec. 4101. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 4102. Increased penalties for out-of-service violations and false
records.
Sec. 4103. Penalty for denial of access to records.
Sec. 4104. Revocation of operating authority.
Sec. 4105. State laws relating to vehicle towing.
Sec. 4106. Motor carrier safety grants.
Sec. 4107. High priority activities and new entrants audits.
Sec. 4108. Data quality improvement.
Sec. 4109. Performance and registration information system management.
Sec. 4110. Border enforcement grants.
Sec. 4111. Motor carrier research and technology program.
Sec. 4112. Nebraska custom harvesters length exemption.
Sec. 4113. Pattern of safety violations by motor carrier management.
Sec. 4114. Intrastate operations of interstate motor carriers.
Sec. 4115. Transfer provision.
Sec. 4116. Medical program.
Sec. 4117. Safety performance history screening.
Sec. 4118. Roadability.
Sec. 4119. International cooperation.
Sec. 4120. Financial responsibility for private motor carriers.
Sec. 4121. Deposit of certain civil penalties into Highway Trust Fund.
Sec. 4122. CDL learner's permit program.
Sec. 4123. Commercial driver's license information system
modernization.
Sec. 4124. Commercial driver's license improvements.
Sec. 4125. Hobbs Act.
Sec. 4126. Commercial vehicle information systems and networks
deployment.
Sec. 4127. Outreach and education.
Sec. 4128. Safety data improvement program.
Sec. 4129. Operation of commercial motor vehicles by individuals who
use insulin to treat diabetes mellitus.
Sec. 4130. Operators of vehicles transporting agricultural commodities
and farm supplies.
Sec. 4131. Maximum hours of service for operators of ground water well
drilling rigs.
Sec. 4132. Hours of service for operators of utility service vehicles.
Sec. 4133. Hours of service rules for operators providing
transportation to movie production sites.
Sec. 4134. Grant program for commercial motor vehicle operators.
Sec. 4135. CDL task force.
Sec. 4136. Interstate van operations.
Sec. 4137. Decals.
Sec. 4138. High risk carrier compliance reviews.
Sec. 4139. Foreign commercial motor vehicles.
Sec. 4140. School bus driver qualifications and endorsement knowledge
test.
Sec. 4141. Driveaway saddlemount vehicles.
Sec. 4142. Registration of motor carriers and freight forwarders.
Sec. 4143. Authority to stop commercial motor vehicles.
Sec. 4144. Motor Carrier Safety Advisory Committee.
Sec. 4145. Technical corrections.
Sec. 4146. Exemption during harvest periods.
Sec. 4147. Emergency condition requiring immediate response.
Sec. 4148. Substance abuse professionals.
Sec. 4149. Office of intermodalism.
Subtitle B--Household Goods Transportation
Sec. 4201. Short title.
Sec. 4202. Definitions; application of provisions.
Sec. 4203. Payment of rates.
Sec. 4204. Additional registration requirements for motor carriers of
household goods.
Sec. 4205. Household goods carrier operations.
Sec. 4206. Enforcement of regulations related to transportation of
household goods.
Sec. 4207. Liability of carriers under receipts and bills of lading.
Sec. 4208. Arbitration requirements.
Sec. 4209. Civil penalties relating to household goods brokers and
unauthorized transportation.
Sec. 4210. Penalties for holding household goods hostage.
Sec. 4211. Consumer handbook on DOT web site.
Sec. 4212. Release of household goods broker information.
Sec. 4213. Working group for development of practices and procedures to
enhance Federal-State relations.
Sec. 4214. Consumer complaint information.
Sec. 4215. Review of liability of carriers.
Sec. 4216. Application of State consumer protection laws to certain
household goods carriers.
Subtitle C--Unified Carrier Registration Act of 2005
Sec. 4301. Short title.
Sec. 4302. Relationship to other laws.
Sec. 4303. Inclusion of motor private and exempt carriers.
Sec. 4304. Unified Carrier Registration System.
Sec. 4305. Registration of motor carriers by States.
Sec. 4306. Identification of vehicles.
Sec. 4307. Use of UCR Agreement revenues as matching funds.
Sec. 4308. Regulations.
Subtitle D--Miscellaneous Provisions
Sec. 4401. Technical adjustment.
Sec. 4402. Transfer.
Sec. 4403. Extension of assistance.
Sec. 4404. Designations.
Sec. 4405. Limited exception.
[[Page 18360]]
Sec. 4406. Airport land amendment.
Sec. 4407. Rights-of-way.
Sec. 4408. Rialto Municipal Airport.
Sec. 4409. Conforming amendments.
Sec. 4410. Ralph M. Bartholomew Veterans' Memorial Bridge.
Sec. 4411. Don Young's Way.
Sec. 4412. Quality bank adjustments.
Sec. 4413. Technical amendment.
TITLE V--RESEARCH
Subtitle A--Funding
Sec. 5101. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 5102. Obligation ceiling.
Sec. 5103. Findings.
Subtitle B--Research, Technology, and Education
Sec. 5201. Research, technology, and education.
Sec. 5202. Long-term bridge performance program; innovative bridge
research and deployment program.
Sec. 5203. Technology deployment.
Sec. 5204. Training and education.
Sec. 5205. State planning and research.
Sec. 5206. International highway transportation outreach program.
Sec. 5207. Surface transportation environment and planning cooperative
research program.
Sec. 5208. Transportation research and development strategic planning.
Sec. 5209. National cooperative freight transportation research
program.
Sec. 5210. Future strategic highway research program.
Sec. 5211. Multistate corridor operations and management.
Subtitle C--Intelligent Transportation System Research
Sec. 5301. National ITS program plan.
Sec. 5302. Use of funds.
Sec. 5303. Goals and purposes.
Sec. 5304. Infrastructure development.
Sec. 5305. General authorities and requirements.
Sec. 5306. Research and development.
Sec. 5307. National architecture and standards.
Sec. 5308. Road weather research and development program.
Sec. 5309. Centers for surface transportation excellence.
Sec. 5310. Definitions.
Subtitle D--University Transportation Research; Scholarship
Opportunities
Sec. 5401. National university transportation centers.
Sec. 5402. University transportation research.
Subtitle E--Other Programs
Sec. 5501. Transportation safety information management system project.
Sec. 5502. Surface transportation congestion relief solutions research
initiative.
Sec. 5503. Motor carrier efficiency study.
Sec. 5504. Center for Transportation Advancement and Regional
Development.
Sec. 5505. Transportation scholarship opportunities program.
Sec. 5506. Commercial remote sensing products and spatial information
technologies.
Sec. 5507. Rural interstate corridor communications study.
Sec. 5508. Transportation technology innovation and demonstration
program.
Sec. 5509. Repeal.
Sec. 5510. Notice.
Sec. 5511. Motorcycle crash causation study grants.
Sec. 5512. Advanced travel forecasting procedures program.
Sec. 5513. Research grants.
Sec. 5514. Competition for specification of alternative types of
culvert pipes.
Subtitle F--Bureau of Transportation Statistics
Sec. 5601. Bureau of Transportation Statistics.
TITLE VI--TRANSPORTATION PLANNING AND PROJECT DELIVERY
Sec. 6001. Transportation planning.
Sec. 6002. Efficient environmental reviews for project decisionmaking.
Sec. 6003. State assumption of responsibilities for certain programs
and projects.
Sec. 6004. State assumption of responsibility for categorical
exclusions.
Sec. 6005. Surface transportation project delivery pilot program.
Sec. 6006. Environmental restoration and pollution abatement; control
of noxious weeds and aquatic noxious weeds and
establishment of native species.
Sec. 6007. Exemption of Interstate System.
Sec. 6008. Integration of natural resource concerns into transportation
project planning.
Sec. 6009. Parks, recreation areas, wildlife and waterfowl refuges, and
historic sites.
Sec. 6010. Environmental review of activities that support deployment
of intelligent transportation systems.
Sec. 6011. Transportation conformity.
Sec. 6012. Federal Reference Method.
Sec. 6013. Air quality monitoring data influenced by exceptional
events.
Sec. 6014. Federal procurement of recycled coolant.
Sec. 6015. Clean school bus program.
Sec. 6016. Special designation.
Sec. 6017. Increased use of recovered mineral component in federally
funded projects involving procurement of cement or
concrete.
Sec. 6018. Use of granular mine tailings.
TITLE VII--HAZARDOUS MATERIALS TRANSPORTATION
Sec. 7001. Short title.
Sec. 7002. Amendment of title 49, United States Code.
Subtitle A--General Authorities on Transportation of Hazardous
Materials
Sec. 7101. Findings and purpose.
Sec. 7102. Definitions.
Sec. 7103. General regulatory authority.
Sec. 7104. Limitation on issuance of hazmat licenses.
Sec. 7105. Background checks for drivers hauling hazardous materials.
Sec. 7106. Representation and tampering.
Sec. 7107. Technical amendments.
Sec. 7108. Training of certain employees.
Sec. 7109. Registration.
Sec. 7110. Shipping papers and disclosure.
Sec. 7111. Rail tank cars.
Sec. 7112. Unsatisfactory safety ratings.
Sec. 7113. Training curriculum for the public sector.
Sec. 7114. Planning and training grants; Hazardous Materials Emergency
Preparedness Fund.
Sec. 7115. Special permits and exclusions.
Sec. 7116. Uniform forms and procedures.
Sec. 7117. International uniformity of standards and requirements.
Sec. 7118. Administrative authority.
Sec. 7119. Enforcement.
Sec. 7120. Civil penalty.
Sec. 7121. Criminal penalty.
Sec. 7122. Preemption.
Sec. 7123. Judicial review.
Sec. 7124. Relationship to other laws.
Sec. 7125. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 7126. References to the Secretary of Transportation.
Sec. 7127. Criminal matters.
Sec. 7128. Additional civil and criminal penalties.
Sec. 7129. Hazardous material transportation plan requirement.
Sec. 7130. Determining amount of undeclared shipments of hazardous
materials entering the United States.
Sec. 7131. Hazardous materials research projects.
Sec. 7132. National first responder transportation incident response
system.
Sec. 7133. Common carrier pipeline system.
Subtitle B--Sanitary Food Transportation
Sec. 7201. Short title.
Sec. 7202. Responsibilities of Secretary of Health and Human Services.
Sec. 7203. Department of Transportation requirements.
Sec. 7204. Effective date.
Subtitle C--Research and Innovative Technology Administration
Sec. 7301. Administrative authority.
TITLE VIII--TRANSPORTATION DISCRETIONARY SPENDING GUARANTEE
Sec. 8001. Discretionary spending limits for the highway and mass
transit categories.
Sec. 8002. Adjustments to align highway spending with revenues.
Sec. 8003. Level of obligation limitations.
Sec. 8004. Enforcement of guarantee.
Sec. 8005. Transfer of Federal transit administrative expenses.
TITLE IX--RAIL TRANSPORTATION
Sec. 9001. High-speed rail corridor development.
Sec. 9002. Capital grants for rail line relocation projects.
Sec. 9003. Rehabilitation and improvement financing.
Sec. 9004. Report regarding impact on public safety of train travel in
communities without grade separation.
Sec. 9005. Welded rail and tank car safety improvements.
Sec. 9006. Alaska Railroad.
Sec. 9007. Study of rail transportation and regulation.
Sec. 9008. Hawaii port infrastructure expansion program.
TITLE X--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
Subtitle A--Sportfishing and recreational boating safety
Sec. 10101. Short title.
Chapter 1--Dingell-Johnson Sport Fish Restoration Act amendments
Sec. 10111. Amendment of Dingell-Johnson Sport Fish Restoration Act.
Sec. 10112. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 10113. Division of annual appropriations.
Sec. 10114. Maintenance of projects.
Sec. 10115. Boating infrastructure.
Sec. 10116. Requirements and restrictions concerning use of amounts for
expenses for Administration.
Sec. 10117. Payments of funds to and cooperation with Puerto Rico, the
District of Columbia, Guam, American Samoa, the
Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, and the
Virgin Islands.
Sec. 10118. Multistate conservation grant program.
Sec. 10119. Expenditure of remaining balance in Boat Safety Account.
Chapter 2--Clean Vessel Act of 1992 amendments
Sec. 10131. Grant program.
Chapter 3--Recreational boating safety program amendments
Sec. 10141. Technical correction.
Sec. 10142. Availability of allocations.
Sec. 10143. Authorization of appropriations for State recreational
boating safety programs.
[[Page 18361]]
Subtitle B--Other Miscellaneous Provisions
Sec. 10201. Notice regarding participation of small business concerns.
Sec. 10202. Emergency medical services.
Sec. 10203. Hubzone program.
Sec. 10204. Catastrophic hurricane evacuation plans.
Sec. 10205. Intermodal transportation facility expansion.
Sec. 10206. Eligibility to participate in western Alaska community
development quota program.
Sec. 10207. Rail rehabilitation and bridge repair.
Sec. 10208. Rented or leased motor vehicles.
Sec. 10209. Midway Island.
Sec. 10210. Demonstration of digital project simulation.
Sec. 10211. Environmental programs.
Sec. 10212. Rescission of unobligated balances.
Sec. 10213. Tribal land.
Subtitle C--Specific vehicle safety-related rulings
Sec. 10301. Vehicle rollover prevention and crash mitigation.
Sec. 10302. Side-impact crash protection rulemaking.
Sec. 10303. Tire research.
Sec. 10304. Vehicle backover avoidance technology study.
Sec. 10305. Nontraffic incident data collection.
Sec. 10306. Study of safety belt use technologies.
Sec. 10307. Amendment of Automobile Information Disclosure Act.
Sec. 10308. Power window switches.
Sec. 10309. 15-Passenger van safety.
Sec. 10310. Authorization of appropriations.
TITLE XI--HIGHWAY REAUTHORIZATION AND EXCISE TAX SIMPLIFICATION
Sec. 1100. Amendment of 1986 Code.
Subtitle A--Trust fund reauthorization
Sec. 1101. Extension of highway-related taxes and trust funds.
Sec. 1102. Modification of adjustments of apportionments.
Subtitle B--Excise tax reform and simplification
Part 1--Highway excise taxes
Sec. 1111. Modification of gas guzzler tax.
Sec. 1112. Exclusion for tractors weighing 19,500 pounds or less from
Federal excise tax on heavy trucks and trailers.
Sec. 1113. Volumetric excise tax credit for alternative fuels.
Part 2--Aquatic excise taxes
Sec. 1115. Elimination of Aquatic Resources Trust Fund and
transformation of Sport Fish Restoration Account.
Sec. 1116. Repeal of harbor maintenance tax on exports.
Sec. 1117. Cap on excise tax on certain fishing equipment.
Part 3--Aerial excise taxes
Sec. 1121. Clarification of excise tax exemptions for agricultural
aerial applicators and exemption for Fixed-Wing aircraft
engaged in forestry operations.
Sec. 1122. Modification of rural airport definition.
Sec. 1123. Exemption from taxes on transportation provided by
seaplanes.
Sec. 1124. Certain sightseeing flights exempt from taxes on air
transportation.
Part 4--Taxes relating to alcohol
Sec. 1125. Repeal of special occupational taxes on producers and
marketers of alcoholic beverages.
Sec. 1126. Income tax credit for distilled spirits wholesalers and for
distilled spirits in control State bailment warehouses
for costs of carrying Federal excise taxes on bottled
distilled spirits.
Sec. 1127. Quarterly excise tax filing for small alcohol excise
taxpayers.
Part 5--Sport excise taxes
Sec. 1131. Custom gunsmiths.
Subtitle C--Miscellaneous provisions
Sec. 1141. Motor Fuel Tax Enforcement Advisory Commission.
Sec. 1142. National Surface Transportation Infrastructure Financing
Commission.
Sec. 1143. Tax-exempt financing of highway projects and rail-truck
transfer facilities.
Sec. 1144. Treasury study of highway fuels used by trucks for non-
transportation purposes.
Sec. 1145. Diesel fuel tax evasion report.
Sec. 1146. Tax treatment of State ownership of railroad real estate
investment trust.
Sec. 1147. Limitation on transfers to the Leaking Underground Storage
Tank Trust Fund.
Subtitle D--Highway-Related technical corrections
Sec. 1151. Highway-related technical corrections.
Subtitle E--Preventing fuel fraud
Sec. 1161. Treatment of kerosene for use in aviation.
Sec. 1162. Repeal of ultimate vendor refund claims with respect to
farming.
Sec. 1163. Refunds of excise taxes on exempt sales of fuel by credit
card.
Sec. 1164. Reregistration in event of change in ownership.
Sec. 1165. Reconciliation of on-loaded cargo to entered cargo.
Sec. 1166. Treatment of deep-draft vessels.
Sec. 1167. Penalty with respect to certain adulterated fuels.
SEC. 2. GENERAL DEFINITIONS.
In this Act, the following definitions apply:
(1) Department.--The term ``Department'' means the
Department of Transportation.
(2) Secretary.--The term ``Secretary'' means the Secretary
of Transportation.
TITLE I--FEDERAL-AID HIGHWAYS
Subtitle A--Authorization of Programs
SEC. 1101. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
(a) In General.--The following sums are authorized to be
appropriated out of the Highway Trust Fund (other than the
Mass Transit Account):
(1) Interstate maintenance program.--For the Interstate
maintenance program under section 119 of title 23, United
States Code--
(A) $4,883,759,623 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $4,960,788,917 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $5,039,058,556 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $5,118,588,513 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $5,199,399,081 for fiscal year 2009.
(2) National highway system.--For the National Highway
System under section 103 of such title--
(A) $5,911,200,104 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $6,005,256,569 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $6,110,827,556 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $6,207,937,450 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $6,306,611,031 for fiscal year 2009.
(3) Bridge program.--For the bridge program under section
144 of such title--
(A) $4,187,708,821 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $4,253,530,131 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $4,320,411,313 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $4,388,369,431 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $4,457,421,829 for fiscal year 2009.
(4) Surface transportation program.--For the surface
transportation program under section 133 of such title--
(A) $6,860,096,662 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $6,269,833,394 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $6,370,469,775 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $6,472,726,628 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $6,576,630,046 for fiscal year 2009.
(5) Congestion mitigation and air quality improvement
program.--For the congestion mitigation and air quality
improvement program under section 149 of such title--
(A) $1,667,255,304 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $1,694,101,866 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $1,721,380,718 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $1,749,098,821 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $1,777,263,247 for fiscal year 2009.
(6) Highway safety improvement program.--For the highway
safety improvement program under section 148 of such title--
(A) $1,235,810,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(B) $1,255,709,322 for fiscal year 2007;
(C) $1,275,929,067 for fiscal year 2008; and
(D) $1,296,474,396 for fiscal year 2009.
(7) Appalachian development highway system program.--For
the Appalachian development highway system program under
subtitle IV of title 40, United States Code, $470,000,000 for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009.
(8) Recreational trails program.--For the recreational
trails program under section 206 of title 23, United States
Code--
(A) $60,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $70,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $75,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $80,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $85,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(9) Federal lands highways program.--
(A) Indian reservation roads.--For Indian reservation roads
under section 204 of such title--
(i) $300,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(ii) $330,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(iii) $370,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(iv) 410,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(v) $450,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(B) Park roads and parkways.--
(i) In general.--For park roads and parkways under section
204 of such title--
(I) $180,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(II) $195,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(III) $210,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(IV) $225,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(V) $240,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(ii) Minimum allocation to certain states.--A State
containing more than 50 percent of the total acreage of the
National Park System shall receive not less than 3 percent of
any funds appropriated under this subparagraph.
(C) Refuge roads.--For refuge roads under section 204 of
such title, $29,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2005 through
2009.
(D) Public lands highways.--For Federal lands highways
under section 204 of such title--
(i) $260,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(ii) $280,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(iii) $280,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(iv) $290,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(v) $300,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(10) National corridor infrastructure improvement
program.--For the national corridor infrastructure
improvement program under section 1302 of this Act--
(A) $194,800,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $389,600,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $487,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $487,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $389,600,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(11) Coordinated border infrastructure program.--For the
coordinated border infrastructure program under section 1303
of this Act--
(A) $123,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $145,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $165,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $190,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $210,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
[[Page 18362]]
(12) National scenic byways program.--For the national
scenic byways program under section 162 of such title--
(A) $26,500,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $30,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $35,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $40,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $43,500,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(13) Construction of ferry boats and ferry terminal
facilities.--For construction of ferry boats and ferry
terminal facilities under section 147 of such title--
(A) $38,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $55,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $60,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $65,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $67,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(14) Puerto rico highway program.--For the Puerto Rico
highway program under section 165 of such title--
(A) $115,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $120,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $135,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $145,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $150,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(15) Projects of national and regional significance
program.--For the projects of national and regional
significance program under section 1301 of this Act--
(A) $177,900,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $355,800,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $444,750,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $444,750,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $355,800,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(16) High priority projects program.--For the high priority
projects program under section 117 of title 23, United States
Code, $2,966,400,000 for each of fiscal years 2005 through
2009.
(17) Safe routes to school program.--For the safe routes to
school program under section 1404 of this Act--
(A) $54,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $100,000,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $125,000,000 for fiscal year 2007;
(D) $150,000,000 for fiscal year 2008; and
(E) $183,000,000 for fiscal year 2009.
(18) Deployment of magnetic levitation transportation
projects.--For the deployment of magnetic levitation projects
under section 1307 of this Act--
(A) $15,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2006 and 2007; and
(B) $30,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2008 and 2009.
(19) National corridor planning and development and
coordinated border infrastructure programs.--For the national
corridor planning and development and coordinated border
infrastructure programs under sections 1118 and 1119 of the
Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (112 Stat.
161, 163) $140,000,000 for fiscal year 2005.
(20) Highways for life.--For the Highways for LIFE Program
under section 1502 of this Act--
(A) $15,000,000 for fiscal year 2006; and
(B) $20,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2007 through 2009.
(21) Highway use tax evasion projects.--For highway use tax
evasion projects under section 1115 of this Act--
(A) $5,000,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(B) $44,800,000 for fiscal year 2006;
(C) $53,300,000 for fiscal year 2007; and
(D) $12,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2008 and 2009.
(b) Disadvantaged Business Enterprises.--
(1) Definitions.--In this subsection, the following
definitions apply:
(A) Small business concern.--The term ``small business
concern'' has the meaning that term has under section 3 of
the Small Business Act (15 U.S.C. 632), except that the term
shall not include any concern or group of concerns controlled
by the same socially and economically disadvantaged
individual or individuals which has average annual gross
receipts over the preceding 3 fiscal years in excess of
$19,570,000, as adjusted annually by the Secretary for
inflation.
(B) Socially and economically disadvantaged individuals.--
The term ``socially and economically disadvantaged
individuals'' has the meaning that term has under section
8(d) of the Small Business Act (15 U.S.C. 637(d)) and
relevant subcontracting regulations issued pursuant to that
Act, except that women shall be presumed to be socially and
economically disadvantaged individuals for purposes of this
subsection.
(2) General rule.--Except to the extent that the Secretary
determines otherwise, not less than 10 percent of the amounts
made available for any program under titles I, III, and V of
this Act and section 403 of title 23, United States Code,
shall be expended through small business concerns owned and
controlled by socially and economically disadvantaged
individuals.
(3) Annual listing of disadvantaged business enterprises.--
Each State shall annually--
(A) survey and compile a list of the small business
concerns referred to in paragraph (1) and the location of the
concerns in the State; and
(B) notify the Secretary, in writing, of the percentage of
the concerns that are controlled by women, by socially and
economically disadvantaged individuals (other than women),
and by individuals who are women and are otherwise socially
and economically disadvantaged individuals.
(4) Uniform certification.--The Secretary shall establish
minimum uniform criteria for State governments to use in
certifying whether a concern qualifies for purposes of this
subsection. The minimum uniform criteria shall include, but
not be limited to, on-site visits, personal interviews,
licenses, analysis of stock ownership, listing of equipment,
analysis of bonding capacity, listing of work completed,
resume of principal owners, financial capacity, and type of
work preferred.
(5) Compliance with court orders.--Nothing in this
subsection limits the eligibility of an entity or person to
receive funds made available under titles I, III, and V of
this Act and section 403 of title 23, United States Code, if
the entity or person is prevented, in whole or in part, from
complying with paragraph (1) because a Federal court issues a
final order in which the court finds that the requirement of
paragraph (1), or the program established under paragraph
(1), is unconstitutional.
SEC. 1102. OBLIGATION CEILING.
(a) General Limitation.--Subject to subsections (g) and
(h), and notwithstanding any other provision of law, the
obligations for Federal-aid highway and highway safety
construction programs shall not exceed--
(1) $34,422,400,000 for fiscal year 2005;
(2) $36,032,343,903 for fiscal year 2006;
(3) $38,244,210,516 for fiscal year 2007;
(4) $39,585,075,404 for fiscal year 2008; and
(5) $41,199,970,178 for fiscal year 2009.
(b) Exceptions.--The limitations under subsection (a) shall
not apply to obligations under or for--
(1) section 125 of title 23, United States Code;
(2) section 147 of the Surface Transportation Assistance
Act of 1978 (23 U.S.C. 144 note; 92 Stat. 2714);
(3) section 9 of the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1981
(Public Law 97-134; 95 Stat. 1701);
(4) subsections (b) and (j) of section 131 of the Surface
Transportation Assistance Act of 1982 (Public Law 97-424; 96
Stat. 2119);
(5) subsections (b) and (c) of section 149 of the Surface
Transportation and Uniform Relocation Assistance Act of 1987
(Public Law 100-17; 101 Stat. 198);
(6) sections 1103 through 1108 of the Intermodal Surface
Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (Public Law 102-240;
105 Stat. 2027);
(7) section 157 of title 23, United States Code (as in
effect on June 8, 1998);
(8) section 105 of title 23, United States Code (as in
effect for fiscal years 1998 through 2004, but only in an
amount equal to $639,000,000 for each of those fiscal years);
(9) Federal-aid highway programs for which obligation
authority was made available under the Transportation Equity
Act for the 21st Century (Public Law 105-178; 112 Stat. 107)
or subsequent public laws for multiple years or to remain
available until used, but only to the extent that the
obligation authority has not lapsed or been used;
(10) section 105 of title 23, United States Code (but, for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009, only in an amount
equal to $639,000,000 per fiscal year); and
(11) section 1603 of this Act, to the extent that funds
obligated in accordance with that section were not subject to
a limitation on obligations at the time at which the funds
were initially made available for obligation.
(c) Distribution of Obligation Authority.--For each of
fiscal years 2005 through 2009, the Secretary--
(1) shall not distribute obligation authority provided by
subsection (a) for the fiscal year for--
(A) amounts authorized for administrative expenses and
programs by section 104(a) of title 23, United States Code;
(B) programs funded from the administrative takedown
authorized by section 104(a)(1) of title 23, United States
Code (as in effect on the date before the date of enactment
of this Act); and
(C) amounts authorized for the highway use tax evasion
program and the Bureau of Transportation Statistics;
(2) shall not distribute an amount of obligation authority
provided by subsection (a) that is equal to the unobligated
balance of amounts made available from the Highway Trust Fund
(other than the Mass Transit Account) for Federal-aid highway
and highway safety programs for previous fiscal years the
funds for which are allocated by the Secretary;
(3) shall determine the ratio that--
(A) the obligation authority provided by subsection (a) for
the fiscal year, less the aggregate of amounts not
distributed under paragraphs (1) and (2); bears to
(B) the total of the sums authorized to be appropriated for
the Federal-aid highway and highway safety construction
programs (other than sums authorized to be appropriated for
provisions of law described in paragraphs (1) through (9) of
subsection (b) and sums authorized to be appropriated for
section 105 of title 23, United States Code, equal to the
amount referred to in subsection (b)(10) for the fiscal
year), less the aggregate of the amounts not distributed
under paragraphs (1) and (2);
(4)(A) shall distribute the obligation authority provided
by subsection (a) less the aggregate amounts not distributed
under paragraphs (1) and (2), for sections 1301, 1302, and
1934 of this Act, sections 117 but individual for each of
project numbered 1 through 3676 listed in the table contained
in section 1702 of this Act and 144(g) of title 23, United
States Code, and section 14501 of title 40, United States
Code, and, during fiscal year 2005, amounts for programs,
projects, and activities authorized by section 117 of title I
of division H of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2005
(Public Law 108-447; 118 Stat. 3212), so that the amount of
obligation authority available for each of such sections is
equal to the amount determined by multiplying--
(i) the ratio determined under paragraph (3); by
[[Page 18363]]
(ii) the sums authorized to be appropriated for that
section for the fiscal year; and
(B) shall distribute $2,000,000,000 for section 105 of
title 23, United States Code;
(5) shall distribute among the States the obligation
authority provided by subsection (a), less the aggregate
amounts not distributed under paragraphs (1) and (2), for
each of the programs that are allocated by the Secretary
under this Act and title 23, United States Code (other than
to programs to which paragraph (1) applies), by multiplying--
(A) the ratio determined under paragraph (3); by
(B) the amounts authorized to be appropriated for each such
program for the fiscal year; and
(6) shall distribute the obligation authority provided by
subsection (a), less the aggregate amounts not distributed
under paragraphs (1) and (2) and the amounts distributed
under paragraphs (4) and (5), for Federal-aid highway and
highway safety construction programs (other than the amounts
apportioned for the equity bonus program, but only to the
extent that the amounts apportioned for the equity bonus
program for the fiscal year are greater than $2,639,000,000,
and the Appalachian development highway system program) that
are apportioned by the Secretary under this Act and title 23,
United States Code, in the ratio that--
(A) amounts authorized to be appropriated for the programs
that are apportioned to each State for the fiscal year; bear
to
(B) the total of the amounts authorized to be appropriated
for the programs that are apportioned to all States for the
fiscal year.
(d) Redistribution of Unused Obligation Authority.--
Notwithstanding subsection (c), the Secretary shall, after
August 1 of each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009--
(1) revise a distribution of the obligation authority made
available under subsection (c) if an amount distributed
cannot be obligated during that fiscal year; and
(2) redistribute sufficient amounts to those States able to
obligate amounts in addition to those previously distributed
during that fiscal year, giving priority to those States
having large unobligated balances of funds apportioned under
sections 104 and 144 of title 23, United States Code.
(e) Applicability of Obligation Limitations to
Transportation Research Programs.--
(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2),
obligation limitations imposed by subsection (a) shall apply
to contract authority for transportation research programs
carried out under--
(A) chapter 5 of title 23, United States Code; and
(B) title V (research title) of this Act.
(2) Exception.--Obligation authority made available under
paragraph (1) shall--
(A) remain available for a period of 3 fiscal years; and
(B) be in addition to the amount of any limitation imposed
on obligations for Federal-aid highway and highway safety
construction programs for future fiscal years.
(f) Redistribution of Certain Authorized Funds.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of
distribution of obligation authority under subsection (c) for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009, the Secretary shall
distribute to the States any funds that--
(A) are authorized to be appropriated for the fiscal year
for Federal-aid highway programs; and
(B) the Secretary determines will not be allocated to the
States, and will not be available for obligation, in the
fiscal year due to the imposition of any obligation
limitation for the fiscal year.
(2) Ratio.--Funds shall be distributed under paragraph (1)
in the same ratio as the distribution of obligation authority
under subsection (c)(6).
(3) Availability.--Funds distributed under paragraph (1)
shall be available for any purpose described in section
133(b) of title 23, United States Code.
(g) Special Limitation Characteristics.--Obligation
authority distributed for a fiscal year under subsection
(c)(4) for the provision specified in subsection (c)(4)
shall--
(1) remain available until used for obligation of funds for
that provision; and
(2) be in addition to the amount of any limitation imposed
on obligations for Federal-aid highway and highway safety
construction programs for future fiscal years.
(h) Adjustment in Obligation Limit.--
(1) In general.--Subject to the last sentence of section
110(a)(2) of title 23, United States Code, a limitation on
obligations imposed by subsection (a) for a fiscal year shall
be adjusted by an amount equal to the amount determined in
accordance with section 251(b)(1)(B) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C.
901(b)(1)(B)) for the fiscal year.
(2) Distribution.--An adjustment under paragraph (1) shall
be distributed in accordance with this section.
(i) Special Rule for Fiscal Year 2005.--
(1) In general.--Obligation authority distributed under
subsection (c)(4) for fiscal year 2005 for sections 1301,
1302, and 1934 of this Act and sections 117 and 144(g) of
title 23, United States Code, may be used in fiscal year 2005
for purposes of obligation authority distributed under
subsection (c)(6).
(2) Restoration.--Obligation authority used as described in
paragraph (1) shall be restored to the original purpose on
the date on which obligation authority is distributed under
this section for fiscal year 2006.
(j) High Priority Project Flexibility.--
(1) In general.--Subject to paragraph (2), obligation
authority distributed for a fiscal year under subsection
(c)(4) for each project numbered 1 through 3676 listed in the
table contained in section 1702 of this Act may be obligated
for any other project in such section in the same State.
(2) Restoration.--Obligation authority used as described in
paragraph (1) shall be restored to the original purpose on
the date on which obligation authority is distributed under
this section for the next fiscal year following obligation
under paragraph (1).
(k) Limitation on Statutory Construction.--Nothing in this
section shall be construed to limit the distribution of
obligation authority under subsection (c)(4)(A) for each of
the individual projects numbered greater than 3676 listed in
the table contained in section 1702 of this Act.
SEC. 1103. APPORTIONMENTS.
(a) Administrative Expenses.--
(1) In general.--Section 104(a) of title 23, United States
Code, is amended to read as follows:
``(a) Administrative Expenses.--
``(1) In general.--There are authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to be made available to the Secretary for
administrative expenses of the Federal Highway
Administration--
``(A) $353,024,000 for fiscal year 2005;
``(B) $370,613,540 for fiscal year 2006;
``(C) $389,079,500 for fiscal year 2007;
``(D) $408,465,500 for fiscal year 2008; and
``(E) $423,717,460 for fiscal year 2009.
``(2) Purposes.--The funds authorized by this subsection
shall be used--
``(A) to administer the provisions of law to be financed
from appropriations for the Federal-aid highway program and
programs authorized under chapter 2; and
``(B) to make transfers of such sums as the Secretary
determines to be appropriate to the Appalachian Regional
Commission for administrative activities associated with the
Appalachian development highway system.
``(3) Availability.--The funds made available under
paragraph (1) shall remain available until expended.''.
(2) Conforming amendments.--Section 104 of such title is
amended--
(A) in the matter preceding paragraph (1) of subsection (b)
by striking ``the deduction authorized by subsection (a) and
the set-aside authorized by subsection (f)'' and inserting
``the set-asides authorized by subsections (d) and (f) and
section 130(e)'';
(B) in the first sentence of subsection (e)(1) by striking
``, and also'' and all that follows through ``this section'';
and
(C) in subsection (i) by striking ``deducted'' and
inserting ``made available''.
(b) Alaska Highway.--Section 104(b)(1)(A) of such title is
amended by striking ``$18,800,000 for each of fiscal years
1998 through 2002'' and inserting ``$30,000,000 for each of
fiscal years 2005 through 2009''.
(c) National Highway System Component.--Section
104(b)(1)(A) of such title is amended by striking
``$36,400,000 for each fiscal year'' and inserting
``$40,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2005 and 2006 and
$50,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2007 through 2009''.
(d) CMAQ Apportionment.--Section 104(b)(2) of such title
is amended--
(1) in subparagraph (B)--
(A) by striking clause (i) and inserting the following:
``(i) 1.0 if, at the time of apportionment, the area is a
maintenance area;'';
(B) by striking ``or'' at the end of clause (vi);
(C) by striking the period at the end of clause (vii) and
inserting ``; or''; and
(D) by adding at the end the following:
``(viii) 1.0 if, at the time of apportionment, an area is
designated as nonattainment for ozone under subpart 1 of part
D of title I of such Act (42 U.S.C. 7512 et seq.).''; and
(2) by striking subparagraph (C) and inserting the
following:
``(C) Additional adjustment for carbon monoxide areas.--If,
in addition to being designated as a nonattainment or
maintenance area for ozone as described in section 149(b),
any county within the area was also classified under subpart
3 of part D of title I of the Clean Air Act (42 U.S.C. 7512
et seq.) as a nonattainment or maintenance area described in
section 149(b) for carbon monoxide, the weighted
nonattainment or maintenance area population of the county,
as determined under clauses (i) through (vi) or clause (viii)
of subparagraph (B), shall be further multiplied by a factor
of 1.2.''.
(e) Report.--Section 104(j) of such title is amended by
striking ``submit to Congress a report'' and inserting
``submit to Congress a report, and also make such report
available to the public in a user-friendly format via the
Internet,''.
(f) Operation Lifesaver.--Section 104(d) of such title is
amended--
(1) by striking paragraph (1) and all that follows through
the period at the end of paragraph (2)(A) and inserting the
following:
``(1) Operation lifesaver.--To carry out a public
information and education program to help prevent and reduce
motor vehicle accidents, injuries, and fatalities and to
improve driver performance at railway-highway crossings--
``(A) before making an apportionment under subsection
(b)(3) for fiscal year 2005, the Secretary shall set aside
$560,000 for such fiscal year; and
[[Page 18364]]
``(B) there is authorized to be appropriated from the
Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account)
$560,000 for each of fiscal years 2006 through 2009.
``(2) Railway-highway crossing hazard elimination in high
speed rail corridors.--
``(A) Funding.--To carry out the elimination of hazards at
railway-highway crossings--
``(i) before making an apportionment under subsection
(b)(3) for fiscal year 2005, the Secretary shall set aside
$5,250,000 for such fiscal year; and
``(ii) there is authorized to be appropriated from the
Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account)
$7,250,000 for fiscal year 2006, $10,000,000 for fiscal year
2007, $12,500,000 for fiscal year 2008, and $15,000,000 for
fiscal year 2009.''; and
(2) in paragraph (2)(E)--
(A) by striking ``Not less than $250,000 of such set-
aside'' and inserting ``Of such set-aside, not less than
$250,000 for fiscal year 2005, $1,000,000 for fiscal year
2006, $1,750,000 for fiscal year 2007, $2,250,000 for fiscal
year 2008, and $3,000,000 for fiscal year 2009''; and
(B) by striking ``per fiscal year''.
SEC. 1104. EQUITY BONUS PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--Section 105 of title 23, United States
Code, is amended to read as follows:
``Sec. 105. Equity bonus program
``(a) Program.--
``(1) In general.--Subject to subsections (c) and (d), for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009, the Secretary shall
allocate among the States amounts sufficient to ensure that
no State receives a percentage of the total apportionments
for the fiscal year for the programs specified in paragraph
(2) that is less than the percentage calculated under
subsection (b).
``(2) Specific programs.--The programs referred to in
subsection (a) are--
``(A) the Interstate maintenance program under section 119;
``(B) the national highway system program under section
103;
``(C) the highway bridge replacement and rehabilitation
program under section 144;
``(D) the surface transportation program under section 133;
``(E) the highway safety improvement program under section
148;
``(F) the congestion mitigation and air quality improvement
program under section 149;
``(G) metropolitan planning programs under section 104(f);
``(H) the high priority projects program under section 117;
``(I) the equity bonus program under this section;
``(J) the Appalachian development highway system program
under subtitle IV of title 40;
``(K) the recreational trails program under section 206;
``(L) the safe routes to school program under section 1404
of the SAFETEA-LU;
``(M) the rail-highway grade crossing program under section
130; and
``(N) the coordinated border infrastructure program under
section 1303 of the SAFETEA-LU.
``(b) State Percentage.--
``(1) In general.--The percentage referred to in subsection
(a) for each State shall be--
``(A) for each of fiscal years 2005 and 2006, 90.5 percent,
for fiscal year 2007, 91.5 percent, and for each of fiscal
years 2008 and 2009, 92 percent, of the quotient obtained by
dividing--
``(i) the estimated tax payments attributable to highway
users in the State paid into the Highway Trust Fund (other
than the Mass Transit Account) in the most recent fiscal year
for which data are available; by
``(ii) the estimated tax payments attributable to highway
users in all States paid into the Highway Trust Fund (other
than the Mass Transit Account) for the fiscal year; or
``(B) for a State with a total population density of less
than 40 persons per square mile (as reported in the decennial
census conducted by the Federal Government in 2000) and of
which at least 1.25 percent of the total acreage is under
Federal jurisdiction, based on the report of the General
Services Administration entitled `Federal Real Property
Profile' and dated September 30, 2004, a State with a total
population of less than 1,000,000 (as reported in that
decennial census), a State with a median household income of
less than $35,000 (as reported in that decennial census), a
State with a fatality rate during 2002 on Interstate highways
that is greater than 1 fatality for each 100,000,000 vehicle
miles traveled on Interstate highways, or a State with an
indexed, State motor fuels excise tax rate higher than 150
percent of the Federal motor fuels excise tax rate as of the
date of enactment of the SAFETEA-LU, the greater of--
``(i) the applicable percentage under subparagraph (A); or
``(ii) the average percentage of the State's share of total
apportionments for the period of fiscal years 1998 through
2003 for the programs specified in paragraph (2).
``(2) Specific programs.--The programs referred to in
paragraph (1)(B)(ii) are (as in effect on the day before the
date of enactment of the SAFETEA-LU)--
``(A) the Interstate maintenance program under section 119;
``(B) the national highway system program under section
103;
``(C) the highway bridge replacement and rehabilitation
program under section 144;
``(D) the surface transportation program under section 133;
``(E) the recreational trails program under section 206;
``(F) the high priority projects program under section 117;
``(G) the minimum guarantee provided under this section;
``(H) revenue aligned budget authority amounts provided
under section 110;
``(I) the congestion mitigation and air quality improvement
program under section 149;
``(J) the Appalachian development highway system program
under subtitle IV of title 40; and
``(K) metropolitan planning programs under section 104(f).
``(c) Special Rules.--
``(1) Minimum combined allocation.--For each fiscal year,
before making the allocations under subsection (a)(1), the
Secretary shall allocate among the States amounts sufficient
to ensure that no State receives a combined total of amounts
allocated under subsection (a)(1), apportionments for the
programs specified in subsection (a)(2), and amounts
allocated under this subsection, that is less than the
following percentages of the average for fiscal years 1998
through 2003 of the annual apportionments for the State for
all programs specified in subsection (b)(2):
``(A) For fiscal year 2005, 117 percent.
``(B) For fiscal year 2006, 118 percent.
``(C) For fiscal year 2007, 119 percent.
``(D) For fiscal year 2008, 120 percent.
``(E) For fiscal year 2009, 121 percent.
``(2) No negative adjustment.--No negative adjustment shall
be made under subsection (a)(1) to the apportionment of any
State.
``(d) Treatment of Funds.--
``(1) Programmatic distribution.--The Secretary shall
apportion the amounts made available under this section that
exceed $2,639,000,000 so that the amount apportioned to each
State under this paragraph for each program referred to in
subparagraphs (A) through (F) of subsection (a)(2) is equal
to the amount determined by multiplying the amount to be
apportioned under this paragraph by the ratio that--
``(A) the amount of funds apportioned to each State for
each program referred to in subparagraphs (A) through (F) of
subsection (a)(2) for a fiscal year; bears to
``(B) the total amount of funds apportioned to such State
for all such programs for such fiscal year.
``(2) Remaining distribution.--The Secretary shall
administer the remainder of funds made available under this
section to the States in accordance with section 104(b)(3),
except that paragraphs (1) through (3) of section 133(d)
shall not apply to amounts administered pursuant to this
paragraph.
``(e) Metro Planning Set Aside.--Notwithstanding section
104(f), no set aside provided for under that section shall
apply to funds allocated under this section.
``(f) Authorization of Appropriations.--There are
authorized to be appropriated from the Highway Trust Fund
(other than the Mass Transit Account) such sums as are
necessary to carry out this section for each of fiscal years
2005 through 2009.''.
(b) Clerical Amendment.--The analysis for subchapter I of
chapter 1 of such title is amended by striking the item
relating to section 105 and inserting the following:
``105. Equity bonus program.''.
SEC. 1105. REVENUE ALIGNED BUDGET AUTHORITY.
(a) Allocation.--Section 110(a)(1) of title 23, United
States Code, is amended--
(1) by striking ``2000'' and inserting ``2007'';
(2) by inserting after ``such fiscal year'' the first place
it appears: ``and the succeeding fiscal year''.
(b) Reduction.--Section 110(a)(2) of such title is
amended--
(1) by striking ``2000'' and inserting ``2007'';
(2) by striking ``October 1 of the succeeding'' and
inserting ``October 15 of such'';
(3) by inserting after ``Account)'' the following: ``for
such fiscal year and the succeeding fiscal year''; and
(4) by adding at the end the following: ``No reduction
under this paragraph and no reduction under section 1102(h),
and no reduction under title VIII or any amendment made by
title VIII, of the SAFETEA-LU shall be made for a fiscal year
if, as of October 1 of such fiscal year the balance in the
Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account)
exceeds $6,000,000,000.''.
(c) General Distribution.--Section 110(b)(1)(A) of such
title is amended--
(1) by striking ``minimum guarantee'' and inserting
``equity bonus''; and
(2) by striking ``Transportation Equity Act for the 21st
Century'' and inserting ``SAFETEA-LU''.
(d) Addition of Highway Safety Improvement Program.--
Section 110(c) of such title is amended by inserting ``the
highway safety improvement program,'' after ``the surface
transportation program,''.
(e) Technical Amendment.--Section 110(b)(1)(A) of such
title is amended by striking ``for'' the second place it
appears.
(f) Special Rule.--If the amount available pursuant to
section 110 of title 23, United States Code, for fiscal year
2007 is greater than zero, the Secretary shall--
(1) determine the total amount necessary to increase each
State's rate of return (as determined under section
105(b)(1)(A) of title 23, United States Code) to 92 percent,
excluding amounts provided under this paragraph;
(2) allocate to each State the lesser of--
(A) the amount computed for that State under paragraph (1);
or
(B) an amount determined by multiplying the total amount
calculated under section 110 of
[[Page 18365]]
title 23, United States Code, for fiscal year 2007 by the
ratio that--
(i) the amount determined for such State under paragraph
(1); bears to
(ii) the total amount computed for all States in paragraph
(1); and
(3) allocate amounts remaining in excess of the amounts
allocated in paragraph (2) to all States in accordance with
section 110 of title 23, United States Code.
SEC. 1106. FUTURE INTERSTATE SYSTEM ROUTES.
(a) Extension of Date.--Section 103(c)(4)(B)(ii) of title
23, United States Code, is amended by striking ``12'' and
inserting ``25''.
(b) Removal of Designation.--Section 103(c)(4)(B)(iii) of
such title is amended--
(1) in subclause (I) by striking ``in the agreement between
the Secretary and the State or States''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:
``(III) Existing agreements.--An agreement described in
clause (ii) that is entered into before the date of enactment
of this subclause shall be deemed to include the 25-year time
limitation described in that clause, regardless of any
earlier construction completion date in the agreement.''.
SEC. 1107. METROPOLITAN PLANNING.
Section 104(f) of title 23, United States Code, is
amended--
(1) by striking paragraph (1) and inserting the following:
``(1) Set-aside.--On October 1 of each fiscal year, the
Secretary shall set aside 1.25 percent of the funds
authorized to be appropriated for the Interstate maintenance,
national highway system, surface transportation, congestion
mitigation and air quality improvement, and highway bridge
replacement and rehabilitation programs authorized under this
title to carry out the requirements of section 134.'';
(2) in paragraph (2) by striking ``per centum'' and
inserting ``percent'';
(3) in paragraph (3)--
(A) by striking ``The funds'' and inserting the following:
``(A) In general.--The funds''; and
(B) by striking ``These funds'' and all that follows and
inserting the following:
``(B) Unused funds.--Any funds that are not used to carry
out section 134 may be made available by a metropolitan
planning organization to the State to fund activities under
section 135.''; and
(4) in paragraph (4)--
(A) by striking ``The distribution'' and inserting the
following:
``(A) In general.--The distribution''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following:
``(B) Reimbursement.--Not later than 30 days after the date
of receipt by a State of a request for reimbursement of
expenditures made by a metropolitan planning organization for
carrying out section 134, the State shall reimburse, from
funds distributed under this paragraph to the metropolitan
planning organization by the State, the metropolitan planning
organization for those expenditures.''.
SEC. 1108. TRANSFER OF HIGHWAY AND TRANSIT FUNDS.
Section 104(k) of title 23, United States Code, is amended
to read as follows:
``(k) Transfer of Highway and Transit Funds.--
``(1) Transfer of highway funds for transit projects.--
``(A) In general.--Subject to subparagraph (B), funds made
available for transit projects or transportation planning
under this title may be transferred to and administered by
the Secretary in accordance with chapter 53 of title 49.
``(B) Non-federal share.--The provisions of this title
relating to the non-Federal share shall apply to the funds
transferred under subparagraph (A).
``(2) Transfer of transit funds for highway projects.--
``(A) In general.--Subject to subparagraph (B), funds made
available for highway projects or transportation planning
under chapter 53 of title 49 may be transferred to and
administered by the Secretary in accordance with this title.
``(B) Non-federal share.--The provisions of chapter 53 of
title 49 relating to the non-Federal share shall apply to
funds transferred under subparagraph (A).
``(3) Transfer of funds among states or to federal highway
administration.--
``(A) In general.--Subject to subparagraphs (B) and (C),
the Secretary may, at the request of a State, transfer funds
apportioned or allocated under this title to the State to
another State, or to the Federal Highway Administration, for
the purpose of funding 1 or more projects that are eligible
for assistance with funds so apportioned or allocated.
``(B) Apportionment.--The transfer shall have no effect on
any apportionment of funds to a State under this section or
section 105 or 144.
``(C) Surface transportation program.--Funds that are
apportioned or allocated to a State under subsection (b)(3)
and attributed to an urbanized area of a State with a
population of over 200,000 individuals under section
133(d)(3) may be transferred under this paragraph only if the
metropolitan planning organization designated for the area
concurs, in writing, with the transfer request.
``(4) Transfer of obligation authority.--Obligation
authority for funds transferred under this subsection shall
be transferred in the same manner and amount as the funds for
the projects that are transferred under this subsection.''.
SEC. 1109. RECREATIONAL TRAILS.
(a) Recreational Trails Program Formula.--Section 104(h) of
title 23, United States Code, is amended--
(1) in paragraph (1) by striking the first sentence and
inserting the following: ``Before apportioning sums
authorized to be appropriated to carry out the recreational
trails program under section 206, the Secretary shall deduct
for administrative, research, technical assistance, and
training expenses for such program $840,000 for each of
fiscal years 2005 through 2009.''; and
(2) in paragraph (2) by striking ``After'' and all that
follows through ``remainder of the sums'' and inserting ``The
Secretary shall apportion the sums''.
(b) Permissible Uses.--Section 206(d)(2) of such title is
amended to read as follows:
``(2) Permissible uses.--Permissible uses of funds
apportioned to a State for a fiscal year to carry out this
section include--
``(A) maintenance and restoration of existing recreational
trails;
``(B) development and rehabilitation of trailside and
trailhead facilities and trail linkages for recreational
trails;
``(C) purchase and lease of recreational trail construction
and maintenance equipment;
``(D) construction of new recreational trails, except that,
in the case of new recreational trails crossing Federal
lands, construction of the trails shall be--
``(i) permissible under other law;
``(ii) necessary and recommended by a statewide
comprehensive outdoor recreation plan that is required by the
Land and Water Conservation Fund Act of 1965 (16 U.S.C. 460l-
4 et seq.) and that is in effect;
``(iii) approved by the administering agency of the State
designated under subsection (c)(1); and
``(iv) approved by each Federal agency having jurisdiction
over the affected lands under such terms and conditions as
the head of the Federal agency determines to be appropriate,
except that the approval shall be contingent on compliance by
the Federal agency with all applicable laws, including the
National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4321 et
seq.), the Forest and Rangeland Renewable Resources Planning
Act of 1974 (16 U.S.C. 1600 et seq.), and the Federal Land
Policy and Management Act of 1976 (43 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.);
``(E) acquisition of easements and fee simple title to
property for recreational trails or recreational trail
corridors;
``(F) assessment of trail conditions for accessibility and
maintenance;
``(G) development and dissemination of publications and
operation of educational programs to promote safety and
environmental protection, (as those objectives relate to 1 or
more of the use of recreational trails, supporting non-law
enforcement trail safety and trail use monitoring patrol
programs, and providing trail-related training), but in an
amount not to exceed 5 percent of the apportionment made to
the State for the fiscal year; and
``(H) payment of costs to the State incurred in
administering the program, but in an amount not to exceed 7
percent of the apportionment made to the State for the fiscal
year.''.
(c) Use of Apportionments.--Section 206(d)(3) of such title
is amended--
(1) by striking subparagraph (C);
(2) by redesignating subparagraph (D) as subparagraph (C);
and
(3) in subparagraph (C) (as so redesignated) by striking
``(2)(F)'' and inserting ``(2)(H)''.
(d) Federal Share.--Section 206(f) of such title is
amended--
(1) in paragraph (1)--
(A) by inserting ``and the Federal share of the
administrative costs of a State'' after ``project''; and
(B) by striking ``not exceed 80 percent'' and inserting
``be determined in accordance with section 120(b)'';
(2) in paragraph (2)(A) by striking ``80 percent of'' and
inserting ``the amount determined in accordance with section
120(b) for'';
(3) in paragraph (2)(B) by inserting ``sponsoring the
project'' after ``Federal agency'';
(4) by striking paragraph (5);
(5) by redesignating paragraph (4) as paragraph (5);
(6) in paragraph (5) (as so redesignated) by striking ``80
percent'' and inserting ``the Federal share as determined in
accordance with section 120(b)''; and
(7) by inserting after paragraph (3) the following:
``(4) Use of recreational trails program funds to match
other federal program funds.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, funds made available under this section may
be used toward the non-Federal matching share for other
Federal program funds that are--
``(A) expended in accordance with the requirements of the
Federal program relating to activities funded and populations
served; and
``(B) expended on a project that is eligible for assistance
under this section.''.
(e) Planning and Environmental Assessment Costs Incurred
Prior to Project Approval.--Section 206(h)(1) of such title
is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(C) Planning and environmental assessment costs incurred
prior to project approval.--The Secretary may allow
preapproval planning and environmental compliance costs to be
credited toward the non-Federal share of the cost of a
project described in subsection (d)(2) (other than
subparagraph (H)) in accordance with subsection (f), limited
to costs incurred less than 18 months prior to project
approval.''.
(f) Encouragement of Use of Youth Conservation or Service
Corps.--The Secretary
[[Page 18366]]
shall encourage the States to enter into contracts and
cooperative agreements with qualified youth conservation or
service corps to perform construction and maintenance of
recreational trails under section 206 of title 23, United
States Code.
SEC. 1110. TEMPORARY TRAFFIC CONTROL DEVICES.
(a) Standards.--Section 109(e) of title 23, United States
Code, is amended--
(1) by striking ``(e) No funds'' and inserting the
following:
``(e) Installation of Safety Devices.--
``(1) Highway and railroad grade crossings and
drawbridges.--No funds''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:
``(2) Temporary traffic control devices.--No funds shall be
approved for expenditure on any Federal-aid highway, or
highway affected under chapter 2, unless proper temporary
traffic control devices to improve safety in work zones will
be installed and maintained during construction, utility, and
maintenance operations on that portion of the highway with
respect to which such expenditures are to be made.
Installation and maintenance of the devices shall be in
accordance with the Manual on Uniform Traffic Control
Devices.''.
(b) Letting of Contracts.--Section 112 of such title is
amended--
(1) by striking subsection (f);
(2) by redesignating subsection (g) as subsection (f); and
(3) by adding at the end the following:
``(g) Temporary Traffic Control Devices.--
``(1) Issuance of regulations.--The Secretary, after
consultation with appropriate Federal and State officials,
shall issue regulations establishing the conditions for the
appropriate use of, and expenditure of funds for, uniformed
law enforcement officers, positive protective measures
between workers and motorized traffic, and installation and
maintenance of temporary traffic control devices during
construction, utility, and maintenance operations.
``(2) Effects of regulations.--Based on regulations issued
under paragraph (1), a State shall--
``(A) develop separate pay items for the use of uniformed
law enforcement officers, positive protective measures
between workers and motorized traffic, and installation and
maintenance of temporary traffic control devices during
construction, utility, and maintenance operations; and
``(B) incorporate such pay items into contract provisions
to be included in each contract entered into by the State
with respect to a highway project to ensure compliance with
section 109(e)(2).
``(3) Limitation.--Nothing in the regulations shall
prohibit a State from implementing standards that are more
stringent than those required under the regulations.
``(4) Positive protective measures defined.--In this
subsection, the term `positive protective measures' means
temporary traffic barriers, crash cushions, and other
strategies to avoid traffic accidents in work zones,
including full road closures.''.
(c) Clarification of Date.--Section 109(g) of such title is
amended in the first sentence by striking ``The Secretary''
and all that follows through ``of 1970'' and inserting ``Not
later than January 30, 1971, the Secretary shall issue''.
SEC. 1111. SET-ASIDES FOR INTERSTATE DISCRETIONARY PROJECTS.
(a) In General.--Section 118(c)(1) of title 23, United
States Code, is amended by striking ``$50,000,000'' and all
that follows through ``2003'' and inserting ``$100,000,000
for each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009''.
(b) Technical Amendments.--
(1) Section 116.--Section 116(b) of such title is amended
by striking ``highway department'' and inserting
``transportation department''.
(2) Section 120.--Section 120(e) of such title is amended
in the first sentence by striking ``such system'' and
inserting ``such highway''.
(3) Section 127.--Section 127(a) of such title is amended
by striking ``118(b)(1)'' and inserting ``118(b)(2)''.
(4) Bicycle and pedestrian safety grants.--Section 1212(i)
of the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (112
Stat. 196-197) is amended by redesignating subparagraphs (D)
and (E) as paragraphs (2) and (3), respectively, and moving
such paragraphs 2 ems to the left.
SEC. 1112. EMERGENCY RELIEF.
There are authorized to be appropriated for each fiscal
year such sums as may be necessary for allocations by the
Secretary described in subsections (a) and (b) of section 125
of title 23, United States Code, if the total of those
allocations in such fiscal year are in excess of
$100,000,000.
SEC. 1113. SURFACE TRANSPORTATION PROGRAM.
(a) Program Eligibility.--Section 133(b) of title 23,
United States Code, is amended--
(1) in paragraph (6) by inserting ``, including advanced
truck stop electrification systems'' before the period at the
end; and
(2) by inserting after paragraph (11) the following:
``(12) Projects relating to intersections that--
``(A) have disproportionately high accident rates;
``(B) have high levels of congestion, as evidenced by--
``(i) interrupted traffic flow at the intersection; and
``(ii) a level of service rating that is not better than
`F' during peak travel hours, calculated in accordance with
the Highway Capacity Manual issued by the Transportation
Research Board; and
``(C) are located on a Federal-aid highway.''.
(b) Repeal of Safety Programs Set-aside.--
(1) Repeal.--Section 133(d)(1) of such title is repealed.
(2) Technical amendments.--Section 133(d) of such title is
amended--
(A) in the first sentence of paragraph (3)(A)--
(i) by striking ``subparagraphs (C) and (D)'' and inserting
``subparagraph (C)''; and
(ii) by striking ``80 percent'' and inserting ``90
percent'';
(B) in paragraph (3)(B) by striking ``tobe'' and inserting
``to be''; and
(C) in paragraph (3)--
(i) by striking subparagraph (C);
(ii) by redesignating subparagraphs (D) and (E) as
subparagraphs (C) and (D), respectively; and
(iii) in subparagraph (C) (as redesignated by clause (ii))
by adding a period at the end.
(3) Effective date.--Paragraph (1) and paragraph (2)(A)(ii)
of this subsection shall take effect October 1, 2005.
(c) Transportation Enhancement Activities.--Effective
October 1, 2005, section 133(d)(2) of such title is amended
by striking ``10 percent'' and all that follows through
``section 104(b)(3) for a fiscal year'' and inserting the
following: ``In a fiscal year, the greater of 10 percent of
the funds apportioned to a State under section 104(b)(3) for
such fiscal year, or the amount set aside under this
paragraph with respect to the State for fiscal year 2005,''.
(d) Obligation Authority.--Section 133(f)(1) of such title
is amended--
(1) by striking ``1998 through 2000'' and inserting ``2004
through 2006''; and
(2) by striking ``2001 through 2003'' and inserting ``2007
through 2009''.
(e) Technical Correction.--Effective June 9, 1998, section
1108(e) of the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century
(112 Stat. 140) is amended by striking ``Section 133'' and
inserting ``Section 133(f)''.
SEC. 1114. HIGHWAY BRIDGE PROGRAM.
(a) Finding and Declaration.--Section 144(a) of title 23,
United States Code, is amended to read as follows:
``(a) Finding and Declaration.--Congress finds and declares
that it is in the vital interest of the United States that a
highway bridge program be carried out to enable States to
improve the condition of their highway bridges over
waterways, other topographical barriers, other highways, and
railroads through replacement and rehabilitation of bridges
that the States and the Secretary determine are structurally
deficient or functionally obsolete and through systematic
preventive maintenance of bridges.''.
(b) Participation.--Section 144(d) of such title is amended
to read as follows:
``(d) Participation.--
``(1) Bridge replacement and rehabilitation.--On
application by a State or States to the Secretary for
assistance for a highway bridge that has been determined to
be eligible for replacement or rehabilitation under
subsection (b) or (c), the Secretary may approve Federal
participation in--
``(A) replacing the bridge with a comparable facility; or
``(B) rehabilitating the bridge.
``(2) Types of assistance.--On application by a State or
States to the Secretary, the Secretary may approve Federal
assistance for any of the following activities for a highway
bridge that has been determined to be eligible for
replacement or rehabilitation under subsection (b) or (c):
``(A) Painting.
``(B) Seismic retrofit.
``(C) Systematic preventive maintenance.
``(D) Installation of scour countermeasures.
``(E) Application of calcium magnesium acetate, sodium
acetate/formate, or other environmentally acceptable,
minimally corrosive anti-icing and de-icing compositions.
``(3) Basis for determination.--The Secretary shall
determine the eligibility of highway bridges for replacement
or rehabilitation for each State based on structurally
deficient and functionally obsolete highway bridges in the
State.
``(4) Special rule for preventive maintenance.--
Notwithstanding any other provision of this subsection, a
State may carry out a project under paragraph (2)(B), (2)(C),
or (2)(D) for a highway bridge without regard to whether the
bridge is eligible for replacement or rehabilitation under
this section.''.
(c) Apportionment of Funds.--Section 144(e) of such title
is amended--
(1) in the third sentence by striking ``square footage''
and inserting ``deck area'';
(2) in the fourth sentence by striking ``the total cost of
deficient bridges in a State and in all States shall be
reduced by the total cost of any highway bridges constructed
under subsection (m) in such State, relating to replacement
of destroyed bridges and ferryboat services, and,''; and
(3) in the seventh sentence by striking ``for the same
period as funds apportioned for projects on the Federal-aid
primary system under this title'' and inserting ``for the
period specified in section 118(b)(2)''.
(d) Off-System Bridges.--Section 144(g)(3) of such title is
amended to read as follows:
``(3) Off-system bridges.--
``(A) In general.--Not less than 15 percent of the amount
apportioned to each State in each of fiscal years 2005
through 2009 shall be expended
[[Page 18367]]
for projects to replace, rehabilitate, paint, perform
systematic preventive maintenance or seismic retrofit of, or
apply calcium magnesium acetate, sodium acetate/formate, or
other environmentally acceptable, minimally corrosive anti-
icing and de-icing compositions to, or install scour
countermeasures to, highway bridges located on public roads,
other than those on a Federal-aid highway, or to complete the
Warwick Intermodal Station (including the construction of a
people mover between the Station and the T.F. Green Airport).
``(B) Reduction of expenditures.--The Secretary, after
consultation with State and local officials, may reduce the
requirement for expenditure for bridges not on a Federal-aid
highway under subparagraph (A) with respect to the State if
the Secretary determines that the State has inadequate needs
to justify the expenditure.''.
(e) Bridge Set-aside.--
(1) Fiscal year 2005.--Section 144(g)(1)(C) of such title
is amended--
(A) in the subsection heading by striking ``2003''and
inserting ``2005''; and
(B) in the first sentence by striking ``2003'' and
inserting ``2005''.
(2) Fiscal years 2006 through 2009.--Effective October 1,
2005, section 144(g) of such title (as amended by subsection
(d) of this section) is amended--
(A) by striking the subsection designation and all that
follows through the period at the end of paragraph (2) and
inserting the following:
``(g) Bridge Set-asides.--
``(1) Designated projects.--
``(A) In general.--Of the amounts authorized to be
appropriated to carry out the bridge program under this
section for each of the fiscal years 2006 through 2009, all
but $100,000,000 shall be apportioned as provided in
subsection (e). Such $100,000,000 shall be available as
follows:
``(i) $12,500,000 per fiscal year for the Golden Gate
Bridge.
``(ii) $18,750,000 per fiscal year for the construction of
a bridge joining the Island of Gravina to the community of
Ketchikan in Alaska.
``(iii) $12,500,000 per fiscal year to the State of Nevada
for construction of a replacement of the federally owned
bridge over the Hoover Dam in the Lake Mead National
Recreation Area.
``(iv) $12,500,000 per fiscal year to the State of Missouri
for construction of a structure over the Mississippi River to
connect the city of St. Louis, Missouri, to the State of
Illinois.
``(v) $12,500,000 per fiscal year for replacement and
reconstruction of State maintained bridges in the State of
Oklahoma.
``(vi) $4,500,000 per fiscal year for replacement of the
Missisquoi Bay Bridge, Vermont.
``(vii) $8,000,000 per fiscal year for replacement and
reconstruction of State-maintained bridges in the State of
Vermont.
``(viii) $8,750,000 per fiscal year for design, planning,
and right-of-way acquisition for the Interstate Route 74
bridge from Bettendorf, Iowa, to Moline, Illinois.
``(ix) $10,000,000 per fiscal year for replacement and
reconstruction of State-maintained bridges in the State of
Oregon.
``(B) Gravina access scoring.--The project described in
subparagraph (A)(ii) shall not be counted for purposes of the
reduction set forth in the fourth sentence of subsection (e).
``(C) Period of availability.--Amounts made available to a
State under this paragraph shall remain available until
expended.'';
(B) by striking paragraph (2); and
(C) by redesignating paragraph (3) as paragraph (2).
(f) Continuation of Report; Federal Share.--Section 144 of
such title is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(r) Annual Materials Report on New Bridge Construction
and Bridge Rehabilitation.--Not later than 1 year after the
date of enactment of this subsection, and annually
thereafter, the Secretary shall publish in the Federal
Register a report describing construction materials used in
new Federal-aid bridge construction and bridge rehabilitation
projects.
``(s) Federal Share.--
``(1) In general.--Except as provided under paragraph (2),
the Federal share of the cost of a project payable from funds
made available to carry out this section shall be determined
under section 120(b).
``(2) Interstate system.--The Federal share of the cost of
a project on the Interstate System payable from funds made
available to carry out this section shall be determined under
section 120(a).''.
(g) Technical Amendment.--Section 144(i) of such title is
amended by striking ``at the same time'' and all that follows
through ``Congress''.
SEC. 1115. HIGHWAY USE TAX EVASION PROJECTS.
(a) Eligible Activities.--
(1) Intergovernmental enforcement efforts.--Section
143(b)(2) of title 23, United States Code, is amended by
inserting before the period the following: ``; except that of
funds so made available for each of fiscal years 2005 through
2009, $2,000,000 shall be available only to carry out
intergovernmental enforcement efforts, including research and
training''.
(2) Conditions on funds allocated to internal revenue
service.--Section 143(b)(3) of such title is amended by
striking ``The'' and inserting ``Except as otherwise provided
in this section, the''.
(3) Limitation on use of funds.--Section 143(b)(4) of such
title is amended--
(A) by striking ``and'' at the end of subparagraph (F);
(B) by striking the period at the end of subparagraph (G)
and inserting a semicolon; and
(C) by adding at the end the following:
``(H) to support efforts between States and Indian tribes
to address issues relating to State motor fuel taxes; and
``(I) to analyze and implement programs to reduce tax
evasion associated with foreign imported fuel.''.
(4) Reports.--Section 143(b) of such title is amended by
adding at the end the following:
``(9) Reports.--The Commissioner of the Internal Revenue
Service and each State shall submit to the Secretary an
annual report that describes the projects, examinations, and
criminal investigations funded by and carried out under this
section. Such report shall specify the estimated annual yield
from such projects, examinations, and criminal
investigations.''.
(b) Excise Fuel Reporting System.--Section 143(c) of such
title is amended to read as follows:
``(c) Excise Tax Fuel Reporting.--
``(1) In general.--Not later than 90 days after the date of
enactment of the SAFETEA-LU, the Secretary shall enter into a
memorandum of understanding with the Commissioner of the
Internal Revenue Service for the purposes of--
``(A) the additional development of capabilities needed to
support new reporting requirements and databases established
under such Act and the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004
(P.L. 108-357), and such other reporting requirements and
database development as may be determined by the Secretary,
in consultation with the Commissioner of the Internal Revenue
Service, to be useful in the enforcement of fuel excise
taxes, including provisions recommended by the Fuel Tax
Enforcement Advisory Committee;
``(B) the completion of requirements needed for the
electronic reporting of fuel transactions from carriers and
terminal operators,
``(C) the operation and maintenance of an excise summary
terminal activity reporting system and other systems used to
provide strategic analyses of domestic and foreign motor fuel
distribution trends and patterns,
``(D) the collection, analysis, and sharing of information
on fuel distribution and compliance or noncompliance with
fuel taxes, and
``(E) the development, completion, operation, and
maintenance of an electronic claims filing system and
database and an electronic database of heavy vehicle highway
use payments.
``(2) Elements of memorandum of understanding.--The
memorandum of understanding shall provide that--
``(A) the Internal Revenue Service shall develop and
maintain any system under paragraph (1) through contracts,
``(B) any system under paragraph (1) shall be under the
control of the Internal Revenue Service, and
``(C) any system under paragraph (1) shall be made
available for use by appropriate State and Federal revenue,
tax, and law enforcement authorities, subject to section 6103
of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986.
``(3) Funding.--Of the amounts made available to carry out
this section for each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009, the
Secretary shall make available to the Internal Revenue
Service such funds as may be necessary to complete, operate,
and maintain the systems under paragraph (1) in accordance
with this subsection.
``(4) Reports.--Not later than September 30 of each year,
the Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service shall
provide reports to the Secretary on the status of the
Internal Revenue Service projects funded under this
subsection.''.
(c) Allocations.--Of the amounts authorized to be
appropriated under section 1101(a)(21) of this Act for
highway use tax evasion projects for each of the fiscal years
2005 through 2009, the following amounts shall be allocated
to the Internal Revenue Service to carry out section 143 of
title 23, United States Code:
(1) $5,000,000 for fiscal year 2005.
(2) $44,800,000 for fiscal year 2006.
(3) $53,300,000 for fiscal year 2007.
(4) $12,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2008 and 2009.
SEC. 1116. APPALACHIAN DEVELOPMENT HIGHWAY SYSTEM.
(a) Apportionment.--The Secretary shall apportion funds
made available by section 1101(a)(7) of this Act for fiscal
years 2005 through 2009 among the States based on the latest
available cost to complete estimate for the Appalachian
development highway system under section 14501 of title 40,
United States Code.
(b) Applicability of Title 23.--Funds made available by
section 1101(a)(7) of this Act for the Appalachian
development highway system shall be available for obligation
in the same manner as if such funds were apportioned under
chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code; except that the
Federal share of the cost of any project under this section
shall be determined in accordance with section 14501 of title
40, United States Code, and such funds shall be available to
construct highways and access roads under such section and
shall remain available until expended.
(c) Use of Toll Credits.--Section 120(j)(1) of title 23,
United States Code, is amended by inserting ``and the
Appalachian development highway system program under section
14501 of title 40'' after ``section 125''.
SEC. 1117. TRANSPORTATION, COMMUNITY, AND SYSTEM PRESERVATION
PROGRAM.
(a) Establishment.--In cooperation with appropriate State,
tribal, regional, and local governments, the Secretary shall
establish a comprehensive program to address the
relationships
[[Page 18368]]
among transportation, community, and system preservation
plans and practices and identify private sector-based
initiatives to improve such relationships.
(b) Purpose.--Through the program under this section, the
Secretary shall facilitate the planning, development, and
implementation of strategies to integrate transportation,
community, and system preservation plans and practices that
address 1 or more of the following:
(1) Improve the efficiency of the transportation system of
the United States.
(2) Reduce the impacts of transportation on the
environment.
(3) Reduce the need for costly future investments in public
infrastructure.
(4) Provide efficient access to jobs, services, and centers
of trade.
(5) Examine community development patterns and identify
strategies to encourage private sector development that
achieves the purposes identified in paragraphs (1) through
(4).
(c) General Authority.--The Secretary shall allocate funds
made available to carry out this section to States,
metropolitan planning organizations, local governments, and
tribal governments to carry out eligible projects to
integrate transportation, community, and system preservation
plans and practices.
(d) Eligibility.--A project described in subsection (c) is
an eligible project under this section if the project--
(1) is eligible for assistance under title 23 or chapter 53
of title 49, United States Code; or
(2) is to conduct any other activity relating to
transportation, community, and system preservation that the
Secretary determines to be appropriate, including corridor
preservation activities that are necessary to implement 1 or
more of the following:
(A) Transit-oriented development plans.
(B) Traffic calming measures.
(C) Other coordinated transportation, community, and system
preservation practices.
(e) Criteria.--In allocating funds made available to carry
out this section, the Secretary shall give priority
consideration to applicants that--
(1) have instituted preservation or development plans and
programs that--
(A) are coordinated with State and local preservation or
development plans, including transit-oriented development
plans;
(B) promote cost-effective and strategic investments in
transportation infrastructure that minimize adverse impacts
on the environment; or
(C) promote innovative private sector strategies;
(2) have instituted other policies to integrate
transportation, community, and system preservation practices,
such as--
(A) spending policies that direct funds to high-growth
areas;
(B) urban growth boundaries to guide metropolitan
expansion;
(C) ``green corridors'' programs that provide access to
major highway corridors for areas targeted for efficient and
compact development; or
(D) other similar programs or policies as determined by the
Secretary;
(3) have preservation or development policies that include
a mechanism for reducing potential impacts of transportation
activities on the environment;
(4) demonstrate a commitment to public and private
involvement, including the involvement of nontraditional
partners in the project team; and
(5) examine ways to encourage private sector investments
that address the purposes of this section.
(f) Equitable Distribution.--In allocating funds to carry
out this section, the Secretary shall ensure the equitable
distribution of funds to a diversity of populations and
geographic regions.
(g) Funding.--
(1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to carry out this section $25,000,000 for fiscal
year 2005 and $61,250,000 for each of fiscal years 2006,
2007, 2008, and 2009.
(2) Contract authority.--Funds made available to carry out
this section shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if the funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code; except that such funds shall
not be transferable, and the Federal share for projects and
activities carried out with such funds shall be determined in
accordance with section 120(b) of title 23, United States
Code.
(h) Conforming Amendment.--Section 1221 of the
Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (23 U.S.C. 101
note; 112 Stat. 221) is repealed.
SEC. 1118. TERRITORIAL HIGHWAY PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--Chapter 2 of title 23, United States Code,
is amended by striking section 215 and inserting the
following:
``Sec. 215. Territorial highway program
``(a) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
``(1) Program.--The term `program' means the territorial
highway program established under subsection (b).
``(2) Territory.--The term `territory' means the any of the
following territories of the United States:
``(A) American Samoa.
``(B) The Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.
``(C) Guam.
``(D) The United States Virgin Islands.
``(b) Program.--
``(1) In general.--Recognizing the mutual benefits that
will accrue to the territories and the United States from the
improvement of highways in the territories, the Secretary may
carry out a program to assist each government of a territory
in the construction and improvement of a system of arterial
and collector highways, and necessary inter-island
connectors, that is--
``(A) designated by the Governor or chief executive officer
of each territory; and
``(B) approved by the Secretary.
``(2) Federal share.--The Federal share of Federal
financial assistance provided to territories under this
section shall be in accordance with section 120(h).
``(c) Technical Assistance.--
``(1) In general.--To continue a long-range highway
development program, the Secretary may provide technical
assistance to the governments of the territories to enable
the territories to, on a continuing basis--
``(A) engage in highway planning;
``(B) conduct environmental evaluations;
``(C) administer right-of-way acquisition and relocation
assistance programs; and
``(D) design, construct, operate, and maintain a system of
arterial and collector highways, including necessary inter-
island connectors.
``(2) Form and terms of assistance.--Technical assistance
provided under paragraph (1), and the terms for the sharing
of information among territories receiving the technical
assistance, shall be included in the agreement required by
subsection (e).
``(d) Nonapplicability of Certain Provisions.--
``(1) In general.--Except to the extent that provisions of
chapter 1 are determined by the Secretary to be inconsistent
with the needs of the territories and the intent of the
program, chapter 1 (other than provisions of chapter 1
relating to the apportionment and allocation of funds) shall
apply to funds authorized to be appropriated for the program.
``(2) Applicable provisions.--The agreement required by
subsection (e) for each territory shall identify the sections
of chapter 1 that are applicable to that territory and the
extent of the applicability of those sections.
``(e) Agreement.--
``(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (4),
none of the funds made available for the program shall be
available for obligation or expenditure with respect to any
territory until the chief executive officer of the territory
enters into an agreement with the Secretary (not later than 1
year after the date of enactment of SAFETEA-LU), providing
that the government of the territory shall--
``(A) implement the program in accordance with applicable
provisions of chapter 1 and subsection (d);
``(B) design and construct a system of arterial and
collector highways, including necessary inter-island
connectors, in accordance with standards that are--
``(i) appropriate for each territory; and
``(ii) approved by the Secretary;
``(C) provide for the maintenance of facilities constructed
or operated under this section in a condition to adequately
serve the needs of present and future traffic; and
``(D) implement standards for traffic operations and
uniform traffic control devices that are approved by the
Secretary.
``(2) Technical assistance.--The agreement required by
paragraph (1) shall--
``(A) specify the kind of technical assistance to be
provided under the program;
``(B) include appropriate provisions regarding information
sharing among the territories; and
``(C) delineate the oversight role and responsibilities of
the territories and the Secretary.
``(3) Review and revision of agreement.--The agreement
entered into under paragraph (1) shall be reevaluated and, as
necessary, revised, at least every 2 years.
``(4) Existing agreements.--With respect to an agreement
under the section between the Secretary and the chief
executive officer of a territory that is in effect as of the
date of enactment of the SAFETEA-LU--
``(A) the agreement shall continue in force until replaced
by an agreement entered into in accordance with paragraph
(1); and
``(B) amounts made available for the program under the
existing agreement shall be available for obligation or
expenditure so long as the agreement, or the existing
agreement entered into under paragraph (1), is in effect.
``(f) Permissible Uses of Funds.--
``(1) In general.--Funds made available for the program may
be used only for the following projects and activities
carried out in a territory:
``(A) Eligible surface transportation program projects
described in section 133(b).
``(B) Cost-effective, preventive maintenance consistent
with section 116(d).
``(C) Ferry boats, terminal facilities, and approaches, in
accordance with subsections (b) and (c) of section 129.
``(D) Engineering and economic surveys and investigations
for the planning, and the financing, of future highway
programs.
``(E) Studies of the economy, safety, and convenience of
highway use.
``(F) The regulation and equitable taxation of highway use.
``(G) Such research and development as are necessary in
connection with the planning, design, and maintenance of the
highway system.
``(2) Prohibition on use of funds for routine
maintenance.--None of the funds made available for the
program shall be obligated or expended for routine
maintenance.
``(g) Location of Projects.--Territorial highway projects
(other than those described in paragraphs (1), (3), and (4)
of section 133(b))
[[Page 18369]]
may not be undertaken on roads functionally classified as
local.''.
(b) Conforming Amendments.--
(1) Eligible projects.--Section 103(b) of such title is
amended--
(A) in the heading for paragraph (6) by striking
``Eligible'' and inserting ``State eligible'';
(B) in paragraph (6) by striking subparagraph (P) ; and
(C) by adding at the end the following:
``(7) Territory eligible projects.--Subject to approval by
the Secretary, funds set aside for this program under section
104(b)(1) for the National Highway System may be obligated
for projects eligible for assistance under the territorial
highway program under section 215.''.
(2) Funding.--Section 104(b)(1)(A) of such title is amended
by striking ``to the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa,
and the Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands'' and
inserting ``for the territorial highway program under section
215''.
(3) Clerical amendment.--The analysis for chapter 2 of such
title is amended by striking the item relating to section 215
and inserting the following:
``215. Territorial highway program.''.
SEC. 1119. FEDERAL LANDS HIGHWAYS.
(a) Federal Share Payable.--
(1) In general.--Section 120(k) of title 23, United States
Code, is amended--
(A) by striking ``Federal-aid highway''; and
(B) by striking ``section 104'' and inserting ``this title
or chapter 53 of title 49''.
(2) Technical references.--Section 120(l) of such title is
amended by striking ``section 104'' and inserting ``this
title or chapter 53 of title 49''.
(b) Payments to Federal Agencies for Federal-Aid
Projects.--Section 132 of such title is amended--
(1) by striking the first 2 sentences and inserting the
following:
``(a) In General.--In a case in which a proposed Federal-
aid project is to be undertaken by a Federal agency in
accordance with an agreement between a State and the Federal
agency, the State may--
``(1) direct the Secretary to transfer the funds for the
Federal share of the project directly to the Federal agency;
or
``(2) make such deposit with, or payment to, the Federal
agency as is required to meet the obligation of the State
under the agreement for the work undertaken or to be
undertaken by the Federal agency.
``(b) Reimbursement.--On execution with a State of a
project agreement described in subsection (a), the Secretary
may reimburse the State, using any available funds, for the
estimated Federal share under this title of the obligation of
the State deposited or paid under subsection (a)(2).''; and
(2) in the last sentence by striking ``Any sums'' and
inserting the following:
``(c) Recovery and Crediting of Funds.--Any sums''.
(c) Allocations.--Section 202 of such title is amended--
(1) in subsection (a) by striking ``(a) On October 1'' and
all that follows through ``Such allocation'' and inserting
the following:
``(a) Allocation Based on Need.--
``(1) In general.--On October 1 of each fiscal year, the
Secretary shall allocate sums authorized to be appropriated
for the fiscal year for forest development roads and trails
according to the relative needs of the various national
forests and grasslands.
``(2) Planning.--The allocation under paragraph (1)'';
(2) in subsection (d)(2)--
(A) by adding at the end the following:
``(E) Transferred funds.--
``(i) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date on
which funds are made available to the Secretary of the
Interior under this paragraph, the funds shall be distributed
to, and available for immediate use by, the eligible Indian
tribes, in accordance with the formula for distribution of
funds under the Indian reservation roads program.
``(ii) Use of funds.--Notwithstanding any other provision
of this section, funds available to Indian tribes for Indian
reservation roads shall be expended on projects identified in
a transportation improvement program approved by the
Secretary.''; and
(B) in subsection (d)(3)(A) by striking ``under this
title'' and inserting ``under this chapter and section
125(e)''.
(d) Federal Lands Highways Program.--Section 202 of such
title is amended by striking subsection (b) and inserting the
following:
``(b) Allocation for Public Lands Highways.--
``(1) Public lands highways.--
``(A) In general.--On October 1 of each fiscal year, the
Secretary shall allocate 34 percent of the sums authorized to
be appropriated for that fiscal year for public lands
highways among those States having unappropriated or
unreserved public lands, nontaxable Indian lands, or other
Federal reservations, on the basis of need in the States,
respectively, as determined by the Secretary, on application
of the State transportation departments of the respective
States.
``(B) Preference.--In making the allocation under
subparagraph (A), the Secretary shall give preference to
those projects that are significantly impacted by Federal
land and resource management activities that are proposed by
a State that contains at least 3 percent of the total public
land in the United States.
``(2) Forest highways.--
``(A) In general.--On October 1 of each fiscal year, the
Secretary shall allocate 66 percent of the funds authorized
to be appropriated for public lands highways for forest
highways in accordance with section 134 of the Federal-Aid
Highway Act of 1987 (23 U.S.C. 202 note; 101 Stat. 173).
``(B) Public access to and within national forest system.--
In making the allocation under subparagraph (A), the
Secretary shall give equal consideration to projects that
provide access to and within the National Forest System, as
identified by the Secretary of Agriculture through--
``(i) renewable resource and land use planning; and
``(ii) assessments of the impact of that planning on
transportation facilities.''.
(e) BIA Administrative Expenses.--Section 202(d)(2) of such
title (as amended by subsection (c)(2) of this section) is
amended by adding at the end the following:
``(F) Administrative expenses.--
``(i) In general.--Of the funds authorized to be
appropriated for Indian reservation roads, $20,000,000 for
fiscal year 2006, $22,000,000 for fiscal year 2007,
$24,500,000 for fiscal year 2008, and $27,000,000 for fiscal
year 2009 may be used by the Secretary of the Interior for
program management and oversight and project-related
administrative expenses.
``(ii) Health and safety assurances.--Notwithstanding any
other provision of law, an Indian tribal government may
approve plans, specifications, and estimates and commence
road and bridge construction with funds made available for
Indian reservation roads under the Transportation Equity Act
for the 21st Century (Public Law 105-178) and SAFETEA-LU
through a contract or agreement under the Indian Self-
Determination and Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450b et
seq.) if the Indian tribal government--
``(I) provides assurances in the contract or agreement that
the construction will meet or exceed applicable health and
safety standards;
``(II) obtains the advance review of the plans and
specifications from a State-licensed civil engineer that has
certified that the plans and specifications meet or exceed
the applicable health and safety standards; and
``(III) provides a copy of the certification under
subclause (I) to the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tribal
Government Affairs or the Assistant Secretary for Indian
Affairs, as appropriate.''.
(f) National Tribal Transportation Facility Inventory.--
Section 202(d)(2) of such title (as amended by subsection
(e)) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(G) National tribal transportation facility inventory.--
``(i) In general.--Not later than 2 years after the date of
enactment of the SAFETEA-LU, the Secretary, in cooperation
with the Secretary of the Interior, shall complete a
comprehensive national inventory of transportation facilities
that are eligible for assistance under the Indian reservation
roads program.
``(ii) Transportation facilities included in the
inventory.--For purposes of identifying the tribal
transportation system and determining the relative
transportation needs among Indian tribes, the Secretary shall
include, at a minimum, transportation facilities that are
eligible for assistance under the Indian reservation roads
program that a tribe has requested, including facilities
that--
``(I) were included in the Bureau of Indian Affairs system
inventory for funding formula purposes in 1992 or any
subsequent fiscal year;
``(II) were constructed or reconstructed with funds from
the Highway Trust Funds (other than the Mass Transit Account)
under the Indian reservation roads program since 1983;
``(III) are owned by an Indian tribal government; or
``(IV) are community streets or bridges within the exterior
boundary of Indian reservations, Alaska Native villages, and
other recognized Indian communities (including communities in
former Indian reservations in Oklahoma) in which the majority
of residents are American Indians or Alaska Natives; or
``(V) are primary access routes proposed by tribal
governments, including roads between villages, roads to
landfills, roads to drinking water sources, roads to natural
resources identified for economic development, and roads that
provide access to intermodal termini, such as airports,
harbors, or boat landings.
``(iii) Limitation on primary access routes.--For purposes
of this subparagraph, a proposed primary access route is the
shortest practicable route connecting 2 points of the
proposed route.
``(iv) Additional facilities.--Nothing in this subparagraph
shall preclude the Secretary from including additional
transportation facilities that are eligible for funding under
the Indian reservation roads program in the inventory used
for the national funding allocation if such additional
facilities are included in the inventory in a uniform and
consistent manner nationally.
``(v) Report to congress.--Not later than 90 days after the
date of completion of the inventory under this subparagraph,
the Secretary shall prepare and submit a report to Congress
that includes the data gathered and the results of the
inventory.''.
(g) Indian Reservation Road Bridges.--Section 202(d)(4) of
such title is amended--
(1) in subparagraph (B)--
(A) by striking ``(B) Reservation.--Of the amounts'' and
all that follows through ``to replace,'' and inserting the
following:
``(B) Funding.--
[[Page 18370]]
``(i) Authorization of appropriations.--In addition to any
other funds made available for Indian reservation roads for
each fiscal year, there is authorized to be appropriated from
the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account)
$14,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009 to
carry out planning, design, engineering, preconstruction,
construction, and inspection of projects to replace,''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following:
``(ii) Availability.--Funds made available to carry out
this subparagraph shall be available for obligation in the
same manner as if such funds were apportioned under chapter
1.'';
(2) in subparagraph (C) by striking clause (iii) and
inserting the following:
``(iii) be structurally deficient or functionally obsolete;
and''; and
(3) by striking subparagraph (D) and inserting the
following:
``(D) Approval requirement.--
``(i) In general.--Subject to clause (ii), on request by an
Indian tribe or the Secretary of the Interior, the Secretary
may make funds available under this subsection for
preliminary engineering for Indian reservation road bridge
projects.
``(ii) Construction and construction engineering.--The
Secretary may make funds available under clause (i) for
construction and construction engineering after approval of
applicable plans, specifications, and estimates in accordance
with this title.''.
(4) Contracts and agreements with indian tribes.--Section
202(d) of such title is amended by adding at the end the
following:
``(5) Contracts and agreements with indian tribes.--
``(A) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law or any interagency agreement, program guideline, manual,
or policy directive, all funds made available to an Indian
tribal government under this chapter for a highway, road,
bridge, parkway, or transit facility program or project that
is located on an Indian reservation or provides access to the
reservation or a community of the Indian tribe shall be made
available, on the request of the Indian tribal government, to
the Indian tribal government for use in carrying out, in
accordance with the Indian Self-Determination and Education
Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450 et seq.), contracts and
agreements for the planning, research, design, engineering,
construction, and maintenance relating to the program or
project.
``(B) Exclusion of agency participation.--In accordance
with subparagraph (A), all funds for a program or project to
which subparagraph (A) applies shall be paid to the Indian
tribal government without regard to the organizational level
at which the Department of the Interior has previously
carried out, or the Department of Transportation has
previously carried out under the Federal lands highway
programs, the programs, functions, services, or activities
involved.
``(C) Consortia.--Two or more Indian tribes that are
otherwise eligible to participate in a program or project to
which this chapter applies may form a consortium to be
considered as a single Indian tribe for the purpose of
participating in the project under this section.
``(D) Secretary as signatory.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, the Secretary is authorized to enter into a
funding agreement with an Indian tribal government to carry
out a highway, road, bridge, parkway, or transit program or
project under subparagraph (A) that is located on an Indian
reservation or provides access to the reservation or a
community of the Indian tribe.
``(E) Funding.--The amount an Indian tribal government
receives for a program or project under subparagraph (A)
shall equal the sum of the funding that the Indian tribal
government would otherwise receive for the program or project
in accordance with the funding formula established under this
subsection and such additional amounts as the Secretary
determines equal the amounts that would have been withheld
for the costs of the Bureau of Indian Affairs for
administration of the program or project.
``(F) Eligibility.--
``(i) In general.--Subject to clause (ii), funds may be
made available under subparagraph (A) to an Indian tribal
government for a program or project in a fiscal year only if
the Indian tribal government requesting such funds
demonstrates to the satisfaction of the Secretary financial
stability and financial management capability during the 3
fiscal years immediately preceding the fiscal year for which
the request is being made.
``(ii) Criteria for determining financial stability and
financial management capability.--An Indian tribal government
that had no uncorrected significant and material audit
exceptions in the required annual audit of the Indian tribal
government self-determination contracts or self-governance
funding agreements with any Federal agency during the 3-
fiscal year period referred in clause (i) shall be conclusive
evidence of the financial stability and financial management
capability for purposes of clause (i).
``(G) Assumption of functions and duties.--An Indian tribal
government receiving funding under subparagraph (A) for a
program or project shall assume all functions and duties that
the Secretary of the Interior would have performed with
respect to a program or project under this chapter, other
than those functions and duties that inherently cannot be
legally transferred under the Indian Self-Determination and
Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450b et seq.).
``(H) Powers.--An Indian tribal government receiving
funding under subparagraph (A) for a program or project shall
have all powers that the Secretary of the Interior would have
exercised in administering the funds transferred to the
Indian tribal government for such program or project under
this section if the funds had not been transferred, except to
the extent that such powers are powers that inherently cannot
be legally transferred under the Indian Self-Determination
and Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450b et seq.).
``(I) Dispute resolution.--In the event of a disagreement
between the Secretary or the Secretary of the Interior and an
Indian tribe over whether a particular function, duty, or
power may be lawfully transferred under the Indian Self-
Determination and Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450b et
seq.), the Indian tribe shall have the right to pursue all
alternative dispute resolutions and appeal procedures
authorized by such Act, including regulations issued to carry
out such Act.
``(J) Termination of contract or agreement.--On the date of
the termination of a contract or agreement under this section
by an Indian tribal government, the Secretary shall transfer
all funds that would have been allocated to the Indian tribal
government under the contract or agreement to the Secretary
of the Interior to provide continued transportation services
in accordance with applicable law.''.
(h) Planning and Agency Coordination.--Section 204 of such
title is amended--
(1) in subsection (a)(1) by inserting ``refuge roads,''
after ``parkways,''; and
(2) by striking subsection (b) and inserting the following:
``(b) Use of Funds.--
``(1) In general.--Funds made available for public lands
highways, park roads and parkways, and Indian reservation
roads shall be used by the Secretary and the Secretary of the
appropriate Federal land management agency to pay the cost
of--
``(A) transportation planning, research, and engineering
and construction of, highways, roads, parkways, and transit
facilities located on public lands, national parks, and
Indian reservations; and
``(B) operation and maintenance of transit facilities
located on public lands, national parks, and Indian
reservations.
``(2) Contract.--In connection with an activity described
in paragraph (1), the Secretary and the Secretary of the
appropriate Federal land management agency may enter into a
contract or other appropriate agreement with respect to such
activity with--
``(A) a State (including a political subdivision of a
State); or
``(B) an Indian tribe.
``(3) Indian reservation roads.--In the case of an Indian
reservation road--
``(A) Indian labor may be employed, in accordance with such
rules and regulations as may be promulgated by the Secretary
of the Interior, to carry out any construction or other
activity described in paragraph (1); and
``(B) funds made available to carry out this section may be
used to pay bridge preconstruction costs (including planning,
design, and engineering).
``(4) Federal employment.--No maximum limitation on Federal
employment shall be applicable to construction or improvement
of Indian reservation roads.
``(5) Availability of funds.--Funds made available under
this section for each class of Federal lands highways shall
be available for any transportation project eligible for
assistance under this title that is within or adjacent to, or
that provides access to, the areas served by the particular
class of Federal lands highways.
``(6) Reservation of funds.--The Secretary of the Interior
may reserve funds from administrative funds of the Bureau of
Indian Affairs that are associated with the Indian
reservation roads program to finance Indian technical centers
under section 504(b).''.
(i) Maintenance of Indian Reservation Roads.--Section
204(c) of such title is amended by striking the second and
third sentences and inserting the following:
``Notwithstanding any other provision of this title, of the
amount of funds allocated for Indian reservation roads from
the Highway Trust Fund, not more than 25 percent of the funds
allocated to an Indian tribe may be expended for the purpose
of maintenance, excluding road sealing which shall not be
subject to any limitation. The Bureau of Indian Affairs shall
continue to retain primary responsibility, including annual
funding request responsibility, for road maintenance programs
on Indian reservations. The Secretary shall ensure that
funding made available under this subsection for maintenance
of Indian reservation roads for each fiscal year is
supplementary to and not in lieu of any obligation of funds
by the Bureau of Indian Affairs for road maintenance programs
on Indian reservations.''.
(j) Refuge Roads.--Section 204(k)(1) of such title is
amended--
(1) in subparagraph (B)--
(A) by striking ``(2), (5),'' and inserting ``(2), (3),
(5),''; and
(B) by striking ``and'' after the semicolon;
(2) in subparagraph (C) by striking the period at the end
and inserting a semicolon; and
(3) by adding at the end the following:
``(D) the non-Federal share of the cost of any project
funded under this title or chapter 53 of title 49 that
provides access to or within a wildlife refuge; and
``(E) maintenance and improvement of recreational trails;
except that expenditures on
[[Page 18371]]
trails under this subparagraph shall not exceed 5 percent of
available funds for each fiscal year.''.
(k) Tribal-State Road Maintenance Agreements.--Section 204
of such title is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(l) Tribal-State Road Maintenance Agreements.--
``(1) In general.--An Indian tribe and a State may enter
into a road maintenance agreement under which an Indian tribe
assumes the responsibilities of the State for--
``(A) Indian reservation roads; and
``(B) roads providing access to Indian reservation roads.
``(2) Tribal-state agreements.--Agreements entered into
under paragraph (1)--
``(A) shall be negotiated between the State and the Indian
tribe; and
``(B) shall not require the approval of the Secretary.
``(3) Annual report.--Effective beginning with fiscal year
2005, the Secretary shall prepare and submit to Congress an
annual report that identifies--
``(A) the Indian tribes and States that have entered into
agreements under paragraph (1);
``(B) the number of miles of roads for which Indian tribes
have assumed maintenance responsibilities; and
``(C) the amount of funding transferred to Indian tribes
for the fiscal year under agreements entered into under
paragraph (1).''.
(l) Deputy Assistant Secretary of Transportation for Tribal
Government Affairs.--Section 102 of title 49, United States
Code, is amended--
(1) by redesignating subsections (f) and (g) as subsections
(g) and (h), respectively; and
(2) by inserting after subsection (e) the following:
``(f) Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tribal Government
Affairs.--
``(1) Establishment.--In accordance with Federal policies
promoting Indian self determination, the Department of
Transportation shall have, within the office of the
Secretary, a Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tribal Government
Affairs appointed by the President to plan, coordinate, and
implement the Department of Transportation policy and
programs serving Indian tribes and tribal organizations and
to coordinate tribal transportation programs and activities
in all offices and administrations of the Department and to
be a participant in any negotiated rulemaking relating to, or
having an impact on, projects, programs, or funding
associated with the tribal transportation program.
``(2) Reservation of trust obligations.--
``(A) Responsibility of secretary.--In carrying out this
title, the Secretary shall be responsible to exercise the
trust obligations of the United States to Indians and Indian
tribes to ensure that the rights of a tribe or individual
Indian are protected.
``(B) Preservation of united states responsibility.--
Nothing in this title shall absolve the United States from
any responsibility to Indians and Indian tribes, including
responsibilities derived from the trust relationship and any
treaty, executive order, or agreement between the United
States and an Indian tribe.''.
(m) Forest Highways.--Of the amounts made available for
public lands highways under section 1101--
(1) not to exceed $20,000,000 per fiscal year may be used
for the maintenance of forest highways;
(2) not to exceed $1,000,000 per fiscal year may be used
for signage identifying public hunting and fishing access;
and
(3) not to exceed $10,000,000 per fiscal year shall be used
by the Secretary of Agriculture to pay the costs of
facilitating the passage of aquatic species beneath roads in
the National Forest System, including the costs of
constructing, maintaining, replacing, or removing culverts
and bridges, as appropriate.
(n) Wildlife Vehicle Collision Reduction Study.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall conduct a study of
methods to reduce collisions between motor vehicles and
wildlife (in this subsection referred to as ``wildlife
vehicle collisions'').
(2) Contents.--
(A) Areas of study.--The study shall include an assessment
of the causes and impacts of wildlife vehicle collisions and
solutions and best practices for reducing such collisions.
(B) Methods for conducting the study.--In carrying out the
study, the Secretary shall--
(i) conduct a thorough literature review; and
(ii) survey current practices of the Department of
Transportation.
(3) Consultation.--In carrying out the study, the Secretary
shall consult with appropriate experts in the field of
wildlife vehicle collisions.
(4) Report.--
(A) In general.--Not later than 2 years after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall submit to Congress
a report on the results of the study.
(B) Contents.--The report shall include a description of
each of the following:
(i) Causes of wildlife vehicle collisions.
(ii) Impacts of wildlife vehicle collisions.
(iii) Solutions to and prevention of wildlife vehicle
collisions.
(5) Manual.--
(A) Development.--Based upon the results of the study, the
Secretary shall develop a best practices manual to support
State efforts to reduce wildlife vehicle collisions.
(B) Availability.--The manual shall be made available to
States not later than 1 year after the date of transmission
of the report under paragraph (4).
(C) Contents.--The manual shall include, at a minimum, the
following:
(i) A list of best practices addressing wildlife vehicle
collisions.
(ii) A list of information, technical, and funding
resources for addressing wildlife vehicle collisions.
(iii) Recommendations for addressing wildlife vehicle
collisions.
(iv) Guidance for developing a State action plan to address
wildlife vehicle collisions.
(6) Training.--Based upon the manual developed under
paragraph (5), the Secretary shall develop a training course
on addressing wildlife vehicle collisions for transportation
professionals.
(o) Limitation on Applicability.--The requirements of the
January 4, 2005, Federal Highway Administration, a final rule
on the implementation of the Uniform Relocation Assistance
and Real Property Acquisition policy Act of 1970 (42 U.S.C.
4601 et seq.) shall not apply to the voluntary conservation
easement activities of the Department of Agriculture or the
Department of the Interior.
SEC. 1120. PUERTO RICO HIGHWAY PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--Subchapter I of chapter 1 of title 23,
United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the
following:
``Sec. 165. Puerto Rico highway program
``(a) In General.--The Secretary shall allocate funds made
available to carry out this section for each of fiscal years
2005 through 2009 to the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico to carry
out a highway program in the Commonwealth.
``(b) Applicability of Title.--Amounts made available by
section 1101(a)(14) of the SAFETEA-LU shall be available for
obligation in the same manner as if such funds were
apportioned under this chapter.
``(c) Treatment of Funds.--Amounts made available to carry
out this section for a fiscal year shall be administered as
follows:
``(1) Apportionment.--For the purpose of imposing any
penalty under this title or title 49, the amounts shall be
treated as being apportioned to Puerto Rico under sections
104(b) and 144, for each program funded under those sections
in an amount determined by multiplying--
``(A) the aggregate of the amounts for the fiscal year; by
``(B) the ratio that--
``(i) the amount of funds apportioned to Puerto Rico for
each such program for fiscal year 1997; bears to
``(ii) the total amount of funds apportioned to Puerto Rico
for all such programs for fiscal year 1997.
``(2) Penalty.--The amounts treated as being apportioned to
Puerto Rico under each section referred to in paragraph (1)
shall be deemed to be required to be apportioned to Puerto
Rico under that section for purposes of the imposition of any
penalty under this title or title 49.
``(d) Effect on Allocations and Apportionments.--Subject to
subsection (c)(2), nothing in this section affects any
allocation under section 105 and any apportionment under
sections 104 and 144.''.
(b) Conforming Amendment.--The analysis for subchapter I of
chapter 1 of such title is amended by adding at the end the
following:
``165. Puerto Rico highway program.''.
(c) Definition of State.--For the purposes of apportioning
funds under sections 104, 105, 130, 144, and 206 of title 23,
United States Code, and section 1404, relating to the safe
routes to school program, the term ``State'' means any of the
50 States and the District of Columbia.
SEC. 1121. HOV FACILITIES.
(a) In General.--Subchapter I of chapter 1 of title 23,
United States Code (as amended by section 1120 of this Act),
is amended by adding at the end the following:
``Sec. 166. HOV Facilities
``(a) In General.--
``(1) Authority of state agencies.--A State agency that has
jurisdiction over the operation of a HOV facility shall
establish the occupancy requirements of vehicles operating on
the facility.
``(2) Occupancy requirement.--Except as otherwise provided
by this section, no fewer than 2 occupants per vehicle may be
required for use of a HOV facility.
``(b) Exceptions.--
``(1) In general.--Notwithstanding the occupancy
requirement of subsection (a)(2), the exceptions in
paragraphs (2) through (5) shall apply with respect to a
State agency operating a HOV facility.
``(2) Motorcycles and bicycles.--
``(A) In general.--Subject to subparagraph (B), the State
agency shall allow motorcycles and bicycles to use the HOV
facility.
``(B) Safety exception.--
``(i) In general.--A State agency may restrict use of the
HOV facility by motorcycles or bicycles (or both) if the
agency certifies to the Secretary that such use would create
a safety hazard and the Secretary accepts the certification.
``(ii) Acceptance of certification.--The Secretary may
accept a certification under this subparagraph only after the
Secretary publishes notice of the certification in the
Federal Register and provides an opportunity for public
comment.
``(3) Public transportation vehicles.--The State agency may
allow public transportation vehicles to use the HOV facility
if the agency--
``(A) establishes requirements for clearly identifying the
vehicles; and
``(B) establishes procedures for enforcing the restrictions
on the use of the facility by the vehicles.
[[Page 18372]]
``(4) High occupancy toll vehicles.--The State agency may
allow vehicles not otherwise exempt pursuant to this
subsection to use the HOV facility if the operators of the
vehicles pay a toll charged by the agency for use of the
facility and the agency--
``(A) establishes a program that addresses how motorists
can enroll and participate in the toll program;
``(B) develops, manages, and maintains a system that will
automatically collect the toll; and
``(C) establishes policies and procedures to--
``(i) manage the demand to use the facility by varying the
toll amount that is charged; and
``(ii) enforce violations of use of the facility.
``(5) Low emission and energy-efficient vehicles.--
``(A) Inherently low emission vehicle.--Before September
30, 2009, the State agency may allow vehicles that are
certified as inherently low-emission vehicles pursuant to
section 88.311-93 of title 40, Code of Federal Regulations
(or successor regulations), and are labeled in accordance
with section 88.312-93 of such title (or successor
regulations), to use the HOV facility if the agency
establishes procedures for enforcing the restrictions on the
use of the facility by the vehicles.
``(B) Other low emission and energy-efficient vehicles.--
Before September 30, 2009, the State agency may allow
vehicles certified as low emission and energy-efficient
vehicles under subsection (e), and labeled in accordance with
subsection (e), to use the HOV facility if the operators of
the vehicles pay a toll charged by the agency for use of the
facility and the agency--
``(i) establishes a program that addresses the selection of
vehicles under this paragraph; and
``(ii) establishes procedures for enforcing the
restrictions on the use of the facility by the vehicles.
``(C) Amount of tolls.--Under subparagraph (B), a State
agency may charge no toll or may charge a toll that is less
than tolls charged under paragraph (3).
``(c) Requirements Applicable to Tolls.--
``(1) In general.--Tolls may be charged under paragraphs
(3) and (4) of subsection (b) notwithstanding section 301
and, except as provided in paragraphs (2) and (3), subject to
the requirements of section 129.
``(2) HOV facilities on the interstate system.--
Notwithstanding section 129, tolls may be charged under
paragraphs (3) and (4) of subsection (b) on a HOV facility on
the Interstate System.
``(3) Excess toll revenues.--If a State agency makes a
certification under section 129(a)(3) with respect to toll
revenues collected under paragraphs (3) and (4) of subsection
(b), the State, in the use of toll revenues under that
sentence, shall give priority consideration to projects for
developing alternatives to single occupancy vehicle travel
and projects for improving highway safety.
``(d) HOV Facility Management, Operation, Monitoring, and
Enforcement.--
``(1) In general.--A State agency that allows vehicles to
use a HOV facility under paragraph (3) or (4) of subsection
(b) in a fiscal year shall certify to the Secretary that the
agency will carry out the following responsibilities with
respect to the facility in the fiscal year:
``(A) Establishing, managing, and supporting a performance
monitoring, evaluation, and reporting program for the
facility that provides for continuous monitoring, assessment,
and reporting on the impacts that the vehicles may have on
the operation of the facility and adjacent highways.
``(B) Establishing, managing, and supporting an enforcement
program that ensures that the facility is being operated in
accordance with the requirements of this section.
``(C) Limiting or discontinuing the use of the facility by
the vehicles if the presence of the vehicles has degraded the
operation of the facility.
``(2) Degraded facility.--
``(A) Definition of minimum average operating speed.--In
this paragraph, the term `minimum average operating speed'
means--
``(i) 45 miles per hour, in the case of a HOV facility with
a speed limit of 50 miles per hour or greater; and
``(ii) not more than 10 miles per hour below the speed
limit, in the case of a HOV facility with a speed limit of
less than 50 miles per hour.
``(B) Standard for determining degraded facility.--For
purposes of paragraph (1), the operation of a HOV facility
shall be considered to be degraded if vehicles operating on
the facility are failing to maintain a minimum average
operating speed 90 percent of the time over a consecutive
180-day period during morning or evening weekday peak hour
periods (or both).
``(C) Management of low emission and energy-efficient
vehicles.--In managing the use of HOV lanes by low emission
and energy-efficient vehicles that do not meet applicable
occupancy requirements, a State agency may increase the
percentages described in subsection (f)(3)(B)(i).
``(e) Certification of Low Emission and Energy-Efficient
Vehicles.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
enactment of this section, the Administrator of the
Environmental Protection Agency shall--
``(1) issue a final rule establishing requirements for
certification of vehicles as low emission and energy-
efficient vehicles for purposes of this section and
requirements for the labeling of the vehicles; and
``(2) establish guidelines and procedures for making the
vehicle comparisons and performance calculations described in
subsection (f)(3)(B), in accordance with section 32908(b) of
title 49.
``(f) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
``(1) Alternative fuel vehicle.--The term `alternative fuel
vehicle' means a vehicle that is operating on--
``(A) methanol, denatured ethanol, or other alcohols;
``(B) a mixture containing at least 85 percent of methanol,
denatured ethanol, and other alcohols by volume with gasoline
or other fuels;
``(C) natural gas;
``(D) liquefied petroleum gas;
``(E) hydrogen;
``(F) coal derived liquid fuels;
``(G) fuels (except alcohol) derived from biological
materials;
``(H) electricity (including electricity from solar
energy); or
``(I) any other fuel that the Secretary prescribes by
regulation that is not substantially petroleum and that would
yield substantial energy security and environmental benefits,
including fuels regulated under section 490 of title 10, Code
of Federal Regulations (or successor regulations).
``(2) HOV facility.--The term `HOV facility' means a high
occupancy vehicle facility.
``(3) Low emission and energy-efficient vehicle.--The term
`low emission and energy-efficient vehicle' means a vehicle
that--
``(A) has been certified by the Administrator as meeting
the Tier II emission level established in regulations
prescribed by the Administrator under section 202(i) of the
Clean Air Act (42 U.S.C. 7521(i)) for that make and model
year vehicle; and
``(B)(i) is certified by the Administrator of the
Environmental Protection Agency, in consultation with the
manufacturer, to have achieved not less than a 50-percent
increase in city fuel economy or not less than a 25-percent
increase in combined city-highway fuel economy (or such
greater percentage of city or city-highway fuel economy as
may be determined by a State under subsection (d)(2)(C))
relative to a comparable vehicle that is an internal
combustion gasoline fueled vehicle (other than a vehicle that
has propulsion energy from onboard hybrid sources); or
``(ii) is an alternative fuel vehicle.
``(4) Public transportation vehicle.--The term `public
transportation vehicle' means a vehicle that--
``(A) provides designated public transportation (as defined
in section 221 of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990
(42 U.S.C. 12141) or provides public school transportation
(to and from public or private primary, secondary, or
tertiary schools); and
``(B)(i) is owned or operated by a public entity;
``(ii) is operated under a contract with a public entity;
or
``(iii) is operated pursuant to a license by the Secretary
or a State agency to provide motorbus or school vehicle
transportation services to the public.
``(5) State agency.--
``(A) In general.--The term `State agency', as used with
respect to a HOV facility, means an agency of a State or
local government having jurisdiction over the operation of
the facility.
``(B) Inclusion.--The term `State agency' includes a State
transportation department.''.
(b) Conforming Amendments.--
(1) Program efficiencies.--Section 102 of title 23, United
States Code, is amended--
(A) by striking subsection (a); and
(B) by redesignating subsections (b) and (c) as subsections
(a) and (b), respectively.
(2) Chapter analysis.--The analysis for such subchapter (as
amended by section 1120 of this Act) is amended by adding at
the end the following:
``166. HOV facilities.''.
(c) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
the Secretary and the States should provide additional
incentives (including the use of high occupancy vehicle lanes
on State and Interstate highways) for the purchase and use of
hybrid and other fuel efficient vehicles, which have been
proven to minimize air emissions and decrease consumption of
fossil fuels.
SEC. 1122. DEFINITIONS.
(a) Transportation Enhancement Activity.--Section
101(a)(35) of title 23, United States Code, is amended to
read as follows:
``(35) Transportation enhancement activity.--The term
`transportation enhancement activity' means, with respect to
any project or the area to be served by the project, any of
the following activities as the activities relate to surface
transportation:
``(A) Provision of facilities for pedestrians and bicycles.
``(B) Provision of safety and educational activities for
pedestrians and bicyclists.
``(C) Acquisition of scenic easements and scenic or
historic sites (including historic battlefields).
``(D) Scenic or historic highway programs (including the
provision of tourist and welcome center facilities).
``(E) Landscaping and other scenic beautification.
``(F) Historic preservation.
``(G) Rehabilitation and operation of historic
transportation buildings, structures, or facilities
(including historic railroad facilities and canals).
``(H) Preservation of abandoned railway corridors
(including the conversion and use of the corridors for
pedestrian or bicycle trails).
``(I) Inventory, control, and removal of outdoor
advertising.
[[Page 18373]]
``(J) Archaeological planning and research.
``(K) Environmental mitigation--
``(i) to address water pollution due to highway runoff; or
``(ii) reduce vehicle-caused wildlife mortality while
maintaining habitat connectivity.
``(L) Establishment of transportation museums.''.
(b) Advanced Truck Stop Electrification System.--Such
section 101(a) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(38) Advanced truck stop electrification system.--The
term `advanced truck stop electrification system' means a
system that delivers heat, air conditioning, electricity, or
communications to a heavy duty vehicle.''.
Subtitle B--Congestion Relief
SEC. 1201. REAL-TIME SYSTEM MANAGEMENT INFORMATION PROGRAM.
(a) Establishment.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall establish a real-time
system management information program to provide, in all
States, the capability to monitor, in real-time, the traffic
and travel conditions of the major highways of the United
States and to share that information to improve the security
of the surface transportation system, to address congestion
problems, to support improved response to weather events and
surface transportation incidents, and to facilitate national
and regional highway traveler information.
(2) Purposes.--The purposes of the real-time system
management information program are to--
(A) establish, in all States, a system of basic real-time
information for managing and operating the surface
transportation system;
(B) identify longer range real-time highway and transit
monitoring needs and develop plans and strategies for meeting
such needs; and
(C) provide the capability and means to share that data
with State and local governments and the traveling public.
(b) Data Exchange Formats.--Not later than 2 years after
the date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall
establish data exchange formats to ensure that the data
provided by highway and transit monitoring systems, including
statewide incident reporting systems, can readily be
exchanged across jurisdictional boundaries, facilitating
nationwide availability of information.
(c) Regional Intelligent Transportation System
Architecture.--
(1) Addressing information needs.--As State and local
governments develop or update regional intelligent
transportation system architectures, described in section
940.9 of title 23, Code of Federal Regulations, such
governments shall explicitly address real-time highway and
transit information needs and the systems needed to meet such
needs, including addressing coverage, monitoring systems,
data fusion and archiving, and methods of exchanging or
sharing highway and transit information.
(2) Data exchange.--States shall incorporate the data
exchange formats established by the Secretary under
subsection (b) to ensure that the data provided by highway
and transit monitoring systems may readily be exchanged with
State and local governments and may be made available to the
traveling public.
(d) Eligibility.--Subject to project approval by the
Secretary, a State may obligate funds apportioned to the
State under sections 104(b)(1), 104(b)(2), and 104(b)(3) of
title 23, United States Code, for activities relating to the
planning and deployment of real-time monitoring elements that
advance the goals and purposes described in subsection (a).
(e) Limitation on Statutory Construction.--Nothing in this
section shall be construed as altering or otherwise affecting
the applicability of the requirements of chapter 1 of title
23, United States Code (including requirements relating to
the eligibility of a project for assistance under the
program, the location of the project, and the Federal-share
payable on account of the project), to amounts apportioned to
a State for a program under section 104(b) that are obligated
by the State for activities and projects under this section.
(f) Statewide Incident Reporting System Defined.--In this
section, the term ``statewide incident reporting system''
means a statewide system for facilitating the real-time
electronic reporting of surface transportation incidents to a
central location for use in monitoring the event, providing
accurate traveler information, and responding to the incident
as appropriate.
Subtitle C--Mobility and Efficiency
SEC. 1301. PROJECTS OF NATIONAL AND REGIONAL SIGNIFICANCE.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) Under current law, surface transportation programs rely
primarily on formula capital apportionments to States.
(2) Despite the significant increase for surface
transportation program funding in the Transportation Equity
Act of the 21st Century, current levels of investment are
insufficient to fund critical high-cost transportation
infrastructure facilities that address critical national
economic and transportation needs.
(3) Critical high-cost transportation infrastructure
facilities often include multiple levels of government,
agencies, modes of transportation, and transportation goals
and planning processes that are not easily addressed or
funded within existing surface transportation program
categories.
(4) Projects of national and regional significance have
national and regional benefits, including improving economic
productivity by facilitating international trade, relieving
congestion, and improving transportation safety by
facilitating passenger and freight movement.
(5) The benefits of projects described in paragraph (4)
accrue to local areas, States, and the Nation as a result of
the effect such projects have on the national transportation
system.
(6) A program dedicated to constructing projects of
national and regional significance is necessary to improve
the safe, secure, and efficient movement of people and goods
throughout the United States and improve the health and
welfare of the national economy.
(b) Establishment of Program.--The Secretary shall
establish a program to provide grants to States for projects
of national and regional significance.
(c) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
(1) Eligible project costs.--The term ``eligible project
costs'' means the costs of--
(A) development phase activities, including planning,
feasibility analysis, revenue forecasting, environmental
review, preliminary engineering and design work, and other
preconstruction activities; and
(B) construction, reconstruction, rehabilitation, and
acquisition of real property (including land related to the
project and improvements to land), environmental mitigation,
construction contingencies, acquisition of equipment, and
operational improvements.
(2) Eligible project.--The term ``eligible project'' means
any surface transportation project eligible for Federal
assistance under title 23, United States Code, including
freight railroad projects and activities eligible under such
title.
(3) State.--The term ``State'' has the meaning such term
has in section 101(a) of title 23, United States Code.
(d) Eligibility.--To be eligible for assistance under this
section, a project shall have eligible project costs that are
reasonably anticipated to equal or exceed the lesser of--
(1) $500,000,000; or
(2) 75 percent of the amount of Federal highway assistance
funds apportioned for the most recently completed fiscal year
to the State in which the project is located.
(e) Applications.--Each State seeking to receive a grant
under this section for an eligible project shall submit to
the Secretary an application in such form and in accordance
with such requirements as the Secretary shall establish.
(f) Competitive Grant Selection and Criteria for Grants.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall--
(A) establish criteria for selecting among projects that
meet the eligibility criteria specified in subsection (d);
(B) conduct a national solicitation for applications; and
(C) award grants on a competitive basis.
(2) Criteria for grants.--The Secretary may approve a grant
under this section for a project only if the Secretary
determines that the project--
(A) is based on the results of preliminary engineering;
(B) is justified based on the ability of the project--
(i) to generate national economic benefits, including
creating jobs, expanding business opportunities, and
impacting the gross domestic product;
(ii) to reduce congestion, including impacts in the State,
region, and Nation;
(iii) to improve transportation safety, including reducing
transportation accidents, injuries, and fatalities;
(iv) to otherwise enhance the national transportation
system; and
(v) to garner support for non-Federal financial commitments
and provide evidence of stable and dependable financing
sources to construct, maintain, and operate the
infrastructure facility; and
(C) is supported by an acceptable degree of non-Federal
financial commitments, including evidence of stable and
dependable financing sources to construct, maintain, and
operate the infrastructure facility.
(3) Selection considerations.--In selecting a project under
this section, the Secretary shall consider the extent to
which the project--
(A) leverages Federal investment by encouraging non-Federal
contributions to the project, including contributions from
public-private partnerships;
(B) uses new technologies, including intelligent
transportation systems, that enhance the efficiency of the
project; and
(C) helps maintain or protect the environment.
(4) Preliminary engineering.--In evaluating a project under
paragraph (2)(A), the Secretary shall analyze and consider
the results of preliminary engineering for the project.
(5) Non-federal financial commitment.--
(A) Evaluation of project.--In evaluating a project under
paragraph (2)(C), the Secretary shall require that--
(i) the proposed project plan provides for the availability
of contingency amounts that the Secretary determines to be
reasonable to cover unanticipated cost increases; and
(ii) each proposed non-Federal source of capital and
operating financing is stable, reliable, and available within
the proposed project timetable.
(B) Considerations.--In assessing the stability,
reliability, and availability of proposed sources of non-
Federal financing under subparagraph (A), the Secretary shall
consider--
(i) existing financial commitments;
(ii) the degree to which financing sources are dedicated to
the purposes proposed;
[[Page 18374]]
(iii) any debt obligation that exists or is proposed by the
recipient for the proposed project; and
(iv) the extent to which the project has a non-Federal
financial commitment that exceeds the required non-Federal
share of the cost of the project.
(6) Regulations.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall issue regulations
on the manner in which the Secretary will evaluate and rate
the projects based on the results of preliminary engineering,
project justification, and the degree of non-Federal
financial commitment, as required under this subsection.
(7) Project evaluation and rating.--
(A) In general.--A proposed project may advance from
preliminary engineering to final design and construction only
if the Secretary finds that the project meets the
requirements of this subsection and there is a reasonable
likelihood that the project will continue to meet such
requirements.
(B) Evaluation and rating.--In making such findings, the
Secretary shall evaluate and rate the project as ``highly
recommended'', ``recommended'', or ``not recommended'' based
on the results of preliminary engineering, the project
justification criteria, and the degree of non-Federal
financial commitment, as required under this subsection. In
rating the projects, the Secretary shall provide, in addition
to the overall project rating, individual ratings for each of
the criteria established under the regulations issued under
paragraph (6).
(g) Letters of Intent and Full Funding Grant Agreements.--
(1) Letter of intent.--
(A) In general.--The Secretary may issue a letter of intent
to an applicant announcing an intention to obligate, for a
project under this section, an amount from future available
budget authority specified in law that is not more than the
amount stipulated as the financial participation of the
Secretary in the project.
(B) Notification.--At least 60 days before issuing a letter
under subparagraph (A) or entering into a full funding grant
agreement, the Secretary shall notify in writing the
Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure of the House
of Representatives and the Committee on Environment and
Public Works of the Senate of the proposed letter or
agreement. The Secretary shall include with the notification
a copy of the proposed letter or agreement as well as the
evaluations and ratings for the project.
(C) Not an obligation.--The issuance of a letter is deemed
not to be an obligation under sections 1108(c), 1108(d),
1501, and 1502(a) of title 31, United States Code, or an
administrative commitment.
(D) Obligation or commitment.--An obligation or
administrative commitment may be made only when contract
authority is allocated to a project.
(2) Full funding grant agreement.--
(A) In general.--A project financed under this subsection
shall be carried out through a full funding grant agreement.
The Secretary shall enter into a full funding grant agreement
based on the evaluations and ratings required under
subsection (f)(7).
(B) Terms.--If the Secretary makes a full funding grant
agreement with an applicant, the agreement shall--
(i) establish the terms of participation by the United
States Government in a project under this section;
(ii) establish the maximum amount of Government financial
assistance for the project;
(iii) cover the period of time for completing the project,
including a period extending beyond the period of an
authorization; and
(iv) make timely and efficient management of the project
easier according to the laws of the United States.
(C) Agreement.--An agreement under this paragraph obligates
an amount of available budget authority specified in law and
may include a commitment, contingent on amounts to be
specified in law in advance for commitments under this
paragraph, to obligate an additional amount from future
available budget authority specified in law. The agreement
shall state that the contingent commitment is not an
obligation of the Government. Interest and other financing
costs of efficiently carrying out a part of the project
within a reasonable time are a cost of carrying out the
project under a full funding grant agreement, except that
eligible costs may not be more than the cost of the most
favorable financing terms reasonably available for the
project at the time of borrowing. The applicant shall
certify, in a way satisfactory to the Secretary, that the
applicant has shown reasonable diligence in seeking the most
favorable financing terms.
(3) Amounts.--The total estimated amount of future
obligations of the Government and contingent commitments to
incur obligations covered by all outstanding letters of
intent and full funding grant agreements may be not more than
the greater of the amount authorized to carry out this
section or an amount equivalent to the last 2 fiscal years of
funding authorized to carry out this section less an amount
the Secretary reasonably estimates is necessary for grants
under this section not covered by a letter. The total amount
covered by new letters and contingent commitments included in
full funding grant agreements may be not more than a
limitation specified in law.
(h) Grant Requirements.--
(1) In general.--A grant for a project under this section
shall be subject to all of the requirements of title 23,
United States Code.
(2) Other terms and conditions.--The Secretary shall
require that all grants under this section be subject to all
terms, conditions, and requirements that the Secretary
decides are necessary or appropriate for purposes of this
section, including requirements for the disposition of net
increases in value of real property resulting from the
project assisted under this section.
(i) Government's Share of Project Cost.--Based on
engineering studies, studies of economic feasibility, and
information on the expected use of equipment or facilities,
the Secretary shall estimate the cost of a project receiving
assistance under this section. A grant for the project is for
80 percent of the project cost, unless the grant recipient
requests a lower grant percentage. A refund or reduction of
the remainder may be made only if a refund of a proportional
amount of the grant of the Government is made at the same
time.
(j) Fiscal Capacity Considerations.--If the Secretary gives
priority consideration to financing projects that include
more than the non-Government share required under subsection
(i) the Secretary shall give equal consideration to
differences in the fiscal capacity of State and local
governments.
(k) Reports.--
(1) Annual report.--Not later than the first Monday in
February of each year, the Secretary shall submit to the
Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure of the House
of Representatives and the Committee on Environment and
Public Works of the Senate a report that includes a proposal
on the allocation of amounts to be made available to finance
grants under this section.
(2) Recommendations on funding.--The annual report under
this paragraph shall include evaluations and ratings, as
required under subsection (f). The report shall also include
recommendations of projects for funding based on the
evaluations and ratings and on existing commitments and
anticipated funding levels for the next 3 fiscal years and
for the next 10 fiscal years based on information currently
available to the Secretary.
(l) Applicability of Title 23.--Funds made available to
carry out this section shall be available for obligation in
the same manner as if such funds were apportioned under
chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code; except that such
funds shall not be transferable and shall remain available
until expended and the Federal share of the cost of a project
under this section shall be as provided in this section.
(m) Designated Projects.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of this section, the Secretary shall allocate for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009, from funds made
available to carry out this section, 20 percent of the
following amounts for grants to carry out the following
projects under this section:
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SEC. 1302. NATIONAL CORRIDOR INFRASTRUCTURE IMPROVEMENT
PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--The Secretary shall establish and
implement a program to make allocations to States for highway
construction projects in corridors of national significance
to promote economic growth and international or interregional
trade pursuant to the selection factors provided in this
section. A State must submit an application to the Secretary
in order to receive an allocation under this section.
(b) Selection Process.--
(1) Priority.--In the selection process under this section,
the Secretary shall give priority to projects in corridors
that are a part of, or will be designated as part of, the
Dwight D. Eisenhower National System of Interstate and
Defense Highways after completion of the work described in
the application received by the Secretary and to any project
that will be completed within 5 years of the date of the
allocation of funds for the project.
(2) Selection factors.--In making allocations under this
section, the Secretary shall consider the following factors:
(A) The extent to which the corridor provides a link
between 2 existing segments of the Interstate System.
(B) The extent to which the project will facilitate major
multistate or regional mobility and economic growth and
development in areas underserved by existing highway
infrastructure.
(C) The extent to which commercial vehicle traffic in the
corridor--
(i) has increased since the date of enactment of the North
American Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act (16 U.S.C.
4401 et seq.); and
(ii) is projected to increase in the future.
(D) The extent to which international truck-borne
commodities move through the corridor.
(E) The extent to which the project will make improvements
to an existing segment of the Interstate System that will
result in a decrease in congestion.
(F) The reduction in commercial and other travel time
through a major freight corridor expected as a result of the
project.
(G) The value of the cargo carried by commercial vehicle
traffic in the corridor and the economic costs arising from
congestion in the corridor.
(H) The extent of leveraging of Federal funds provided to
carry out this section, including--
(i) use of innovative financing;
(ii) combination with funding provided under other sections
of this Act and title 23, United States Code; and
(iii) combination with other sources of Federal, State,
local, or private funding.
(c) Applicability of Title 23.--Funds made available by
section 1101(a)(10) of this Act to carry out this section
shall be available for obligation in the same manner as if
such funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of title 23,
United States Code; except that such funds shall remain
available until expended, and the Federal share of the cost
of a project under this section shall be determined in
accordance with section 120 of such title.
(d) State Defined.--In this section, the term ``State'' has
the meaning such term has in section 101(a) of title 23,
United States Code.
(e) Designated Projects.--The Secretary shall allocate for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009, from funds made
available to carry out this section, 20 percent of the
following amounts for grants to carry out the following
projects under this section:
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SEC. 1303. COORDINATED BORDER INFRASTRUCTURE PROGRAM.
(a) General Authority.--The Secretary shall implement a
coordinated border infrastructure program under which the
Secretary shall distribute funds to border States to improve
the safe movement of motor vehicles at or across the border
between the United States and Canada and the border between
the United States and Mexico.
(b) Eligible Uses.--Subject to subsection (d), a State may
use funds apportioned under this section only for--
(1) improvements in a border region to existing
transportation and supporting infrastructure that facilitate
cross-border motor vehicle and cargo movements;
(2) construction of highways and related safety and safety
enforcement facilities in a border region that facilitate
motor vehicle and cargo movements related to international
trade;
(3) operational improvements in a border region, including
improvements relating to electronic data interchange and use
of telecommunications, to expedite cross border motor vehicle
and cargo movement;
(4) modifications to regulatory procedures to expedite safe
and efficient cross border motor vehicle and cargo movements;
and
(5) international coordination of transportation planning,
programming, and border operation with Canada and Mexico
relating to expediting cross border motor vehicle and cargo
movements.
(c) Apportionment of Funds.--On October 1 of each fiscal
year, the Secretary shall apportion among border States sums
authorized to be appropriated to carry out this section for
such fiscal year as follows:
(1) 20 percent in the ratio that--
(A) the total number of incoming commercial trucks that
pass through the land border ports of entry within the
boundaries of a border State, as determined by the Secretary;
bears to
(B) the total number of incoming commercial trucks that
pass through such ports of entry within the boundaries of all
the border States, as determined by the Secretary.
(2) 30 percent in the ratio that--
(A) the total number of incoming personal motor vehicles
and incoming buses that pass through land border ports of
entry within the boundaries of a border State, as determined
by the Secretary; bears to
(B) the total number of incoming personal motor vehicles
and incoming buses that pass through such ports of entry
within the boundaries of all the border States, as determined
by the Secretary.
(3) 25 percent in the ratio that--
(A) the total weight of incoming cargo by commercial trucks
that pass through land border ports of entry within the
boundaries of a border State, as determined by the Secretary;
bears to
(B) the total weight of incoming cargo by commercial trucks
that pass through such ports of entry within the boundaries
of all the border States, as determined by the Secretary.
(4) 25 percent of the ratio that--
(A) the total number of land border ports of entry within
the boundaries of a border State, as determined by the
Secretary; bears to
(B) the total number of land border ports of entry within
the boundaries of all the border States, as determined by the
Secretary.
(d) Projects in Canada or Mexico.--A project in Canada or
Mexico, proposed by a border State to directly and
predominantly facilitate cross-border motor vehicle and cargo
movements at an international port of entry into the border
region of the State, may be constructed using funds
apportioned to the State under this section if, before
obligation of those funds, Canada or Mexico, or the political
subdivision of Canada or Mexico that is responsible for the
operation of the facility to be constructed, provides
assurances satisfactory to the Secretary that any facility
constructed under this subsection will be--
(1) constructed in accordance with standards equivalent to
applicable standards in the United States; and
(2) properly maintained and used over the useful life of
the facility for the purpose for which the Secretary is
allocating such funds to the project.
(e) Transfer of Funds to the General Services
Administration.--
(1) State funds.--At the request of a border State, funds
apportioned to the State under this section may be
transferred to the General Services Administration for the
purpose of funding 1 or more projects described in subsection
(b) if--
(A) the Secretary determines, after consultation with the
transportation department of the border State, that the
General Services Administration should carry out the project;
and
(B) the General Services Administration agrees to accept
the transfer of, and to administer, those funds in accordance
with this section.
(2) Non-federal share.--
(A) In general.--A border State that makes a request under
paragraph (1) shall provide directly to the General Services
Administration, for each project covered by the request, the
non-Federal share of the cost of the project.
(B) No augmentation of appropriations.--Funds provided by a
border State under subparagraph (A)--
(i) shall not be considered to be an augmentation of the
appropriations made available to the General Services
Administration; and
(ii) shall be--
(I) administered, subject to paragraph (1)(B), in
accordance with the procedures of the General Services
Administration; but
(II) available for obligation in the same manner as if the
funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of title 23, United
States Code.
(3) Obligation authority.--Obligation authority shall be
transferred to the General Services Administration for a
project in the same manner and amount as the funds provided
for the project under paragraph (1).
(4) Limitation on transfer of funds.--No State may transfer
to the General Services Administration under this subsection
an amount that is more than the lesser of--
(A) 15 percent of the aggregate amount of funds apportioned
to the State under this section for such fiscal year; or
(B) $5,000,000.
(f) Applicability of Title 23.--Funds made available to
carry out this section shall be available for obligation in
the same manner as if such funds were apportioned under
chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code; except that,
subject to subsection (e), such funds shall not be
transferable and shall remain available until expended, and
the Federal share of the cost of a project under this section
shall be determined in accordance with section 120 of such
title.
(g) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
(1) Border region.--The term ``border region'' means any
portion of a border State within 100 miles of an
international land border with Canada or Mexico.
(2) Border state.--The term ``border State'' means any
State that has an international land border with Canada or
Mexico.
(3) Commercial truck.--The term ``commercial truck'' means
a commercial motor vehicle as defined in section 31301(4)
(other than subparagraph (B)) of title 49, United States
Code.
(4) Motor vehicle.--The term ``motor vehicle'' has the
meaning such term has under section 101(a) of title 23,
United States Code.
(5) State.--The term ``State'' has the meaning such term
has in section 101(a) of such title 23.
SEC. 1304. HIGH PRIORITY CORRIDORS ON THE NATIONAL HIGHWAY
SYSTEM.
(a) Evacuation Routes.--Section 1105(b) of the Intermodal
Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (Public Law
102-240; 105 Stat. 2032) is amended in the first sentence by
inserting ``and evacuation routes'' after ``corridors'' the
first place it appears.
(b) Corridors.--Section 1105(c) of the Intermodal Surface
Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (105 Stat. 2032) is
amended--
(1) by striking paragraph (14) and inserting the following:
``(14) Heartland Expressway from Denver, Colorado, through
Scottsbluff, Nebraska, to Rapid City, South Dakota as
follows:
``(A) In the State of Colorado, the Heartland Expressway
Corridor shall generally follow--
``(i) Interstate 76 from Denver to Brush; and
``(ii) Colorado Highway 71 from Limon to the border between
the States of Colorado and Nebraska.
``(B) In the State of Nebraska, the Heartland Expressway
Corridor shall generally follow--
``(i) Nebraska Highway 71 from the border between the
States of Colorado and Nebraska to Scottsbluff;
``(ii) United States Route 26 from Scottsbluff to the
intersection with State Highway L62A;
``(iii) State Highway L62A from the intersection with
United States Route 26 to United States Route 385 north of
Bridgeport;
``(iv) United States Route 385 to the border between the
States of Nebraska and South Dakota; and
``(v) United States Highway 26 from Scottsbluff to the
border of the States of Nebraska and Wyoming.
``(C) In the State of Wyoming, the Heartland Expressway
Corridor shall generally follow United States Highway 26 from
the border of the States of Nebraska and Wyoming to the
termination at Interstate 25 at Interchange number 94.
``(D) In the State of South Dakota, the Heartland
Expressway Corridor shall generally follow--
``(i) United States Route 385 from the border between the
States of Nebraska and South Dakota to the intersection with
State Highway 79; and
``(ii) State Highway 79 from the intersection with United
States Route 385 to Rapid City.'';
(2) in paragraph (23) by inserting before the period at the
end the following: ``and the connection from Wichita, Kansas,
to Sioux City, Iowa, which includes I-135 from Wichita,
Kansas to Salina, Kansas, United States Route 81 from Salina,
Kansas, to Norfolk, Nebraska, Nebraska State Route 35 from
Norfolk, Nebraska, to South Sioux City, Nebraska, and the
connection to I-29 in Sioux City, Iowa'';
(3) in paragraph (33) by striking ``I-395'' and inserting
``and including the I-395 corridor'';
(4) by striking paragraph (34) and inserting the following:
``(34) The Alameda Corridor-East and Southwest Passage,
California. The Alameda Corridor-East is generally described
as the corridor from East Los Angeles (terminus of Alameda
Corridor) through Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino, and
Riverside Counties, to termini at Barstow in San Bernardino
County and Coachella in Riverside County. The Southwest
Passage shall follow I-10 from San Bernardino to the Arizona
State line.'';
(5) by adding at the end the following:
``(46) Interstate Route 710 between the terminus at Long
Beach, California, to California State Route 60.
``(47) Interstate Route 87 from the Quebec border to New
York City.
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``(48) The Route 50 High Plains Corridor along the United
States Route 50 corridor from Newton, Kansas, to Pueblo,
Colorado.
``(49) The Atlantic Commerce Corridor on Interstate Route
95 from Jacksonville, Florida, to Miami, Florida.
``(50) The East-West Corridor commencing in Watertown, New
York, continuing northeast through New York, Vermont, New
Hampshire, and Maine, and terminating in Calais, Maine.
``(51) The SPIRIT Corridor on United States Route 54 from
El Paso, Texas, through New Mexico, Texas, and Oklahoma to
Wichita, Kansas.
``(52) The route in Arkansas running south of and parallel
to Arkansas State Highway 226 from the relocation of United
States Route 67 to the vicinity of United States Route 49 and
United States Route 63.
``(53) United States Highway Route 6 from Interstate Route
70 to Interstate Route 15, Utah.
``(54) The California Farm-to-Market Corridor, California
State Route 99 from south of Bakersfield to Sacramento,
California.
``(55) In Texas, Interstate Route 20 from Interstate Route
35E in Dallas County, east to the intersection of Interstate
Route 635, north to the intersection of Interstate Route 30,
northeast through Texarkana to Little Rock, Arkansas,
Interstate Route 40 northeast from Little Rock east to the
proposed Interstate Route 69 corridor.
``(56) In the State of Texas, the La Entrada al Pacifico
Corridor consisting of the following highways and any portion
of a highway in a corridor on 2 miles of either side of the
center line of the highway:
``(A) State Route 349 from Lamesa to the point on that
highway that is closest to 32 degrees, 7 minutes, north
latitude, by 102 degrees, 6 minutes, west longitude.
``(B) The segment or any roadway extending from the point
described by subparagraph (A) to the point on Farm-to-Market
Road 1788 closest to 32 degrees, 0 minutes, north latitude,
by 102 degrees, 16 minutes, west longitude.
``(C) Farm-to-Market Road 1788 from the point described by
subparagraph (B) to its intersection with Interstate Route
20.
``(D) Interstate Route 20 from its intersection with Farm-
to-Market Road 1788 to its intersection with United States
Route 385.
``(E) United States Route 385 from Odessa to Fort Stockton,
including those portions that parallel United States Route 67
and Interstate Route 10.
``(F) United States Route 67 from Fort Stockton to
Presidio, including those portions that parallel Interstate
Route 10 and United States Route 90.
``(57) United States Route 41 corridor between Interstate
Route 94 via Interstate Route 894 and Highway 45 near
Milwaukee and Interstate Route 43 near Green Bay in the State
of Wisconsin.
``(58) The Theodore Roosevelt Expressway from Rapid City,
South Dakota, north on United States Route 85 to Williston,
North Dakota, west on United States Route 2 to Culbertson,
Montana, and north on Montana Highway 16 to the international
border with Canada at the port of Raymond, Montana.
``(59) The Central North American Trade Corridor from the
border between North Dakota and South Dakota, north on United
States Route 83 through Bismark and Minot, North Dakota, to
the international border with Canada.
``(60) The Providence Beltline Corridor beginning at
Interstate Route 95 in the vicinity of Hope Valley, Rhode
Island, traversing eastwardly intersecting and merging into
Interstate Route 295, continuing northeastwardly along
Interstate Route 95, and terminating at the Massachusetts
border, and including the western bypass of Providence, Rhode
Island, from Interstate Route 295 to the Massachusetts
border.
``(61) In the State of Missouri, the corridors consisting
of the following highways:
``(A) Interstate Route 70, from Interstate Route 29/35 to
United States Route 61/Avenue of the Saints.
``(B) Interstate Route 72/United States Route 36, from the
intersection with Interstate Route 29 to United States Route
61/Avenue of the Saints.
``(C) United States Route 67, from Interstate Route 55 to
the Arkansas State line.
``(D) United States Route 65, from United States Route 36/
Interstate Route 72 to the East-West TransAmerica corridor,
at the Arkansas State line.
``(E) United States Route 63, from United States Route 36
and the proposed Interstate Route 72 to the East-West
TransAmerica corridor, at the Arkansas State line.
``(F) United States Route 54, from the Kansas State line to
United States Route 61/Avenue of the Saints.
``(62) The Georgia Developmental Highway System Corridors
identified in section 32-4-22 of the Official Code of
Georgia, Annotated.
``(63) The Liberty Corridor, a corridor in an area
encompassing very critical and significant transportation
infrastructure providing regional, national, and
international access through the State of New Jersey,
including Interstate Routes 95, 80, 287, and 78, and United
States Routes 1, 3, 9, 17, and 46, and portways and
connecting infrastructure.
``(64) The corridor in an area of passage in the State of
New Jersey serving significant interstate and regional
traffic, located near the cities of Camden, New Jersey, and
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and including Interstate Route
295, United States Route 42, United States Route 130, and
Interstate Route 676.
``(65) The Interstate Route 95 Corridor beginning at the
New York State line and continuing through Connecticut to the
Rhode Island State line.
``(66) The Interstate Route 91 Corridor from New Haven,
Connecticut, to the Massachusetts State line.
``(67) The Fairbanks-Yukon International Corridor
consisting of the portion of the Alaska Highway from the
international border with Canada to the Richardson Highway,
and the Richardson Highway from its junction with the Alaska
Highway to Fairbanks, Alaska.
``(68) The Washoe County corridor, along Interstate Route
580/United States Route 95/United States Route 95A, from
Reno, Nevada, to Las Vegas, Nevada.
``(69) The Cross Valley Connector connecting Interstate
Route 5 and State Route 14, Santa Clarita Valley, California.
``(70) The Economic Lifeline corridor, along Interstate
Route 15 and Interstate Route 40, California, Arizona, and
Nevada, including Interstate Route 215 South from near San
Bernadino, California, to Riverside, California, and State
Route 91 from Riverside, California, to the intersection with
Interstate Route 15 near Corona, California.
``(71) The High Desert Corridor/E-220 from Los Angeles,
California, to Las Vegas, Nevada, via Palmdale and
Victorville, California.
``(72) The North-South corridor, along Interstate Route 49
North, from Kansas City, Missouri, to Shreveport, Louisiana.
``(73) The Louisiana Highway corridor, along Louisiana
Highway 1, from Grand Isle, Louisiana, to the intersection
with United States Route 90.
``(74) The portion of United States Route 90 from
Interstate Route 49 in Lafayette, Louisiana, to Interstate
Route 10 in New Orleans, Louisiana.
``(75) The Louisiana 28 corridor from Fort Polk to
Alexandria, Louisiana.
``(76) The portion of Interstate Route 75 from Toledo,
Ohio, to Cincinnati, Ohio.
``(77) The portion of United States Route 24 from the
Indiana/Ohio State line to Toledo, Ohio.
``(78) The portion of Interstate Route 71 from Cincinnati,
Ohio, to Cleveland, Ohio.
``(79) Interstate Route 376 from the Pittsburgh Interchange
(I/C No. 56) of the Pennsylvania Turnpike, westward on
Interstate Route 279, United States Route 22, United States
Route 30, and Pennsylvania Route 60, continuing past the
Pittsburgh International Airport on Turnpike Route 60, to the
Pennsylvania Turnpike (Interstate Route 76), Interchange 10,
and continuing north on Pennsylvania Turnpike Route 60 and on
United States Route 422 to Interstate Route 80.
``(80) The Intercounty Connector, a new east-west
multimodal highway between Interstate Route 270 and
Interstate Route 95/United States Route 1 in Montgomery and
Prince George's Counties, Maryland.''; and
(6) by aligning paragraph (45) with paragraph (46) (as
added by paragraph (5)).
(c) Interstate Routes.--Section 1105(e)(5) of the
Intermodal Surface Transporation Efficiency Act of 1991 is
amended--
(1) in subparagraph (A) by striking ``and subsection
(c)(45)'' and inserting ``subsection (c)(45), subsection
(c)(54), and subsection (c)(57)'';
(2) by redesignating subparagraphs (B) through (D) as
subparagraphs (C) through (E); and
(3) by inserting after subparagraph (A) the following:
``(B) Interstate route 376.--
``(i) Designation of interstate route 376.--
``(I) In general.--The routes referred to in subsection
(c)(79), except the portion of Pennsylvania Turnpike Route 60
and United States Route 422 between Pennsylvania Turnpike
Interchange 10 and Interstate Route 80, shall be designated
as Interstate Route 376.
``(II) Signs.--The State of Pennsylvania shall have
jurisdiction over the highways described in subclause (I)
(except Pennsylvania Turnpike Route 60) and erect signs in
accordance with Interstate signing criteria that identify the
routes described in subclause (I) as Interstate Route 376.
``(III) Assistance from secretary.--The Secretary shall
assist the State of Pennsylvania in carrying out, not later
than December 31, 2008, an activity under subclause (II)
relating to Interstate Route 376 and in complying with
sections 109 and 139 of title 23, United States Code.
``(ii) Other segments.--The segment of the route referred
to in subsection (c)(79) located between the Pennsylvania
Turnpike, Interchange 10, and Interstate Route 80 may be
signed as Interstate Route 376 under clause (i)(II) if that
segment meets the criteria under sections 109 and 139 of
title 23, United States Code.''.
(d) Authorization of Appropriations.--There are authorized
to be appropriated to carry out, in accordance with title 23,
United States Code, projects on corridors identified in
section 1105(c) of the Intermodal Surface Transportation
Efficiency Act of 1991 (105 Stat. 2032) such sums as may be
necessary.
SEC. 1305. TRUCK PARKING FACILITIES.
(a) Establishment.--In cooperation with appropriate State,
regional, and local governments, the Secretary shall
establish a pilot program to address the shortage of long-
term parking for commercial motor vehicles on the National
Highway System.
(b) Allocation of Funds.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall allocate funds made
available to carry out this section
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among States, metropolitan planning organizations, and local
governments.
(2) Applications.--To be eligible for an allocation under
this section, a State (as defined in section 101(a) of title
23, United States Code), metropolitan planning organization,
or local government shall submit to the Secretary an
application at such time and containing such information as
the Secretary may require.
(3) Eligible projects.--Funds allocated under this
subsection shall be used by the recipient for projects
described in an application approved by the Secretary. Such
projects shall serve the National Highway System and may
include the following:
(A) Constructing safety rest areas (as defined in section
120(c) of title 23, United States Code) that include parking
for commercial motor vehicles.
(B) Constructing commercial motor vehicle parking
facilities adjacent to commercial truck stops and travel
plazas.
(C) Opening existing facilities to commercial motor vehicle
parking, including inspection and weigh stations and park-
and-ride facilities.
(D) Promoting the availability of publicly or privately
provided commercial motor vehicle parking on the National
Highway System using intelligent transportation systems and
other means.
(E) Constructing turnouts along the National Highway System
for commercial motor vehicles.
(F) Making capital improvements to public commercial motor
vehicle parking facilities currently closed on a seasonal
basis to allow the facilities to remain open year-round.
(G) Improving the geometric design of interchanges on the
National Highway System to improve access to commercial motor
vehicle parking facilities.
(4) Priority.--In allocating funds made available to carry
out this section, the Secretary shall give priority to
applicants that--
(A) demonstrate a severe shortage of commercial motor
vehicle parking capacity in the corridor to be addressed;
(B) have consulted with affected State and local
governments, community groups, private providers of
commercial motor vehicle parking, and motorist and trucking
organizations; and
(C) demonstrate that their proposed projects are likely to
have positive effects on highway safety, traffic congestion,
or air quality.
(c) Report to Congress.--Not later than 3 years after the
date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall submit to
Congress a report on the results of the pilot program.
(d) Funding.--
(1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to carry out this section $6,250,000 for each of
fiscal years 2006 through 2009.
(2) Contract authority.--Funds authorized under this
subsection shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if the funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code; except that such funds shall
not be transferable and shall remain available until
expended, and the Federal share of the cost of a project
under this section shall be determined in accordance with
sections 120(b) and 120(c) of such title.
(e) Treatment of Projects.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, projects funded under this section shall be
treated as projects on a Federal-aid system under chapter 1
of title 23, United States Code.
SEC. 1306. FREIGHT INTERMODAL DISTRIBUTION PILOT GRANT
PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--The Secretary shall establish and
implement a freight intermodal distribution pilot grant
program.
(b) Purposes.--The purposes of the program established
under subsection (a) shall be for the Secretary to make
grants to States--
(1) to facilitate and support intermodal freight
transportation initiatives at the State and local levels to
relieve congestion and improve safety; and
(2) to provide capital funding to address infrastructure
and freight distribution needs at inland ports and intermodal
freight facilities.
(c) Eligible Projects.--Projects for which grants may be
made under this section shall help relieve congestion,
improve transportation safety, facilitate international
trade, and encourage public-private partnership and may
include projects for the development and construction of
intermodal freight distribution and transfer facilities at
inland ports.
(d) Selection Process.--
(1) Applications.--A State (as defined in section 101(a) of
title 23, United States Code) shall submit for approval by
the Secretary an application for a grant under this section
containing such information as the Secretary may require to
receive such a grant.
(2) Priority.--In selecting projects for grants, the
Secretary shall give priority to projects that will--
(A) reduce congestion into and out of international ports
located in the United States;
(B) demonstrate ways to increase the likelihood that
freight container movements involve freight containers
carrying goods; and
(C) establish or expand intermodal facilities that
encourage the development of inland freight distribution
centers.
(3) Designated projects.--Subject to the provisions of this
section, the Secretary shall allocate for each of fiscal
years 2005 through 2009, from funds made available to carry
out this section, 20 percent of the following amounts for
grants to carry out the following projects under this
section:
(A) Short-haul intermodal projects, Oregon, $5,000,000.
(B) The Georgia Port Authority, $5,000,000.
(C) The ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, California,
$5,000,000.
(D) Fairbanks, Alaska, $5,000,000.
(E) Charlotte Douglas International Airport Freight
Intermodal Facility, North Carolina, $5,000,000.
(F) South Piedmont Freight Intermodal Center, North
Carolina, $5,000,000.
(e) Use of Grant Funds.--Funds made available to a
recipient of a grant under this section shall be used by the
recipient for the project described in the application of the
recipient approved by the Secretary.
(f) Report.--Not later than 3 years after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall submit to Congress
a report on the results of the pilot program carried out
under this section.
(g) Funding.--
(1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to carry out this section $6,000,000 for each of
fiscal years 2005 through 2009.
(2) Contract authority.--Funds authorized by this
subsection shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if the funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code; except that such funds shall
not be transferable and shall remain available until
expended, and the Federal share of the cost of a project
under this section shall be determined in accordance with
section 120 of such title.
(h) Treatment of Projects.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, projects for which grants are made under
this section shall be treated as projects on a Federal-aid
system under chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code.
SEC. 1307. DEPLOYMENT OF MAGNETIC LEVITATION TRANSPORTATION
PROJECTS.
(a) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
(1) Eligible project costs.--The term ``eligible project
costs''--
(A) means the capital cost of the fixed guideway
infrastructure of a MAGLEV project, including land, piers,
guideways, propulsion equipment and other components attached
to guideways, power distribution facilities (including
substations), control and communications facilities, access
roads, and storage, repair, and maintenance facilities, but
not including costs incurred for a new station; and
(B) includes the costs of preconstruction planning
activities.
(2) Full project costs.--The term ``full project costs''
means the total capital costs of a MAGLEV project, including
eligible project costs and the costs of stations, vehicles,
and equipment.
(3) MAGLEV.--The term ``MAGLEV'' means transportation
systems employing magnetic levitation that would be capable
of safe use by the public at a speed in excess of 240 miles
per hour.
(4) State.--The term ``State'' has the meaning such term
has under section 101(a) of title 23, United States Code.
(b) In General.--
(1) Assistance for eligible projects.--The Secretary shall
make available financial assistance to pay the Federal share
of full project costs of eligible projects authorized by this
section.
(2) Use of assistance.--Financial assistance provided under
paragraph (1) shall be used only to pay eligible project
costs of projects authorized by this section.
(3) Applicability of other laws.--Financial assistance made
available under this section, and projects assisted with such
assistance, shall be subject to section 5333(a) of title 49,
United States Code.
(c) Project Eligibility.--To be eligible to receive
financial assistance under subsection (b), a project shall--
(1) involve a segment or segments of a high-speed ground
transportation corridor;
(2) result in an operating transportation facility that
provides a revenue producing service; and
(3) be approved by the Secretary based on an application
submitted to the Secretary by a State or authority designated
by 1 or more States.
(d) Allocation.--Of the amounts made available to carry out
this section for a fiscal year, the Secretary shall allocate
50 percent for the MAGLEV project between Las Vegas and
Primm, Nevada, and 50 percent for a MAGLEV project located
east of the Mississippi River.
SEC. 1308. DELTA REGION TRANSPORTATION DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--The Secretary shall carry out a program in
the 8 States comprising the Delta Region (Alabama, Arkansas,
Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, and
Tennessee) to--
(1) support and encourage multistate transportation
planning and corridor development;
(2) provide for transportation project development;
(3) facilitate transportation decisionmaking; and
(4) support transportation construction.
(b) Eligible Recipients.--A State transportation department
or metropolitan planning organization in a Delta Region State
may receive and administer funds provided under the program.
(c) Eligible Activities.--The Secretary shall make
allocations under the program for multistate highway
planning, development, and construction projects.
(d) Other Provisions Regarding Eligibility.--All activities
funded under this program shall be consistent with the
continuing,
[[Page 18383]]
cooperative, and comprehensive planning processes required by
sections 134 and 135 of title 23, United States Code.
(e) Selection Criteria.--The Secretary shall select
projects to be carried out under the program based on--
(1) whether the project is located--
(A) in an area under the authority of the Delta Regional
Authority; and
(B) on a Federal-aid highway;
(2) endorsement of the project by the State department of
transportation; and
(3) evidence of the ability of the recipient of funds
provided under the program to complete the project.
(f) Program Priorities.--In administering the program, the
Secretary shall--
(1) encourage State and local officials to work together to
develop plans for multimodal and multijurisdictional
transportation decisionmaking; and
(2) give priority to projects that emphasize multimodal
planning, including planning for operational improvements
that--
(A) increase the mobility of people and goods;
(B) improve the safety of the transportation system with
respect to catastrophic natural disasters or disasters caused
by human activity; and
(C) contribute to the economic vitality of the area in
which the project is being carried out.
(g) Federal Share.--Amounts provided by the Delta Regional
Authority to carry out a project under this subsection may be
applied to the non-Federal share of the project required by
section 120 of title 23, United States Code.
(h) Funding.--
(1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to carry out this section $10,000,000 for each of
fiscal years 2006 through 2009.
(2) Contract authority.--Funds made available to carry out
this section shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if such funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code; except that such funds shall
not be transferable and shall remain available until
expended.
SEC. 1309. EXTENSION OF PUBLIC TRANSIT VEHICLE EXEMPTION FROM
AXLE WEIGHT RESTRICTIONS.
Section 1023(h)(1) of the Intermodal Surface Transportation
Efficiency Act of 1991 (23 U.S.C. 127 note; 106 Stat. 1552)
is amended by striking ``2005'' and inserting ``2009''.
SEC. 1310. INTERSTATE OASIS PROGRAM.
(a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
enactment of this section, in consultation with the States
and other interested parties, the Secretary shall--
(1) establish an interstate oasis program; and
(2) after providing an opportunity for public comment,
develop standards for designating, as an interstate oasis, a
facility that--
(A) offers--
(i) products and services to the public;
(ii) 24-hour access to restrooms; and
(iii) parking for automobiles and heavy trucks; and
(B) meets other standards established by the Secretary.
(b) Standards for Designation.--The standards for
designation under subsection (a) shall include standards
relating to--
(1) the appearance of a facility; and
(2) the proximity of the facility to the Dwight D.
Eisenhower National System of Interstate and Defense
Highways.
(c) Eligibility for Designation.--If a State (as defined in
section 101(a) of title 23, United States Code) elects to
participate in the interstate oasis program, any facility
meeting the standards established by the Secretary shall be
eligible for designation under this section.
(d) Logo.--The Secretary shall design a logo to be
displayed by a facility designated under this section.
Subtitle D--Highway Safety
SEC. 1401. HIGHWAY SAFETY IMPROVEMENT PROGRAM.
(a) Safety Improvement.--
(1) In general.--Section 148 of title 23, United States
Code, is amended to read as follows:
``Sec. 148. Highway safety improvement program
``(a) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
``(1) High risk rural road.--The term `high risk rural
road' means any roadway functionally classified as a rural
major or minor collector or a rural local road--
``(A) on which the accident rate for fatalities and
incapacitating injuries exceeds the statewide average for
those functional classes of roadway; or
``(B) that will likely have increases in traffic volume
that are likely to create an accident rate for fatalities and
incapacitating injuries that exceeds the statewide average
for those functional classes of roadway.
``(2) Highway safety improvement program.--The term
`highway safety improvement program' means the program
carried out under this section.
``(3) Highway safety improvement project.--
``(A) In general.--The term `highway safety improvement
project' means a project described in the State strategic
highway safety plan that--
``(i) corrects or improves a hazardous road location or
feature; or
``(ii) addresses a highway safety problem.
``(B) Inclusions.--The term `highway safety improvement
project' includes a project for one or more of the following:
``(i) An intersection safety improvement.
``(ii) Pavement and shoulder widening (including addition
of a passing lane to remedy an unsafe condition).
``(iii) Installation of rumble strips or another warning
device, if the rumble strips or other warning devices do not
adversely affect the safety or mobility of bicyclists,
pedestrians, and the disabled.
``(iv) Installation of a skid-resistant surface at an
intersection or other location with a high frequency of
accidents.
``(v) An improvement for pedestrian or bicyclist safety or
safety of the disabled.
``(vi) Construction of any project for the elimination of
hazards at a railway-highway crossing that is eligible for
funding under section 130, including the separation or
protection of grades at railway-highway crossings.
``(vii) Construction of a railway-highway crossing safety
feature, including installation of protective devices.
``(viii) The conduct of a model traffic enforcement
activity at a railway-highway crossing.
``(ix) Construction of a traffic calming feature.
``(x) Elimination of a roadside obstacle.
``(xi) Improvement of highway signage and pavement
markings.
``(xii) Installation of a priority control system for
emergency vehicles at signalized intersections.
``(xiii) Installation of a traffic control or other warning
device at a location with high accident potential.
``(xiv) Safety-conscious planning.
``(xv) Improvement in the collection and analysis of crash
data.
``(xvi) Planning, integrated interoperable emergency
communications equipment, operational activities, or traffic
enforcement activities (including police assistance) relating
to workzone safety.
``(xvii) Installation of guardrails, barriers (including
barriers between construction work zones and traffic lanes
for the safety of motorists and workers), and crash
attenuators.
``(xviii) The addition or retrofitting of structures or
other measures to eliminate or reduce accidents involving
vehicles and wildlife.
``(xix) Installation and maintenance of signs (including
fluorescent, yellow-green signs) at pedestrian-bicycle
crossings and in school zones.
``(xx) Construction and yellow-green signs at pedestrian-
bicycle crossings and in school zones.
``(xxi) Construction and operational improvements on high
risk rural roads.
``(4) Safety project under any other section.--
``(A) In general.--The term `safety project under any other
section' means a project carried out for the purpose of
safety under any other section of this title.
``(B) Inclusion.--The term `safety project under any other
section' includes a project to promote the awareness of the
public and educate the public concerning highway safety
matters (including motorcyclist safety) and a project to
enforce highway safety laws.
``(5) State highway safety improvement program.--The term
`State highway safety improvement program' means projects or
strategies included in the State strategic highway safety
plan carried out as part of the State transportation
improvement program under section 135(g).
``(6) State strategic highway safety plan.--The term `State
strategic highway safety plan' means a plan developed by the
State transportation department that--
``(A) is developed after consultation with--
``(i) a highway safety representative of the Governor of
the State;
``(ii) regional transportation planning organizations and
metropolitan planning organizations, if any;
``(iii) representatives of major modes of transportation;
``(iv) State and local traffic enforcement officials;
``(v) persons responsible for administering section 130 at
the State level;
``(vi) representatives conducting Operation Lifesaver;
``(vii) representatives conducting a motor carrier safety
program under section 31102, 31106, or 31309 of title 49;
``(viii) motor vehicle administration agencies; and
``(ix) other major State and local safety stakeholders;
``(B) analyzes and makes effective use of State, regional,
or local crash data;
``(C) addresses engineering, management, operation,
education, enforcement, and emergency services elements
(including integrated, interoperable emergency
communications) of highway safety as key factors in
evaluating highway projects;
``(D) considers safety needs of, and high-fatality segments
of, public roads;
``(E) considers the results of State, regional, or local
transportation and highway safety planning processes;
``(F) describes a program of projects or strategies to
reduce or eliminate safety hazards;
``(G) is approved by the Governor of the State or a
responsible State agency; and
``(H) is consistent with the requirements of section
135(g).
``(b) Program.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary shall carry out a highway
safety improvement program.
``(2) Purpose.--The purpose of the highway safety
improvement program shall be to achieve a significant
reduction in traffic fatalities and serious injuries on
public roads.
[[Page 18384]]
``(c) Eligibility.--
``(1) In general.--To obligate funds apportioned under
section 104(b)(5) to carry out this section, a State shall
have in effect a State highway safety improvement program
under which the State--
``(A) develops and implements a State strategic highway
safety plan that identifies and analyzes highway safety
problems and opportunities as provided in paragraph (2);
``(B) produces a program of projects or strategies to
reduce identified safety problems;
``(C) evaluates the plan on a regular basis to ensure the
accuracy of the data and priority of proposed improvements;
and
``(D) submits to the Secretary an annual report that--
``(i) describes, in a clearly understandable fashion, not
less than 5 percent of locations determined by the State,
using criteria established in accordance with paragraph
(2)(B)(ii), as exhibiting the most severe safety needs; and
``(ii) contains an assessment of--
``(I) potential remedies to hazardous locations identified;
``(II) estimated costs associated with those remedies; and
``(III) impediments to implementation other than cost
associated with those remedies.
``(2) Identification and analysis of highway safety
problems and opportunities.--As part of the State strategic
highway safety plan, a State shall--
``(A) have in place a crash data system with the ability to
perform safety problem identification and countermeasure
analysis;
``(B) based on the analysis required by subparagraph (A)--
``(i) identify hazardous locations, sections, and elements
(including roadside obstacles, railway-highway crossing
needs, and unmarked or poorly marked roads) that constitute a
danger to motorists (including motorcyclists), bicyclists,
pedestrians, and other highway users; and
``(ii) using such criteria as the State determines to be
appropriate, establish the relative severity of those
locations, in terms of accidents, injuries, deaths, traffic
volume levels, and other relevant data;
``(C) adopt strategic and performance-based goals that--
``(i) address traffic safety, including behavioral and
infrastructure problems and opportunities on all public
roads;
``(ii) focus resources on areas of greatest need; and
``(iii) are coordinated with other State highway safety
programs;
``(D) advance the capabilities of the State for traffic
records data collection, analysis, and integration with other
sources of safety data (such as road inventories) in a manner
that--
``(i) complements the State highway safety program under
chapter 4 and the commercial vehicle safety plan under
section 31102 of title 49;
``(ii) includes all public roads;
``(iii) identifies hazardous locations, sections, and
elements on public roads that constitute a danger to
motorists (including motorcyclists), bicyclists, pedestrians,
the disabled, and other highway users; and
``(iv) includes a means of identifying the relative
severity of hazardous locations described in clause (iii) in
terms of accidents, injuries, deaths, and traffic volume
levels;
``(E)(i) determine priorities for the correction of
hazardous road locations, sections, and elements (including
railway-highway crossing improvements), as identified through
crash data analysis;
``(ii) identify opportunities for preventing the
development of such hazardous conditions; and
``(iii) establish and implement a schedule of highway
safety improvement projects for hazard correction and hazard
prevention; and
``(F)(i) establish an evaluation process to analyze and
assess results achieved by highway safety improvement
projects carried out in accordance with procedures and
criteria established by this section; and
``(ii) use the information obtained under clause (i) in
setting priorities for highway safety improvement projects.
``(d) Eligible Projects.--
``(1) In general.--A State may obligate funds apportioned
to the State under section 104(b)(5) to carry out--
``(A) any highway safety improvement project on any public
road or publicly owned bicycle or pedestrian pathway or
trail; or
``(B) as provided in subsection (e), other safety projects.
``(2) Use of other funding for safety.--
``(A) Effect of section.--Nothing in this section prohibits
the use of funds made available under other provisions of
this title for highway safety improvement projects.
``(B) Use of other funds.--States are encouraged to address
the full scope of their safety needs and opportunities by
using funds made available under other provisions of this
title (except a provision that specifically prohibits that
use).
``(e) Flexible Funding for States With a Strategic Highway
Safety Plan.--
``(1) In general.--To further the implementation of a State
strategic highway safety plan, a State may use up to 10
percent of the amount of funds apportioned to the State under
section 104(b)(5) for a fiscal year to carry out safety
projects under any other section as provided in the State
strategic highway safety plan if the State certifies that--
``(A) the State has met needs in the State relating to
railway-highway crossings; and
``(B) the State has met the State's infrastructure safety
needs relating to highway safety improvement projects.
``(2) Other transportation and highway safety plans.--
Nothing in this subsection requires a State to revise any
State process, plan, or program in effect on the date of
enactment of this section.
``(f) High Risk Rural Roads.--
``(1) In general.--After making an apportionment under
section 104(b)(5) for a fiscal year beginning after September
30, 2005, the Secretary shall ensure, from amounts made
available to carry out this section for such fiscal year,
that a total of $90,000,000 of such apportionment is set
aside by the States, proportionally according to the share of
each State of the total amount so apportioned, for use only
for construction and operational improvements on high risk
rural roads.
``(2) Special rule.--A State may use funds apportioned to
the State pursuant to this subsection for any project under
this section if the State certifies to the Secretary that the
State has met all of State needs for construction and
operational improvements on high risk rural roads.
``(g) Reports.--
``(1) In general.--A State shall submit to the Secretary a
report that--
``(A) describes progress being made to implement highway
safety improvement projects under this section;
``(B) assesses the effectiveness of those improvements; and
``(C) describes the extent to which the improvements funded
under this section contribute to the goals of--
``(i) reducing the number of fatalities on roadways;
``(ii) reducing the number of roadway-related injuries;
``(iii) reducing the occurrences of roadway-related
crashes;
``(iv) mitigating the consequences of roadway-related
crashes; and
``(v) reducing the occurrences of crashes at railway-
highway crossings.
``(2) Contents; schedule.--The Secretary shall establish
the content and schedule for a report under paragraph (1).
``(3) Transparency.--The Secretary shall make reports
submitted under subsection (c)(1)(D) available to the public
through--
``(A) the Web site of the Department; and
``(B) such other means as the Secretary determines to be
appropriate.
``(4) Discovery and admission into evidence of certain
reports, surveys, and information.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, reports, surveys, schedules, lists, or data
compiled or collected for any purpose directly relating to
paragraph (1) or subsection (c)(1)(D), or published by the
Secretary in accordance with paragraph (3), shall not be
subject to discovery or admitted into evidence in a Federal
or State court proceeding or considered for other purposes in
any action for damages arising from any occurrence at a
location identified or addressed in such reports, surveys,
schedules, lists, or other data.
``(h) Federal Share of Highway Safety Improvement
Projects.--Except as provided in sections 120 and 130, the
Federal share of the cost of a highway safety improvement
project carried out with funds apportioned to a State under
section 104(b)(5) shall be 90 percent.''.
(2) Clerical amendment.--The analysis for chapter 1 of such
title is amended by striking the item relating to section 148
and inserting the following:
``148. Highway safety improvement program.''.
(3) Conforming amendments.--
(A) Transfers of apportionments.--Section 104(g) of such
title is amended in the first sentence by striking ``sections
130, 144, and 152 of this title'' and inserting ``sections
130 and 144''.
(B) Uniform transferability.--Section 126(a) of such title
is amended by inserting ``under'' after ``State's
apportionment''.
(C) Other sections.--Sections 154, 164, and 409 of such
title are amended by striking ``152'' each place it appears
and inserting ``148''.
(b) Apportionment of Highway Safety Improvement Program
Funds.--Section 104(b) of such title (as amended by section
1103 of this Act) is amended--
(1) in the matter preceding paragraph (1) by inserting
after ``Improvement program,'' the following: ``the highway
safety improvement program,''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:
``(5) Highway safety improvement program.--
``(A) In general.--For the highway safety improvement
program, in accordance with the following formula:
``(i) 33\1/3\ percent of the apportionments in the ratio
that--
``(I) the total lane miles of Federal-aid highways in each
State; bears to
``(II) the total lane miles of Federal-aid highways in all
States.
``(ii) 33\1/3\ percent of the apportionments in the ratio
that--
``(I) the total vehicle miles traveled on lanes on Federal-
aid highways in each State; bears to
``(II) the total vehicle miles traveled on lanes on
Federal-aid highways in all States.
``(iii) 33\1/3\ percent of the apportionments in the ratio
that--
``(I) the number of fatalities on the Federal-aid system in
each State in the latest fiscal year for which data are
available; bears to
``(II) the number of fatalities on the Federal-aid system
in all States in the latest fiscal year for which data are
available.
[[Page 18385]]
``(B) Minimum apportionment.--Notwithstanding subparagraph
(A), each State shall receive a minimum of \1/2\ of 1 percent
of the funds apportioned under this paragraph.''.
(d) Elimination of Hazards Relating to Railway-Highway
Crossings.--
(1) Funds for protective devices.--Section 130(e) of such
title is amended--
(A) by striking ``At'' and inserting the following:
``(1) In general.--Before making an apportionment under
section 104(b)(5) for a fiscal year, the Secretary shall set
aside, from amounts made available to carry out the highway
safety improvement program under section 148 for such fiscal
year, at least $220,000,000 for the elimination of hazards
and the installation of protective devices at railway-highway
crossings. At''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following:
``(2) Special rule.--If a State demonstrates to the
satisfaction of the Secretary that the State has met all its
needs for installation of protective devices at railway-
highway crossings, the State may use funds made available by
this section for other purposes under this subsection.''.
(2) Apportionment.--Section 130(f) of such title is amended
to read as follows:
``(f) Apportionment.--
``(1) Formula.--Fifty percent of the funds set aside to
carry out this section pursuant to subsection (e)(1) shall be
apportioned to the States in accordance with the formula set
forth in section 104(b)(3)(A), and 50 percent of such funds
shall be apportioned to the States in the ratio that total
public railway-highway crossings in each State bears to the
total of such crossings in all States.
``(2) Minimum apportionment.--Notwithstanding paragraph
(1), each State shall receive a minimum of \1/2\ of 1 percent
of the funds apportioned under paragraph (1).
``(3) Federal share.--The Federal share payable on account
of any project financed with funds set aside to carry out
this section shall be 90 percent of the cost thereof.''.
(3) Biennial reports to congress.--Section 130(g) of such
title is amended in the third sentence--
(A) by inserting ``and the Committee on Commerce, Science,
and Transportation,'' after ``Public Works''; and
(B) by striking ``not later than April 1 of each year'' and
inserting ``, not later than April 1, 2006, and every 2 years
thereafter,''.
(4) Expenditure of funds.--Section 130 of such title is
amended by adding at the end the following:
``(k) Expenditure of Funds.--Not more than 2 percent of
funds apportioned to a State to carry out this section may be
used by the State for compilation and analysis of data in
support of activities carried out under subsection (g).''.
(e) Transition.--
(1) Implementation.--Except as provided in paragraph (2),
the Secretary shall approve obligations of funds apportioned
under section 104(b)(5) of title 23, United States Code (as
added by subsection (b)) to carry out section 148 of that
title, only if, not later than October 1 of the second fiscal
year beginning after the date of enactment of this Act, a
State has developed and implemented a State strategic highway
safety plan as required pursuant to section 148(c) of that
title.
(2) Interim period.--
(A) In general.--Before October 1 of the second fiscal year
after the date of enactment of this Act and until the date on
which a State develops and implements a State strategic
highway safety plan, the Secretary shall apportion funds to a
State for the highway safety improvement program and the
State may obligate funds apportioned to the State for the
highway safety improvement program under section 148 for
projects that were eligible for funding under sections 130
and 152 of that title, as in effect on the day before the
date of enactment of this Act.
(B) No strategic highway safety plan.--If a State has not
developed a strategic highway safety plan by October 1, 2007,
the State shall receive for the highway safety improvement
program for each subsequent fiscal year until the date of
development of such plan an amount that equals the amount
apportioned to the State for that program for fiscal year
2007.
SEC. 1402. WORKER INJURY PREVENTION AND FREE FLOW OF
VEHICULAR TRAFFIC.
Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this
Act, the Secretary shall issue regulations to decrease the
likelihood of worker injury and maintain the free flow of
vehicular traffic by requiring workers whose duties place
them on or in close proximity to a Federal-aid highway (as
defined in section 101 of title 23, United States Code) to
wear high visibility garments. The regulations may also
require such other worker-safety measures for workers with
those duties as the Secretary determines to be appropriate.
SEC. 1403. TOLL FACILITIES WORKPLACE SAFETY STUDY.
(a) In General.--The Secretary shall conduct a study on the
safety of highway toll collection facilities, including toll
booths, to determine the safety of the facilities for the
toll collectors who work in and around the facilities,
including consideration of--
(1) the effect of design or construction of the facilities
on the likelihood of vehicle collisions with the facilities;
(2) the safety of crosswalks used by toll collectors in
transit to and from toll booths;
(3) the extent of the enforcement of speed limits in the
vicinity of the facilities;
(4) the use of warning devices, such as vibration and
rumble strips, to alert drivers approaching the facilities;
(5) the use of cameras to record traffic violations in the
vicinity of the facilities;
(6) the use of traffic control arms in the vicinity of the
facilities;
(7) law enforcement practices and jurisdictional issues
that affect safety in the vicinity of the facilities; and
(8) the incidence of accidents and injuries in the vicinity
of toll booths.
(b) Data Collection.--As part of the study, the Secretary
shall collect data regarding the incidence of accidents and
injuries in the vicinity of highway toll collection
facilities.
(c) Report.--Not later than 1 year after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall submit to the
Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure of the House
of Representatives and the Committee on Environment and
Public Works of the Senate a report on the results of the
study, together with recommendations for improving toll
facilities workplace safety.
(d) Funding.--
(1) Authorization of appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated to carry out this section, out of the
Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account),
$500,000 for fiscal year 2006.
(2) Contract authority.--Funds authorized to be
appropriated by this section shall be available for
obligation in the same manner and to the same extent as if
the funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of title 23,
United States Code, except that the Federal share of the cost
of the project shall be 100 percent, and the funds shall
remain available until expended and shall not be
transferable.
SEC. 1404. SAFE ROUTES TO SCHOOL PROGRAM.
(a) Establishment.--Subject to the requirements of this
section, the Secretary shall establish and carry out a safe
routes to school program for the benefit of children in
primary and middle schools.
(b) Purposes.--The purposes of the program shall be--
(1) to enable and encourage children, including those with
disabilities, to walk and bicycle to school;
(2) to make bicycling and walking to school a safer and
more appealing transportation alternative, thereby
encouraging a healthy and active lifestyle from an early age;
and
(3) to facilitate the planning, development, and
implementation of projects and activities that will improve
safety and reduce traffic, fuel consumption, and air
pollution in the vicinity of schools.
(c) Apportionment of Funds.--
(1) In general.--Subject to paragraphs (2), (3), and (4),
amounts made available to carry out this section for a fiscal
year shall be apportioned among the States in the ratio
that--
(A) the total student enrollment in primary and middle
schools in each State; bears to
(B) the total student enrollment in primary and middle
schools in all States.
(2) Minimum apportionment.--No State shall receive an
apportionment under this section for a fiscal year of less
than $1,000,000.
(3) Set-aside for administrative expenses.--Before
apportioning under this subsection amounts made available to
carry out this section for a fiscal year, the Secretary shall
set aside not more than $3,000,000 of such amounts for the
administrative expenses of the Secretary in carrying out this
subsection.
(4) Determination of student enrollments.--Determinations
under this subsection concerning student enrollments shall be
made by the Secretary.
(d) Administration of Amounts.--Amounts apportioned to a
State under this section shall be administered by the State's
department of transportation.
(e) Eligible Recipients.--Amounts apportioned to a State
under this section shall be used by the State to provide
financial assistance to State, local, and regional agencies,
including nonprofit organizations, that demonstrate an
ability to meet the requirements of this section.
(f) Eligible Projects and Activities.--
(1) Infrastructure-related projects.--
(A) In general.--Amounts apportioned to a State under this
section may be used for the planning, design, and
construction of infrastructure-related projects that will
substantially improve the ability of students to walk and
bicycle to school, including sidewalk improvements, traffic
calming and speed reduction improvements, pedestrian and
bicycle crossing improvements, on-street bicycle facilities,
off-street bicycle and pedestrian facilities, secure bicycle
parking facilities, and traffic diversion improvements in the
vicinity of schools.
(B) Location of projects.--Infrastructure-related projects
under subparagraph (A) may be carried out on any public road
or any bicycle or pedestrian pathway or trail in the vicinity
of schools.
(2) Noninfrastructure-related activities.--
(A) In general.--In addition to projects described in
paragraph (1), amounts apportioned to a State under this
section may be used for noninfrastructure-related activities
to encourage walking and bicycling to school, including
public awareness campaigns and outreach to press and
community leaders, traffic education and enforcement in the
vicinity of schools, student sessions on bicycle and
pedestrian safety, health, and environment, and funding for
training, volunteers, and managers of safe routes to school
programs.
[[Page 18386]]
(B) Allocation.--Not less than 10 percent and not more than
30 percent of the amount apportioned to a State under this
section for a fiscal year shall be used for
noninfrastructure-related activities under this subparagraph.
(3) Safe routes to school coordinator.--Each State
receiving an apportionment under this section for a fiscal
year shall use a sufficient amount of the apportionment to
fund a full-time position of coordinator of the State's safe
routes to school program.
(g) Clearinghouse.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall make grants to a
national nonprofit organization engaged in promoting safe
routes to schools to--
(A) operate a national safe routes to school clearinghouse;
(B) develop information and educational programs on safe
routes to school; and
(C) provide technical assistance and disseminate techniques
and strategies used for successful safe routes to school
programs.
(2) Funding.--The Secretary shall carry out this subsection
using amounts set aside for administrative expenses under
subsection (c)(3).
(h) Task Force.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall establish a national
safe routes to school task force composed of leaders in
health, transportation, and education, including
representatives of appropriate Federal agencies, to study and
develop a strategy for advancing safe routes to school
programs nationwide.
(2) Report.--Not later than March 31, 2006, the Secretary
shall submit to Congress a report containing the results of
the study conducted, and a description of the strategy
developed, under paragraph (1) and information regarding the
use of funds for infrastructure-related and
noninfrastructure-related activities under paragraphs (1) and
(2) of subsection (f).
(3) Funding.--The Secretary shall carry out this subsection
using amounts set aside for administrative expenses under
subsection (c)(3).
(i) Applicability of Title 23.--Funds made available to
carry out this section shall be available for obligation in
the same manner as if such funds were apportioned under
chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code; except that such
funds shall not be transferable and shall remain available
until expended, and the Federal share of the cost of a
project or activity under this section shall be 100 percent.
(j) Treatment of Projects.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, projects assisted under this subsection
shall be treated as projects on a Federal-aid system under
chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code.
(k) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
(1) In the vicinity of schools.--The term ``in the vicinity
of schools'' means, with respect to a school, the area within
bicycling and walking distance of the school (approximately 2
miles).
(2) Primary and middle schools.--The term ``primary and
middle schools'' means schools providing education from
kindergarten through eighth grade.
SEC. 1405. ROADWAY SAFETY IMPROVEMENTS FOR OLDER DRIVERS AND
PEDESTRIANS.
(a) In General.--The Secretary shall carry out a program to
improve traffic signs and pavement markings in all States (as
such term is defined in section 101 of title 23, United
States Code) in a manner consistent with the recommendations
included in the publication of the Federal Highway
Administration entitled ``Guidelines and Recommendations to
Accommodate Older Drivers and Pedestrians (FHWA-RD-01-103)''
and dated October 2001.
(b) Federal Share.--The Federal share of the cost of a
project carried out under this section shall be determined in
accordance with section 120 of title 23, United States Code.
(c) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated such sums as may be necessary to carry out
this section for each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009.
SEC. 1406. SAFETY INCENTIVE GRANTS FOR USE OF SEAT BELTS.
Section 157(g)(1) of title 23, United States Code, is
amended by striking ``2004, and'' and all that follows
through ``2005'' and inserting ``2004, and $112,000,000 for
fiscal year 2005''.
SEC. 1407. SAFETY INCENTIVES TO PREVENT OPERATION OF MOTOR
VEHICLES BY INTOXICATED PERSONS.
(a) Codification of Penalty.--Section 163 of title 23,
United States Code, is amended--
(1) by redesignating subsection (e) as subsection (f); and
(2) by inserting after subsection (d) the following:
``(e) Penalty.--
``(1) In general.--On October 1, 2003, and October 1 of
each fiscal year thereafter, if a State has not enacted or is
not enforcing a law described in subsection (a), the
Secretary shall withhold from amounts apportioned to the
State on that date under each of paragraphs (1), (3), and (4)
of section 104(b) an amount equal to the amount specified in
paragraph (2).
``(2) Amount to be withheld.--If a State is subject to a
penalty under paragraph (1), the Secretary shall withhold for
a fiscal year from the apportionments of the State described
in paragraph (1) an amount equal to a percentage of the funds
apportioned to the State under paragraphs (1), (3), and (4)
of section 104(b) for fiscal year 2003. The percentage shall
be as follows:
``(A) For fiscal year 2004, 2 percent.
``(B) For fiscal year 2005, 4 percent.
``(C) For fiscal year 2006, 6 percent.
``(D) For fiscal year 2007, and each fiscal year
thereafter, 8 percent.
``(3) Failure to comply.--If, within 4 years from the date
that an apportionment for a State is withheld in accordance
with this subsection, the Secretary determines that the State
has enacted and is enforcing a law described in subsection
(a), the apportionment of the State shall be increased by an
amount equal to the amount withheld. If, at the end of such
4-year period, any State has not enacted or is not enforcing
a law described in subsection (a) any amounts so withheld
from such State shall lapse.''.
(b) Authorization of Appropriations.--Section 163(f)(1) of
such title (as redesignated by subsection (a)(1) of this
section) is amended by striking ``2004, and'' and inserting
``2004, and $110,000,000 for fiscal year 2005''.
(c) Repeal.--Section 351 of the Department of
Transportation and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2001
(23 U.S.C. 163 note; 114 Stat. 1356A-34) is repealed.
SEC. 1408. IMPROVEMENT OR REPLACEMENT OF HIGHWAY FEATURES ON
NATIONAL HIGHWAY SYSTEM.
(a) Update of Implementation Guidance.--The Secretary, in
cooperation with the American Association of State Highway
and Transportation Officials, shall update as appropriate the
August 28, 1998, Federal Highway Administration Policy on
Implementation of the report of the Transportation Research
Board of the National Research Council entitled ``NCHRP
Report 350-Recommended Procedures for the Safety Performance
Evaluation of Highway Features''.
(b) Guidance.--The Secretary, in cooperation with the
Association, shall publish updated guidance regarding the
conditions under which States, when choosing to improve or
replace highway features on the National Highway System,
should improve or replace such features with highway features
that have been tested, evaluated, and found to be acceptable
under the guidelines of the report referred to in subsection
(a).
(c) Matters to Be Considered.--Guidance published in
accordance with subsection (a)--
(1) shall address those highway features that are covered
by the guidelines in the report referred to in subsection
(b); and
(2) shall consider types of highway features, cost-
effectiveness, and practicality of replacement with highway
features that have been found to be acceptable under the
report guidelines to determine conditions when such features
should be used.
SEC. 1409. WORK ZONE SAFETY GRANTS.
(a) In General.--The Secretary shall establish and
implement a work zone safety grant program under which the
Secretary may make grants to nonprofit organizations and not-
for-profit organizations to provide training to prevent or
reduce highway work zone injuries and fatalities.
(b) Eligible Activities.--Grants may be made under the
program for the following purposes:
(1) Training for construction craft workers on the
prevention of injuries and fatalities in highway and road
construction.
(2) Development of guidelines for the prevention of highway
work zone injuries and fatalities.
(3) Training for State and local government transportation
agencies and other groups implementing guidelines for the
prevention of highway work zone injuries and fatalities.
(c) Funding.--
(1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to carry out this section $5,000,000 for each of
fiscal years 2006 through 2009.
(2) Contract authority.--Funds authorized by this
subsection shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if the funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code; except that such funds shall
not be transferable.
(d) Construction Work in Alaska.--Section 114 of title 23,
United States Code, is amended by adding at the end of the
following:
``(c) Construction Work in Alaska.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary shall ensure that a worker
who is employed on a remote project for the construction of a
highway or portion of a highway located on a Federal-aid
system in the State of Alaska and who is not a domiciled
resident of the locality shall receive meals and lodging.
``(2) Lodging.--The lodging under paragraph (1) shall be in
accordance with section 1910.142 of title 29, Code of Federal
Regulations (relating to temporary labor camp requirements).
``(3) Per diem.--
``(A) In general.--Contractors are encouraged to use
commercial facilities and lodges on remote projects, however,
when such facilities are not available, per diem in lieu of
room and lodging may be paid on remote Federal highway
projects at a basic rate of $75.00 per day or part of a day
the worker is employed on the project. Where the contractor
provides or furnishes room and lodging or pays a per diem,
the cost of the amount shall not be considered a part of
wages and shall be excluded from the calculation of wages.
``(B) Secretary of labor.--Such per diem rate shall be
adopted by the Secretary of Labor for all applicable remote
Federal highway projects in Alaska.
``(C) Exception.--Per diem shall not be allowed on any of
the following remote projects for the construction of a
highway or portion of a highway located on a Federal-aid
system:
[[Page 18387]]
``(i) West of Livengood on the Elliot Highway.
``(ii) Mile 0 on the Dalton Highway to the North Slope of
Alaska; north of Mile 20 on the Taylor Highway.
``(iii) East of Chicken on the Top of the World Highway and
south of Tetlin Junction to the Alaska Canadian border.
``(4) Definitions.--In this subsection, the following
definitions apply:
``(A) Remote.--The term `remote', as used with respect to a
project, means that the project is 65 road miles or more from
the international airport in Fairbanks, Anchorage, or Juneau,
Alaska, as the case may be, or is inaccessible by road in a
2-wheel drive vehicle.
``(B) Resident.--The term `resident', as used with respect
to a project, means a person living within 65 road miles of
the midpoint of the project for at least 12 consecutive
months prior to the award of the project.''.
SEC. 1410. NATIONAL WORK ZONE SAFETY INFORMATION
CLEARINGHOUSE.
(a) Grants.--The Secretary shall make grants for fiscal
years 2006 through 2009 to a national nonprofit foundation
for the operation of the National Work Zone Safety
Information Clearinghouse, authorized by section 358(b)(2) of
Public Law 104-59, created for the purpose of assembling and
disseminating, by electronic and other means, information
relating to improvement of roadway work zone safety.
(b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated out of the Highway Trust Fund (other than
the Mass Transit Account) to carry out this section
$1,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2006 through 2009.
(c) Contract Authority.--Funds authorized by this
subsection shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if the funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code, except the Federal share of the
cost of activities carried out using such funds shall be 100
percent, and such funds shall remain available until expended
and shall not be transferable.
SEC. 1411. ROADWAY SAFETY.
(a) Road Safety.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall enter into an
agreement to assist in the activities of a national nonprofit
organization that is dedicated solely to improving public
road safety--
(A) by improving the quality of data pertaining to public
road hazards and design features that affect or increase the
severity of motor vehicle crashes;
(B) by developing and carrying out a public awareness
campaign to educate State and local transportation officials,
public safety officials, and motorists regarding the extent
to which public road hazards and design features are a factor
in motor vehicle crashes; and
(C) by promoting public road safety research and technology
transfer activities.
(2) Funding.--There is authorized to be appropriated from
the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account)
$500,000 for each of fiscal years 2006 through 2009 to carry
out this subsection.
(3) Applicability of title 23.--Funds made available by
this subsection shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if such funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code, except that the funds shall
remain available until expended.
(b) Bicycle and Pedestrian Safety Grants.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall make grants to a
national, not-for-profit organization engaged in promoting
bicycle and pedestrian safety--
(A) to operate a national bicycle and pedestrian
clearinghouse;
(B) to develop information and educational programs; and
(C) to disseminate techniques and strategies for improving
bicycle and pedestrian safety.
(2) Funding.--There is authorized to be appropriated from
the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit Account)
$300,000 for fiscal year 2005 and $500,000 for each of fiscal
years 2006 through 2009 to carry out this subsection.
(3) Applicability of title 23.--Funds made available by
this subsection shall be available for obligation in the same
manner as if such funds were apportioned under chapter 1 of
title 23, United States Code, except that the funds shall
remain available until expended.
SEC. 1412. IDLING REDUCTION FACILITIES IN INTERSTATE RIGHTS-
OF-WAY.
Section 111 of title 23, United States Code, is amended by
adding at the end the following:
``(d) Idling Reduction Facilities in Interstate Rights-of-
Way.--
``(1) In general.--Notwithstanding subsection (a), a State
may--
``(A) permit electrification or other idling reduction
facilities and equipment, for use by motor vehicles used for
commercial purposes, to be placed in rest and recreation
areas, and in safety rest areas, constructed or located on
rights-of-way of the Interstate System in the State, so long
as those idling reduction measures do not reduce the existing
number of designated truck parking spaces at any given rest
or recreation area; and
``(B) charge a fee, or permit the charging of a fee, for
the use of those parking spaces actively providing power to a
truck to reduce idling.
``(2) Purpose.--The exclusive purpose of the facilities
described in paragraph (1) (or similar technologies) shall be
to enable operators of motor vehicles used for commercial
purposes--
``(A) to reduce idling of a truck while parked in the rest
or recreation area; and
``(B) to use installed or other equipment specifically
designed to reduce idling of a truck, or provide alternative
power for supporting driver comfort, while parked.''.
Subtitle E--Construction and Contract Efficiency
SEC. 1501. PROGRAM EFFICIENCIES.
(a) Advance Construction.--Section 115 of title 23, United
States Code, is amended--
(1) by redesignating subsection (c) as subsection (d); and
(2) by striking subsections (a) and (b) and inserting the
following:
``(a) In General.--The Secretary may authorize a State to
proceed with a project authorized under this title--
``(1) without the use of Federal funds; and
``(2) in accordance with all procedures and requirements
applicable to the project other than those procedures and
requirements that limit the State to implementation of a
project--
``(A) with the aid of Federal funds previously apportioned
or allocated to the State; or
``(B) with obligation authority previously allocated to the
State.
``(b) Obligation of Federal Share.--The Secretary, on the
request of a State and execution of a project agreement, may
obligate all or a portion of the Federal share of a project
authorized to proceed under this section from any category of
funds for which the project is eligible.''.
(b) Obligation and Release of Funds.--Section 118(d) of
such title is amended to read as follows:
``(d) Obligation and Release of Funds.--
``(1) In general.--Funds apportioned or allocated to a
State for a purpose for any fiscal year shall be considered
to be obligated if a sum equal to the total of the funds
apportioned or allocated to the State for that purpose for
that fiscal year and previous fiscal years is obligated.
``(2) Released funds.--Any funds released by the final
payment for a project, or by modifying the project agreement
for a project, shall be--
``(A) credited to the same class of funds previously
apportioned or allocated to the State for the project; and
``(B) immediately available for obligation.
``(3) Net obligations.--Notwithstanding any other provision
of law (including a regulation), obligations recorded against
funds made available under this subsection shall be recorded
and reported as net obligations.''.
SEC. 1502. HIGHWAYS FOR LIFE PILOT PROGRAM.
(a) Establishment.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall establish and
implement a pilot program to be known as the ``Highways for
LIFE Pilot Program''.
(2) Purpose.--The purpose of the pilot program shall be to
advance longer-lasting highways using innovative technologies
and practices to accomplish the fast construction of
efficient and safe highways and bridges.
(3) Objectives.--Under the pilot program, the Secretary
shall provide leadership and incentives to demonstrate and
promote state-of-the-art technologies, elevated performance
standards, and new business practices in the highway
construction process that result in improved safety, faster
construction, reduced congestion from construction, and
improved quality and user satisfaction.
(b) Projects.--
(1) Applications.--To be eligible to participate in the
pilot program, a State shall submit to the Secretary an
application that is in such form and contains such
information as the Secretary requires. Each application shall
contain a description of proposed projects to be carried by
the State under the pilot program.
(2) Eligibility.--A proposed project shall be eligible for
assistance under the pilot program if the project--
(A) constructs, reconstructs, or rehabilitates a route or
connection on a Federal-aid highway eligible for assistance
under chapter 1 of title 23, United States Code;
(B) uses innovative technologies, manufacturing processes,
financing, or contracting methods that improve safety, reduce
congestion due to construction, and improve quality; and
(C) meets additional criteria as determined by the
Secretary.
(3) Project proposal.--A project proposal submitted under
paragraph (1) shall contain--
(A) an identification and description of the projects to be
delivered;
(B) a description of how the projects will result in
improved safety, faster construction, reduced congestion due
to construction, user satisfaction, and improved quality;
(C) a description of the innovative technologies,
manufacturing processes, financing, and contracting methods
that will be used for the proposed projects; and
(D) such other information as the Secretary may require.
(4) Selection criteria.--In selecting projects for approval
under this section, the Secretary shall ensure that the
projects provide an evaluation of a broad range of
technologies in a wide variety of project types and shall
give priority to the projects that--
(A) address achieving the Highways for LIFE performance
standards for quality, safety, and speed of construction;
(B) deliver and deploy innovative technologies,
manufacturing processes, financing, contracting practices,
and performance measures that will demonstrate substantial
improvements in safety, congestion, quality, and cost-
effectiveness;
(C) include innovation that will lead to change in the
administration of the State's transportation program to more
quickly construct long-lasting, high-quality, cost-effective
projects that improve safety and reduce congestion;
[[Page 18388]]
(D) are or will be ready for construction within 1 year of
approval of the project proposal; and
(E) meet such other criteria as the Secretary determines
appropriate.
(5) Financial assistance.--
(A) Funds for highways for life projects.--Out of amounts
made available to carry out this section for a fiscal year,
the Secretary may allocate to a State up to 20 percent, but
not more than $5,000,000, of the total cost of a project
approved under this section. Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, funds allocated to a State under this
subparagraph may be applied to the non-Federal share of the
cost of construction of a project under title 23, United
States Code.
(B) Use of apportioned funds.--A State may obligate not
more than 10 percent of the amount apportioned to the State
under 1 or more of paragraphs (1), (2), (3), and (4) of
section 104(b) of title 23, United States Code, for a fiscal
year for projects approved under this section.
(C) Increased federal share.--Notwithstanding sections 120
and 129 of title 23, United States Code, the Federal share
payable on account of any project constructed with Federal
funds allocated under this section, or apportioned under
section 104(b) of such title, to a State under such title and
approved under this section may amount to 100 percent of the
cost of construction of such project.
(D) Limitation on statutory construction.--Except as
provided in subparagraph (C), nothing in this subsection
shall be construed as altering or otherwise affecting the
applicability of the requirements of chapter 1 of title 23,
United States Code (including requirements relating to the
eligibility of a project for assistance under the program and
the location of the project), to amounts apportioned to a
State for a program under section 104(b) that are obligated
by the State for projects approved under this subsection.
(6) Project selections.--In the period of fiscal years 2005
through 2009, the Secretary, to the maximum extent possible,
shall approve at least 1 project in each State for
participation in the pilot program and for financial
assistance under paragraph (5) if the State submits an
application and the project meets the eligibility
requirements and selection criteria under this subsection.
(7) Maximum number of projects.--The maximum number of
projects for which the Secretary may allocate funds under
this subsection in a fiscal year is 15.
(c) Technology Partnerships.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary may make grants or enter
into cooperative agreements or other transactions to foster
the development, improvement, and creation of innovative
technologies and facilities to improve safety, enhance the
speed of highway construction, and improve the quality and
durability of highways.
(2) Federal share.--The Federal share of the cost of an
activity carried out under this subsection shall not exceed
80 percent.
(d) Technology Transfer and Information Dissemination.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall conduct a highways for
life technology transfer program.
(2) Availability of information.--The Secretary shall
ensure that the information and technology used, developed,
or deployed under this subsection is made available to the
transportation community and the public.
(e) Stakeholder Input and Involvement.--The Secretary shall
establish a process for stakeholder input and involvement in
the development, implementation, and evaluation of the
Highways for LIFE Pilot Program. The process may include
participation by representatives of State departments of
transportation and other interested persons.
(f) Project Monitoring and Evaluation.--The Secretary shall
monitor and evaluate the effectiveness of any activity
carried out under this section.
(g) Contract Authority.--Except as otherwise provided in
this section, funds authorized to be appropriated to carry
out this section shall be available for obligation in the
same manner as if the funds were apportioned under chapter 1
of title 23, United States Code.
(h) State Defined.--In this section, the term ``State'' has
the meaning such term has in section 101(a) of title 23,
United States Code.
SEC. 1503. DESIGN BUILD.
Section 112(b)(3) of title 23, United States Code, is
amended--
(1) by redesignating subparagraph (D) as subparagraph (E);
and
(2) by striking subparagraph (C) and inserting the
following:
``(C) Qualified projects.--A qualified project referred to
in subparagraph (A) is a project under this chapter
(including intermodal projects) for which the Secretary has
approved the use of design-build contracting under criteria
specified in regulations issued by the Secretary.
``(D) Regulatory process.--Not later than 90 days after the
date of enactment of the SAFETEA-LU, the Secretary shall
issue revised regulations under section 1307(c) of the
Transportation Equity Act for 21st Century (23 U.S.C. 112
note; 112 Stat. 230) that--
``(i) do not preclude a State transportation department or
local transportation agency, prior to compliance with section
102 of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42
U.S.C. 4332), from--
``(I) issuing requests for proposals;
``(II) proceeding with awards of design-build contracts; or
``(III) issuing notices to proceed with preliminary design
work under design-build contracts;
``(ii) require that the State transportation department or
local transportation agency receive concurrence from the
Secretary before carrying out an activity under clause (i);
and
``(iii) preclude the design-build contractor from
proceeding with final design or construction of any permanent
improvement prior to completion of the process under such
section 102.''.
Subtitle F--Finance
SEC. 1601. TRANSPORTATION INFRASTRUCTURE FINANCE AND
INNOVATION ACT AMENDMENTS.
(a) Definitions.--Section 181 of title 23, United States
Code, is amended--
(1) in paragraph (3) by striking ``category'' and ``offered
into the capital markets'';
(2) by striking paragraph (7) and redesignating paragraphs
(8) through (15) as paragraphs (7) through (14),
respectively;
(3) in paragraph (8) (as redesignated by paragraph (2) of
this subsection)--
(A) in subparagraph (B) by striking the period at the end
and inserting a semicolon; and
(B) by striking subparagraph (D) and inserting the
following:
``(D) a project that--
``(i) is a project--
``(I) for a public freight rail facility or a private
facility providing public benefit for highway users;
``(II) for an intermodal freight transfer facility;
``(III) for a means of access to a facility described in
subclause (I) or (II);
``(IV) for a service improvement for a facility described
in subclause (I) or (II) (including a capital investment for
an intelligent transportation system); or
``(V) that comprises a series of projects described in
subclauses (I) through (IV) with the common objective of
improving the flow of goods;
``(ii) may involve the combining of private and public
sector funds, including investment of public funds in private
sector facility improvements; and
``(iii) if located within the boundaries of a port
terminal, includes only such surface transportation
infrastructure modifications as are necessary to facilitate
direct intermodal interchange, transfer, and access into and
out of the port.''; and
(4) in paragraph (10) (as redesignated by paragraph (2) of
this subsection) by striking ``bond'' and inserting
``credit''.
(b) Determination of Eligibility.--Section 182(a) of such
title is amended--
(1) by striking paragraphs (1) and (2) and inserting the
following:
``(1) Inclusion in transportation plans and programs.--The
project shall satisfy the applicable planning and programming
requirements of sections 134 and 135 at such time as an
agreement to make available a Federal credit instrument is
entered into under this subchapter.
``(2) Application.--A State, local government, public
authority, public-private partnership, or any other legal
entity undertaking the project and authorized by the
Secretary, shall submit a project application to the
Secretary.'';
(2) in paragraph (3)(A)(i) by striking ``$100,000,000'' and
inserting ``$50,000,000'';
(3) in paragraph (3)(A)(ii) by striking ``50'' and
inserting ``33\1/3\'';
(4) in paragraph (3)(B) by striking ``$30,000,000'' and
inserting ``$15,000,000''; and
(5) in paragraph (4)--
(A) by striking ``Project financing'' and inserting ``The
Federal credit instrument''; and
(B) by inserting before the period at the end ``that also
secure the project obligations''.
(c) Project Selection.--Section 182(b) of such title is
amended--
(1) in paragraph (1) by striking ``criteria'' the second
place it appears and inserting ``requirements''; and
(2) in paragraph (2)(B) by inserting ``, which may be the
Federal credit instrument,'' after ``obligations''.
(d) Secured Loans.--
(1) Agreements.--Section 183(a)(1) of such title is
amended--
(A) in subparagraph (A) by inserting ``of any project
selected under section 602'' after ``costs'';
(B) by striking the semicolon at the end of subparagraph
(B) and all that follows through ``under section 182.'' and
inserting ``of any project selected under section 602; or'';
and
(C) by adding at the end the following:
``(C) to refinance long-term project obligations or Federal
credit instruments if such refinancing provides additional
funding capacity for the completion, enhancement, or
expansion of any project that--
``(i) is selected under section 602; or
``(ii) otherwise meets the requirements of section 602.''.
(2) Investment-grade rating requirement.--Section 183(a)(4)
of such title is amended--
(A) by striking ``The funding'' and inserting ``The
execution''; and
(B) by striking the first comma and all that follows
through ``1 rating agency''.
(3) Terms and limitations.--Section 183(b) of such title is
amended--
(A) in paragraph (2)--
(i) by inserting ``the lesser of'' after ``exceed''; and
(ii) by inserting ``or, if the secured loan does not
receive an investment grade rating, the amount of the senior
project obligations'' after ``costs'';
(B) in paragraph (3)(A)(i) by inserting ``that also secure
the senior project obligations'' after ``sources''; and
[[Page 18389]]
(C) in paragraph (4) by striking ``marketable''.
(4) Repayment.--Section 183(c) of such title is amended--
(A) by striking paragraph (3);
(B) by redesignating paragraphs (4) and (5) as paragraphs
(3) and (4), respectively;
(C) in paragraph (3)(A) (as redesignated by subparagraph
(B) of this paragraph) by striking ``during the 10 years'';
and
(D) in subparagraph (3)(B)(ii) (as so redesignated) by
striking ``loan'' and all that follows and inserting
``loan.''.
(e) Lines of Credit.--
(1) Terms and limitations.--Section 184(b) of such title is
amended--
(A) by striking paragraph (2) and inserting the following:
``(2) Maximum amounts.--The total amount of the line of
credit shall not exceed 33 percent of the reasonably
anticipated eligible project costs.'';
(B) in paragraph (3) by striking ``, any debt service
reserve fund, and any other available reserve'' and inserting
``but not including reasonably required financing reserves'';
(C) in paragraph (4)--
(i) by striking ``marketable'';
(ii) by striking ``on which'' and inserting ``of execution
of''; and
(iii) by striking ``is obligated'' and inserting
``agreement'';
(D) in paragraph (5)(A)(i) by inserting ``that also secure
the senior project obligations'' after ``sources''; and
(E) in paragraph (6) by striking ``line of credit'' and
inserting ``full amount of the line of credit, to the extent
not drawn upon,''.
(2) Repayment.--Section 184(c) of such title is amended--
(A) in paragraph (2)--
(i) by striking ``scheduled'';
(ii) by inserting ``be scheduled to'' after ``shall''; and
(iii) by striking ``be fully repaid, with interest,'' and
inserting ``to conclude, with full repayment of principal and
interest,''; and
(B) by striking paragraph (3).
(f) Program Administration.--Section 185 of such title is
amended to read as follows:
``Sec. 185. Program administration
``(a) Requirement.--The Secretary shall establish a uniform
system to service the Federal credit instruments made
available under this subchapter.
``(b) Fees.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary may collect and spend
fees, contingent upon authority being provided in
appropriations Acts, at a level that is sufficient to cover--
``(A) the costs of services of expert firms retained
pursuant to subsection (d); and
``(B) all or a portion of the costs to the Federal
Government of servicing the Federal credit instruments.
``(c) Servicer.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary may appoint a financial
entity to assist the Secretary in servicing the Federal
credit instruments.
``(2) Duties.--The servicer shall act as the agent for the
Secretary.
``(3) Fee.--The servicer shall receive a servicing fee,
subject to approval by the Secretary.
``(d) Assistance From Expert Firms.--The Secretary may
retain the services of expert firms, including counsel, in
the field of municipal and project finance to assist in the
underwriting and servicing of Federal credit instruments.''.
(g) Funding.--Section 188 of such title is amended to read
as follows:
``Sec. 188. Funding
``(a) Funding.--
``(1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated
from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the Mass Transit
Account) to carry out this subchapter $122,000,000 for each
of fiscal years 2005 through 2009.
``(2) Availability.--Amounts made available to carry out
this chapter shall remain available until expended.
``(3) Administrative costs.--From funds made available to
carry out this chapter, the Secretary may use, for the
administration of this subchapter, not more than $2,200,000
for each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009.
``(b) Contract Authority.--
``(1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, approval by the Secretary of a Federal credit instrument
that uses funds made available under this subchapter shall
impose upon the United States a contractual obligation to
fund the Federal credit investment.
``(2) Availability.--Amounts authorized under this section
for a fiscal year shall be available for obligation on
October 1 of the fiscal year.''.
(h) Dates for Submission of Reports.--Section 189 of such
title is amended--
(1) by striking the section designation and heading and
inserting the following:
``Sec. 189. Reports to Congress'';
(2) by striking ``Not later than 4 years after the date of
enactment of this subchapter,'' and inserting ``On June 1,
2006, and every 2 years thereafter,''; and
(3) by striking ``subchapter'' each place it appears and
inserting ``chapter (other than section 610)''.
(i) Clerical Amendment.--The analysis for chapter 1 of such
title is amended by striking the item relating to section 185
and inserting the following:
``185. Program administration.''.
SEC. 1602. STATE INFRASTRUCTURE BANKS.
(a) In General.--Subchapter II of chapter 1 of title 23,
United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the
following:
``Sec. 190. State infrastructure bank program
``(a) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
``(1) Capital project.--The term `capital project' has the
meaning such term has under section 5302 of title 49.
``(2) Other forms of credit assistance.--The term `other
forms of credit assistance' includes any use of funds in an
infrastructure bank--
``(A) to provide credit enhancements;
``(B) to serve as a capital reserve for bond or debt
instrument financing;
``(C) to subsidize interest rates;
``(D) to insure or guarantee letters of credit and credit
instruments against credit risk of loss;
``(E) to finance purchase and lease agreements with respect
to transit projects;
``(F) to provide bond or debt financing instrument
security; and
``(G) to provide other forms of debt financing and methods
of leveraging funds that are approved by the Secretary and
that relate to the project with respect to which such
assistance is being provided.
``(3) State.--The term `State' has the meaning such term
has under section 401.
``(4) Capitalization.--The term `capitalization' means the
process used for depositing funds as initial capital into a
State infrastructure bank to establish the infrastructure
bank.
``(5) Cooperative agreement.--The term `cooperative
agreement' means written consent between a State and the
Secretary which sets forth the manner in which the
infrastructure bank established by the State in accordance
with this section will be administered.
``(6) Loan.--The term `loan' means any form of direct
financial assistance from a State infrastructure bank that is
required to be repaid over a period of time and that is
provided to a project sponsor for all or part of the costs of
the project.
``(7) Guarantee.--The term `guarantee' means a contract
entered into by a State infrastructure bank in which the bank
agrees to take responsibility for all or a portion of a
project sponsor's financial obligations for a project under
specified conditions.
``(8) Initial assistance.--The term `initial assistance'
means the first round of funds that are loaned or used for
credit enhancement by a State infrastructure bank for
projects eligible for assistance under this section.
``(9) Leverage.--The term `leverage' means a financial
structure used to increase funds in a State infrastructure
bank through the issuance of debt instruments.
``(10) Leveraged.--The term `leveraged', as used with
respect to a State infrastructure bank, means that the bank
has total potential liabilities that exceed the capital of
the bank.
``(b) Cooperative Agreements.--Subject to the provisions of
this section, the Secretary may enter into cooperative
agreements with States for the establishment of State
infrastructure banks for making loans and providing other
forms of credit assistance to public and private entities
carrying out or proposing to carry out projects eligible for
assistance under this section.
``(c) Interstate Compacts.--
``(1) In general.--Congress grants consent to 2 or more of
the States, entering into a cooperative agreement under
subsection (a) with the Secretary for the establishment by
such States of a multistate infrastructure bank in accordance
with this section, to enter into an interstate compact
establishing such bank in accordance with this section.
``(2) Reservation of rights.--The right to alter, amend, or
repeal interstate compacts entered into under this subsection
is expressly reserved.
``(d) Funding.--
``(1) Highway account.--Subject to subsection (j), the
Secretary may permit a State entering into a cooperative
agreement under this section to establish a State
infrastructure bank to deposit into the highway account of
the bank not to exceed--
``(A) 10 percent of the funds apportioned to the State for
each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009 under each of sections
104(b)(1), 104(b)(3), 104(b)(4), and 144; and
``(B) 10 percent of the funds allocated to the State for
each of such fiscal years under section 105.
``(2) Transit account.--Subject to subsection (j), the
Secretary may permit a State entering into a cooperative
agreement under this section to establish a State
infrastructure bank, and any other recipient of Federal
assistance under section 5307, 5309, or 5311 of title 49, to
deposit into the transit account of the bank not to exceed 10
percent of the funds made available to the State or other
recipient in each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009 for
capital projects under each of such sections.
``(3) Rail account.--Subject to subsection (j), the
Secretary may permit a State entering into a cooperative
agreement under this section to establish a State
infrastructure bank, and any other recipient of Federal
assistance under subtitle V of title 49, to deposit into the
rail account of the bank funds made available to the State or
other recipient in each of fiscal years 2005 through 2009 for
capital projects under such subtitle.
``(4) Capital grants.--
[[Page 18390]]
``(A) Highway account.--Federal funds deposited into a
highway account of a State infrastructure bank under
paragraph (1) shall constitute for purposes of this section a
capitalization grant for the highway account of the bank.
``(B) Transit account.--Federal funds deposited into a
transit account of a State infrastructure bank under
paragraph (2) shall constitute for purposes of this section a
capitalization grant for the transit account of the bank.
``(C) Rail account.--Federal funds deposited into a rail
account of a State infrastructure bank under paragraph 3
shall constitute for purposes of this section a
capitalization grant for the rail account of the bank.
``(5) Special rule for urbanized areas of over 200,000.--
Funds in a State infrastructure bank that are attributed to
urbanized areas of a State with urbanized populations of over
200,000 under section 133(d)(3) may be used to provide
assistance with respect to a project only if the metropolitan
planning organization designated for such area concurs, in
writing, with the provision of such assistance.
``(6) Discontinuance of funding.--If the Secretary
determines that a State is not implementing the State's
infrastructure bank in accordance with a cooperative
agreement entered into under subsection (b), the Secretary
may prohibit the State from contributing additional Federal
funds to the bank.
``(e) Forms of Assistance From Infrastructure Banks.--An
infrastructure bank established under this section may make
loans or provide other forms of credit assistance to a public
or private entity in an amount equal to all or a part of the
cost of carrying out a project eligible for assistance under
this section. The amount of any loan or other form of credit
assistance provided for the project may be subordinated to
any other debt financing for the project. Initial assistance
provided with respect to a project from Federal funds
deposited into an infrastructure bank under this section may
not be made in the form of a grant.
``(f) Eligible Projects.--Subject to subsection (e), funds
in an infrastructure bank established under this section may
be used only to provide assistance for projects eligible for
assistance under this title and capital projects defined in
section 5302 of title 49, and any other projects relating to
surface transportation that the Secretary determines to be
appropriate.
``(g) Infrastructure Bank Requirements.--In order to
establish an infrastructure bank under this section, the
State establishing the bank shall--
``(1) deposit in cash, at a minimum, into each account of
the bank from non-Federal sources an amount equal to 25
percent of the amount of each capitalization grant made to
the State and deposited into such account; except that, if
the deposit is into the highway account of the bank and the
State has a non-Federal share under section 120(b) that is
less than 25 percent, the percentage to be deposited from
non-Federal sources shall be the lower percentage of such
grant;
``(2) ensure that the bank maintains on a continuing basis
an investment grade rating on its debt, or has a sufficient
level of bond or debt financing instrument insurance, to
maintain the viability of the bank;
``(3) ensure that investment income derived from funds
deposited to an account of the bank are--
``(A) credited to the account;
``(B) available for use in providing loans and other forms
of credit assistance to projects eligible for assistance from
the account; and
``(C) invested in United States Treasury securities, bank
deposits, or such other financing instruments as the
Secretary may approve to earn interest to enhance the
leveraging of projects assisted by the bank;
``(4) ensure that any loan from the bank will bear interest
at or below market interest rates, as determined by the
State, to make the project that is the subject of the loan
feasible;
``(5) ensure that repayment of any loan from the bank will
commence not later than 5 years after the project has been
completed or, in the case of a highway project, the facility
has opened to traffic, whichever is later;
``(6) ensure that the term for repaying any loan will not
exceed 30 years after the date of the first payment on the
loan; and
``(7) require the bank to make an annual report to the
Secretary on its status no later than September 30 of each
year and such other reports as the Secretary may require
under guidelines issued to carry out this section.
``(h) Applicability of Federal Law.--
``(1) In general.--The requirements of this title and title
49 that would otherwise apply to funds made available under
this title or such title and projects assisted with those
funds shall apply to--
``(A) funds made available under this title or such title
and contributed to an infrastructure bank established under
this section, including the non-Federal contribution required
under subsection (g); and
``(B) projects assisted by the bank through the use of the
funds;
except to the extent that the Secretary determines that any
requirement of such title (other than sections 113 and 114 of
this title and section 5333 of title 49) is not consistent
with the objectives of this section.
``(2) Repayments.--The requirements of this title and title
49 shall apply to repayments from non-Federal sources to an
infrastructure bank from projects assisted by the bank. Such
a repayment shall be considered to be Federal funds.
``(i) United States not Obligated.--The deposit of Federal
funds into an infrastructure bank established under this
section shall not be construed as a commitment, guarantee, or
obligation on the part of the United States to any third
party, nor shall any third party have any right against the
United States for payment solely by virtue of the
contribution. Any security or debt-financing instrument
issued by the infrastructure bank shall expressly state that
the security or instrument does not constitute a commitment,
guarantee, or obligation of the United States.
``(j) Management of Federal Funds.--Sections 3335 and 6503
of title 31 shall not apply to funds deposited into an
infrastructure bank under this section.
``(k) Program Administration.--For each of fiscal years
2005 through 2009, a State may expend not to exceed 2 percent
of the Federal funds contributed to an infrastructure bank
established by the State under this section to pay the
reasonable costs of administering the bank.''.
(b) Preparatory Amendments.--
(1) Section 181.--Section 181 of such title is amended--
(A) by striking the section designator and heading and
inserting the following:
``Sec. 181. Generally applicable provisions'';
(B) by striking ``In this subchapter'' and inserting the
following:
``(a) Definitions.--In this chapter'';
(C) in paragraph (5) by striking ``184'' and inserting
``604'';
(D) in paragraph (11) (as redesignated by section 1601(a)
of this Act) by striking ``183'' and inserting ``603''; and
(E) by adding at the end the following:
``(b) Treatment of Chapter.--For purposes of this title,
this chapter shall be treated as being part of chapter 1.''.
(2) Section 182.--Section 182(b)(2)(A)(viii) of such title
is amended by inserting ``and chapter 1'' after ``this
chapter''.
(3) Section 183.--Section 183(a)(3) of such title is
amended by striking ``182(b)(2)(B)'' and inserting
``602(b)(2)(B)''.
(4) Section 184.--Section 184 of such title is amended--
(A) in subsection (a)(1) by striking ``182'' and inserting
``602'';
(B) in subsection (a)(3) by striking ``182(b)(2)(B)'' and
inserting ``602(b)(2)(B)''; and
(C) in subsection (b)(10) by striking ``183'' and inserting
``603''.
(5) References in subchapter.--Subchapter II of chapter 1
of such title is amended by striking ``this subchapter'' each
place it appears and inserting ``this chapter''.
(6) Subchapter headings.--Chapter 1 of such title is
further amended--
(A) by striking ``SUBCHAPTER I--GENERAL PROVISIONS''
preceding section 101; and
(B) by striking ``SUBCHAPTER II--INFRASTRUCTURE FINANCE''
preceding section 181.
(c) Chapter 6.--Such title is further amended by adding at
the end the following:
``CHAPTER 6--INFRASTRUCTURE FINANCE
``Sec.
``601. Generally applicable provisions.
``602. Determination of eligibility and project selection.
``603. Secured loans.
``604. Lines of credit.
``605. Program administration.
``606. State and local permits.
``607. Regulations.
``608. Funding.
``609. Reports to Congress.
``610. State infrastructure bank program.''.
(d) Moving and Redesignating.--Such title is further
amended--
(1) by redesignating sections 181 through 189 as sections
601 through 609, respectively;
(2) by moving such sections from chapter 1 to chapter 6 (as
added by subsection (c)); and
(3) by inserting such sections after the analysis for
chapter 6.
(e) Analysis for Chapter 1 and Table of Chapters.--
(1) Analysis for chapter 1.--The analysis for chapter 1 of
such title is amended--
(A) by striking the headings for subchapters I and II; and
(B) by striking the items relating to sections 181 through
189.
(2) Table of chapters.--The table of chapters for such
title is amended by inserting after the item relating to
chapter 5 the following:
``6. Infrastructure Finance.....................................601.''.
SEC. 1603. USE OF EXCESS FUNDS AND FUNDS FOR INACTIVE
PROJECTS.
(a) Definitions.--In this section, the following
definitions apply:
(1) Eligible funds.--
(A) In general.--The term ``eligible funds'' means excess
funds or inactive funds for a specific transportation project
or activity that were--
(i) allocated before fiscal year 1991; and
(ii) designated in a public law, or a report accompanying a
public law, for allocation for the specific surface
transportation project or activity.
(B) Inclusion.--The term ``eligible funds'' includes funds
described in subparagraph (A) that were allocated and
designated for a demonstration project.
(2) Excess funds.--The term ``excess funds'' means--
(A) funds obligated for a specific transportation project
or activity that remain available for the project or activity
after the project or activity has been completed or canceled;
or
(B) an unobligated balance of funds allocated for a
transportation project or activity that the State in which
the project or activity was to be
[[Page 18391]]
carried out certifies are no longer needed for the project or
activity.
(3) Inactive funds.--The term ``inactive funds'' means--
(A) an obligated balance of Federal funds for an eligible
transportation project or activity against which no
expenditures have been charged during any 1-year period
beginning after the date of obligation of the funds; and
(B) funds that are available to carry out a transportation
project or activity in a State, but, as certified by the
State, are unlikely to be advanced for the project or
activity during the 1-year period beginning on the date of
certification.
(b) Availability for STP Purposes.--Eligible funds shall
be--
(1) made available in accordance with this section to the
State that originally received the funds; and
(2) available for obligation for any eligible purpose under
section 133 of title 23, United States Code.
(c) Retention for Original Purpose.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary may determine that eligible
funds identified as inactive funds shall remain available for
the purpose for which the funds were initially made available
if the applicable State certifies that the funds are
necessary for that initial purpose.
(2) Report.--A certification provided by a State under
paragraph (1) shall include a report on the status of, and an
estimated completion date for, the project that is the
subject of the certification.
(d) Authority to Obligate.--Notwithstanding the original
source or period of availability of eligible funds, the
Secretary may, on the request by a State--
(1) obligate the funds for any eligible purpose under
section 133 of title 23, United States Code; or
(2)(A) deobligate the funds; and
(B) reobligate the funds for any eligible purpose under
that section.
(e) Applicability.--
(1) In general.--Subject to paragraph (2), this section
applies only to eligible funds.
(2) Discretionary allocations; section 125 projects.--This
section does not apply to funds that are--
(A) allocated at the discretion of the Secretary and for
which the Secretary has the authority to withdraw the
allocation for use on other projects; or
(B) made available to carry out projects under section 125
of title 23, United States Code.
(f) Period of Availability; Title 23 Requirements.--
(1) In general.--Notwithstanding the original source or
period of availability of eligible funds obligated, or
deobligated and reobligated, under subsection (d), the
eligible funds--
(A) shall remain available for obligation for a period of 3
fiscal years after the fiscal year in which this Act is
enacted; and
(B) except as provided in paragraph (2), shall be subject
to the requirements of title 23, United States Code, that
apply to section 133 of that title, including provisions
relating to Federal share.
(2) Exception.--With respect to eligible funds described in
paragraph (1)--
(A) section 133(d) of title 23, United States Code, shall
not apply; and
(B) the period of availability of the eligible funds shall
be determined in accordance with this section.
(g) Report.--Not later than 1 year after the date of
enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter, the Secretary
shall submit to the Committee on Environment and Public Works
of the Senate and the Committee on Transportation and
Infrastructure of the House of Representatives a report
describing any action taken by the Secretary under this
section.
(h) Sense of Congress Regarding Use of Eligible Funds.--It
is the sense of Congress that eligible funds made available
under this Act or title 23, United States Code, should be
available for obligation for transportation projects and
activities in the same geographic region for which the
eligible funds were initially made available.
SEC. 1604. TOLLING.
(a) Value Pricing Pilot Program.--Section 1012(b)(8) of the
Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (23
U.S.C. 149 note; 105 Stat. 1938) is amended--
(1) by redesignating subparagraphs (A) and (B) as
subparagraphs (C) and (D), respectively; and
(2) by inserting before subparagraph (C) (as redesignated
by paragraph (1)) the following:
``(A) In general.--There are authorized to be appropriated
to the Secretary from the Highway Trust Fund (other than the
Mass Transit Account) to carry out this subsection--
``(i) for fiscal year 2005, $11,000,000; and
``(ii) for each of fiscal years 2006 through 2009,
$12,000,000.
``(B) Set-aside for projects not involving highway tolls.--
Of the amounts made available to carry out this subsection,
$3,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2006 through 2009 shall
be available only for congestion pricing pilot projects that
do not involve highway tolls.''.
(b) Express Lanes Demonstration Program.--
(1) Definitions.--In this subsection, the following
definitions apply:
(A) Eligible toll facility.--The term ``eligible toll
facility'' includes--
(i) a facility in existence on the date of enactment of
this Act that collects tolls;
(ii) a facility in existence on the date of enactment of
this Act that serves high occupancy vehicles;
(iii) a facility modified or constructed after the date of
enactment of this Act to create additional tolled lane
capacity (including a facility constructed by a private
entity or using private funds); and
(iv) in the case of a new lane added to a previously non-
tolled facility, only the new lane.
(B) Nonattainment area.--The term ``nonattainment area''
has the meaning given that term in section 171 of the Clean
Air Act (42 U.S.C. 7501).
(2) Demonstration program.--Notwithstanding sections 129
and 301 of title 23, United States Code, the Secretary shall
carry out 15 demonstration projects during the period of
fiscal years 2005 through 2009 to permit States, public
authorities, or a public or private entities designated by
States, to collect a toll from motor vehicles at an eligible
toll facility for any highway, bridge, or tunnel, including
facilities on the Interstate System--
(A) to manage high levels of congestion;
(B) to reduce emissions in a nonattainment area or
maintenance area; or
(C) to finance the expansion of a highway, for the purpose
of reducing traffic congestion, by constructing 1 or more
additional lanes (including bridge, tunnel, support, and
other structures necessary for that construction) on the
Interstate System.
(3) Limitation on use of revenues.--
(A) Use.--
(i) In general.--Toll revenues received under paragraph (2)
shall be used by a State, public authority, or private entity
designated by a State, for--
(I) debt service;
(II) a reasonable return on investment of any private
financing;
(III) the costs necessary for proper operation and
maintenance of any facilities under paragraph (2) (including
reconstruction, resurfacing, restoration, and
rehabilitation); or
(IV) if the State, public authority, or private entity
annually certifies that the tolled facility is being
adequately operated and maintained, any other purpose
relating to a highway or transit project carried out under
title 23 or 49, United States Code.
(B) Requirements.--
(i) Variable price requirement.--A facility that charges
tolls under this subsection may establish a toll that varies
in price according to time of day or level of traffic, as
appropriate to manage congestion or improve air quality.
(ii) HOV variable pricing requirement.--The Secretary shall
require, for each high occupancy vehicle facility that
charges tolls under this subsection, that the tolls vary in
price according to time of day or level of traffic, as
appropriate to manage congestion or improve air quality.
(iii) HOV passenger requirements.--Pursuant to section 166
of title 23, United States Code, a State may permit motor
vehicles with fewer than 2 occupants to operate in high
occupancy vehicle lanes as part of a variable toll pricing
program established under this subsection.
(C) Agreement.--
(i) In general.--Before the Secretary may permit a facility
to charge tolls under this subsection, the Secretary and the
applicable State, public authority, or private entity
designated by a State shall enter into an agreement for each
facility incorporating the conditions described in
subparagraphs (A) and (B).
(ii) Termination.--An agreement under clause (i) shall
terminate with respect to a facility upon the decision of the
State, public authority, or private entity designated by a
State to discontinue the variable tolling program under this
subsection for the facility.
(iii) Debt.--If there is any debt outstanding on a facility
at the time at which the decision is made to discontinue the
program under this subsection with respect to the facility,
the facility may continue to charge tolls in accordance with
the terms of the agreement until such time as the debt is
retired.
(D) Limitation on federal share.--The Federal share of the
cost of a project on a facility tolled under this subsection,
including a project to install the toll collection facility
shall be a percentage, not to exceed 80 percent, determined
by the applicable State.
(4) Eligibility.--To be eligible to participate in the
program under this subsection, a State, public authority, or
private entity designated by a State shall provide to the
Secretary--
(A) a description of the congestion or air quality problems
sought to be addressed under the program;
(B) a description of--
(i) the goals sought to be achieved under the program; and
(ii) the performance measures that would be used to gauge
the success made toward reaching those goals; and
(C) such other information as the Secretary may require.
(5) Automation.--Fees collected from motorists using an
express lane shall be collected only through the use of
noncash electronic technology that optimizes the free flow of
traffic on the tolled facility.
(6) Interoperability.--
(A) In general.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall promulgate a final
rule specifying requirements, standards, or performance
specifications for automated toll collection systems
implemented under this section.
(B) Development.--In developing that rule, which shall be
designed to maximize the interoperability of electronic
collection systems, the
[[Page 18392]]
Secretary shall, to the maximum extent practicable--
(i) seek to accelerate progress toward the national goal of
achieving a nationwide interoperable electronic toll
collection system;
(ii) take into account the use of noncash electronic
technology currently deployed within an appropriate
geographical area of travel and the noncash electronic
technology likely to be in use within the next 5 years; and
(iii) seek to minimize additional costs and maximize
convenience to users of toll facility and to the toll
facility owner or operator.
(7) Reporting.--
(A) In general.--The Secretary, in cooperation with State
and local agencies and other program participants and with
opportunity for public comment, shall--
(i) develop and publish performance goals for each express
lane project;
(ii) establish a program for regular monitoring and
reporting on the achievement of performance goals,
including--
(I) effects on travel, traffic, and air quality;
(II) distribution of benefits and burdens;
(III) use of alternative transportation modes; and
(IV) use of revenues to meet transportation or impact
mitigation needs.
(B) Reports to congress.--The Secretary shall submit to the
Committee on Environment and Public Works of the Senate and
the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure of the
House of Representatives--
(i) not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of
this Act, and annually thereafter, a report that describes in
detail the uses of funds under this subsection in accordance
with paragraph (8)(D); and
(ii) not later than 3 years after the date of enactment of
this Act, and every 3 years thereafter, a report that
describes any success of the program under this subsection in
meeting congestion reduction and other performance goals
established for express lane programs.
(c) Interstate System Construction Toll Pilot Program.--
(1) Establishment.--The Secretary shall establish and
implement an Interstate System construction toll pilot
program under which the Secretary, notwithstanding sections
129 and 301 of title 23, United States Code, may permit a
State or an interstate compact of States to collect tolls on
a highway, bridge, or tunnel on the Interstate System for the
purpose of constructing Interstate highways.
(2) Limitation on number of facilities.--The Secretary may
permit the collection of tolls under this section on 3
facilities on the Interstate System.
(3) Eligibility.--To be eligible to participate in the
pilot program, a State shall submit to the Secretary an
application that contains, at a minimum, the following:
(A) An identification of the facility on the Interstate
System proposed to be a toll facility.
(B) In the case of a facility that affects a metropolitan
area, an assurance that the metropolitan planning
organization designated under section 134 or 135 for the area
has been consulted concerning the placement and amount of
tolls on the facility.
(C) An analysis demonstrating that financing the
construction of the facility with the collection of tolls
under the pilot program is the most efficient and economical
way to advance the project.
(D) A facility management plan that includes--
(i) a plan for implementing the imposition of tolls on the
facility;
(ii) a schedule and finance plan for the construction of
the facility using toll revenues;
(iii) a description of the public transportation agency
that will be responsible for implementation and
administration of the pilot program;
(iv) a description of whether consideration will be given
to privatizing the maintenance and operational aspects of the
facility, while retaining legal and administrative control of
the portion of the Interstate route; and
(v) such other information as the Secretary may require.
(4) Selection criteria.--The Secretary may approve the
application of a State under paragraph (3) only if the
Secretary determines that--
(A) the State's analysis under paragraph (3)(C) is
reasonable;
(B) the State plan for implementing tolls on the facility
takes into account the interests of local, regional, and
interstate travelers;
(C) the State plan for construction of the facility using
toll revenues is reasonable;
(D) the State will develop, manage, and maintain a system
that will automatically collect the tolls; and
(E) the State has given preference to the use of a public
toll agency with demonstrated capability to build, operate,
and maintain a toll expressway system meeting criteria for
the Interstate System.
(5) Prohibition on noncompete agreements.--Before the
Secretary may permit a State to participate in the pilot
program, the State must enter into an agreement with the
Secretary that provides that the State will not enter into an
agreement with a private person under which the State is
prevented from improving or expanding the capacity of public
roads adjacent to the toll facility to address conditions
resulting from traffic diverted to such roads from the toll
facility, including--
(A) excessive congestion;
(B) pavement wear; and
(C) an increased incidence of traffic accidents, injuries,
or fatalities.
(6) Limitations on use of revenues; audits.--Before the
Secretary may permit a State to participate in the pilot
program, the State must enter into an agreement with the
Secretary that provides that--
(A) all toll revenues received from operation of the toll
facility will be used only for--
(i) debt service;
(ii) reasonable return on investment of any private person
financing the project; and
(iii) any costs necessary for the improvement of and the
proper operation and maintenance of the toll facility,
including reconstruction, resurfacing, restoration, and
rehabilitation of the toll facility; and
(B) regular audits will be conducted to ensure compliance
with subparagraph (A) and the results of such audits will be
transmitted to the Secretary.
(7) Limitation on use of interstate maintenance funds.--
During the term of the pilot program, funds apportioned for
Interstate maintenance under section 104(b)(4) of title 23,
United States Code, may not be used on a facility for which
tolls are being collected under the program.
(8) Program term.--The Secretary may approve an application
of a State for permission to collect a toll under this
section only if the application is received by the Secretary
before the last day of the 10-year period beginning on the
date of enactment of this Act.
(9) Interstate system defined.--In this section, the term
``Interstate System'' has the meaning such term has under
section 101 of title 23, United States Code.
Subtitle G--High Priority Projects
SEC. 1701. HIGH PRIORITY PROJECTS PROGRAM.
(a) Authorization of High Priority Projects.--Section
117(a) of title 23, United States Code, is amended to read as
follows:
``(a) Authorization of High Priority Projects.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary is authorized to carry out
high priority projects with funds made available to carry out
the high priority projects program under this section.
``(2) Availability of funds.--
``(A) For tea21.--Of amounts made available to carry out
this section for fiscal years 1998 through 2003, the
Secretary, subject to subsection (b), shall make available to
carry out each project described in section 1602 of the
Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century the amount
listed for such project in such section.
``(B) For safetea-lu.--Of amounts made available to carry
out this section for fiscal years 2005 through 2009, the
Secretary, subject to subsection (b), shall make available to
carry out each project described in section 1702 of the
SAFETEA-LU the amount listed for such project in such
section.
``(3) Availability of unallocated funds.--Any amounts made
available to carry out such program that are not allocated
for projects described in such section shall be available to
the Secretary, subject to subsection (b), to carry out such
other high priority projects as the Secretary determines
appropriate.''.
(b) Allocation Percentages.--Section 117(b) of such title
is amended to read as follows:
``(b) For TEA21.--For each project to be carried out with
funds made available to carry out the high priority projects
program under this section for fiscal years 1998 through
2003--
``(1) 11 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 1998;
``(2) 15 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 1999;
``(3) 18 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2000;
``(4) 18 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2001;
``(5) 19 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2002; and
``(6) 19 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2003.
``(c) For SAFETEA-LU.--For each project to be carried out
with funds made available to carry out the high priority
projects program under this section for fiscal years 2005
through 2009--
``(1) 20 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2005;
``(2) 20 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2006;
``(3) 20 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2007;
``(4) 20 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2008; and
``(5) 20 percent of such amount shall be available for
obligation beginning in fiscal year 2009.''.
(c) Advance Construction.--Section 117(e) of such title is
amended--
(1) in paragraph (1) by inserting after ``21st Century''
the following: ``or section 1701 of the SAFETEA-LU , as the
case may be,''; and
(2) by striking ``section 1602 of the Transportation Equity
Act for the 21st Century.'' and inserting ``such section 1602
or 1702, as the case may be.''
(d) Availability of Obligation Limitation.--Section 117(g)
of such title is amended by inserting after ``21st Century''
the following: ``or section 1102(g) of the SAFETEA-LU, as the
case may be''.
(e) Federal-State Relationship.--Section 145(b) of such
title is amended--
(1) by inserting after ``described in'' the following:
``section 1702 of the SAFETEA-LU,'';
(2) by inserting after ``for such projects by'' the
following: ``section 1101(a)(16) of the SAFETEA-LU,''; and
(3) by striking ``117 of title 23, United States Code,''
and inserting ``section 117 of this title,''.
[[Page 18393]]
SEC. 1702. PROJECT AUTHORIZATIONS.
Subject to section 117 of title 23, United States Code, the
amount listed for each high priority project in the following
table shall be available (from amounts made available by
section 1101(a)(16) of this Act) for fiscal years 2005
through 2009 to carry out each such project:
[[Page 18394]]
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[[Page 18395]]
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