[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 151 (2005), Part 11]
[Senate]
[Pages 14494-14496]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                    PRESIDENT BUSH'S IRAQ STATEMENT

  Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, tonight, as we all know, President Bush is 
going to speak to the Nation about the situation in Iraq. I think that 
we all have a pretty good sense of much of what he is going to say. He 
will talk, as he should, about the extraordinary courage of our troops 
across the world; he will talk, as he should, about the march of 
democracy; and he will speak with pride about Iraqi elections and the 
end of tyranny. He will stress, as we all share, the importance of the 
war on terror. All of us in this Chamber stand in awe of the courage of 
our troops and all of us in this Chamber and in this country are 
passionate about democracy. But the fact is that honoring our troops 
and extolling the virtue of democracy, those words alone are not going 
to be enough to improve the situation and the reality of the perilous 
direction that we are currently headed in Iraq. What we need are not 
just the words extolling the virtues of things with which we all agree. 
What we need is a policy that is going to address the complex and in 
some ways self-inflicted predicament that we face today. The best way 
to honor troops, Mr. President, the best way to protect our troops, is 
to provide them with the best policy possible. The fact is that that is 
not what we have today. Yesterday, I attended the funeral of 
Christopher Piper of Marblehead, MA, special forces, who died of wounds 
from an IED, and two other of his fellow soldiers died previously in 
that same incident. The overwhelming outpouring of emotion and 
patriotism--kids holding flags along the sides of the streets, people, 
good citizens, patriots all, coming out to say goodbye to their native 
son--was moving beyond words.
  Christopher Piper, and all of the soldiers like him currently serving 
and all those who will go over there, deserve a Government leadership 
that makes the best decisions possible to be able to provide them the 
greatest security possible to accomplish the mission as rapidly and 
effectively as possible.
  Today, I regret to say, the experience in Iraq has proven again and 
again to America and the world that we have no realistic comprehensive 
strategy to reduce the risks to our soldiers and to achieve our goals. 
While our military has done--and continues to do--a superb job, our 
civilian leadership has not, and our soldiers are paying the price 
every single day. It is time for a realistic plan for success.
  To achieve that plan, we have to begin by tearing down the wall of 
arrogance. When the Vice President absurdly claims the insurgency is in 
its last throes, it insults the common sense and intelligence of the 
American people, and he diminishes our stature in the world. How can we 
expect the Iraqi people to take us seriously and do their part when the 
White House says the insurgency is fading, and yet Iraqis live in 
constant fear--explosions waking them up in the night, reminding them 
of the danger inherent in a short walk to work or to school the next 
morning.
  I know that we should not dwell on mistakes. We need to understand, 
however, the consequences of the decisions we have made and our ability 
to effectively move forward because the only way you can move forward 
and have a comprehensive strategy is to understand where you have been. 
With allies reading the Downing Street memo and the American people 
increasingly aware that the rationalization for war changed midstream, 
it now becomes that much harder to rally the collective strength of the 
Nation and the world to our cause.
  We have to acknowledge the past in order to overcome it because the 
truth is that, until this moment, the stubbornness of this 
administration has made a difference. It hurts our chances for success. 
It leads to frustrated expectations of Americans themselves. It makes 
it much more difficult for the Iraqi people to embrace the cause, and 
it makes it so much easier for sidelined nations to turn their back on 
a common interest and say: OK, it is their deal, let them go solve it 
because they don't seem to understand it.
  The bottom line is that when it comes to war and the safety of 
American troops, there is no time for excuses. All of our troops 
deserve the best we can provide, and they deserve it now. This is the 
time for the administration to tell the truth about what is happening 
on the ground and be open to new ideas about how we are going to get 
the job done. Admitting mistakes is a necessary hurdle and a 
constructive tool for this administration if it wants to build the 
strength necessary to get it right in Iraq. Admitting mistakes paves 
the way for elected officials and the American people to come together 
and to move forward. Admitting mistakes actually lays the groundwork 
for the climate of cooperation that allows allies to add to our 
strength. Admitting mistakes eases the concerns of the Iraqi people and 
helps us make them understand that there will be no success unless they 
embrace

[[Page 14495]]

the burden of their own future. And that includes acknowledging that 
Iraq today is something that it was not before the war--a breeding 
ground for jihadists. Today, there are 16,000 to 20,000 insurgents, and 
the number of jihadists among them is growing, according to our own 
estimates. So this is a growing challenge, and we need to take 
immediate steps to address it. Our officer corps reports that every 
time our troops kill or capture an insurgent, there are three more who 
just step forward to take his place. That is not a compelling strategy 
for success.
  So I hope that tonight we hear something new from the President. I 
hope the President will recognize that the American people demand more 
than a communications strategy--they demand real leadership, with real 
decisions and real choices that provide a strategy for success and that 
get our troops home. If the President does this, he will begin to 
restore the confidence of the American people and the respect of the 
world. In showing real leadership, he will make it clear to the Iraqi 
people that it is time for them to take the lead.
  I also hope the American people understand that there still can be a 
plan for success in Iraq if we move quickly, if we make the right 
choices, if we reach across the aisle for bipartisan effort, if we 
reach out to other nations. The mistakes that we have made do not 
change the fact that our military is the most powerful and competent in 
the world and that democracy is one of the world's most powerful ideas. 
The mistakes do not change the fact that the Iraqi people understand, 
through the powerful memory of generations, that they have a unique 
opportunity to shape their own future. If the President finally opens 
to these new ideas and gets this right, tells the truth about the 
complex challenge, and the Iraqi people get serious about doing their 
part and bearing the burden, we can have the success that we need and 
seek in Iraq.
  So what can the President say tonight to get things right in Iraq and 
put us on the road to success? The President can start by immediately 
declaring that the United States does not seek permanent bases or any 
permanent military presence in Iraq. Erasing suspicion of indefinite 
occupation is critical to eroding support for the insurgency. Getting 
that right also means using the extraordinary leverage that we have to 
get the Iraqis to do their part. Our massive military presence is all 
that stands between the Iraqi people and complete chaos. Our special 
forces are protecting Iraqi leaders. With this kind of leverage, it is 
nothing short of shocking that the administration allowed 6 months to 
go by from the last election before including Sunnis in the political 
process. This was an obvious crucial prerequisite to success.
  Yet there was no sense of urgency and minimal pressure applied. It is 
time for the administration to use its leverage to insist that the 
Iraqis do their part and establish a truly inclusive political process 
and meet the deadlines for finishing the Constitution and holding new 
elections in December. There can be no wavering from those dates.
  Getting it right also means putting together a real plan for training 
Iraqi troops and following through on it. This should be our top 
priority. It is the key to getting our troops home and avoiding a 
humiliating withdrawal. It is time to move beyond fudging the numbers 
and finally put the training of Iraqi troops on a true 6-month wartime 
footing. That includes ensuring that the Iraqi Government has the full 
budget necessary to be able to deploy and continue the training.
  It is also time to stop using the in-country training requirement as 
an excuse for refusing offers made by Egypt, Jordan, France, and 
Germany to do more. Why would we turn down the opportunity of other 
countries to help us do more? Why would we turn down the opportunity to 
be able to give our troops the relief they deserve?
  Getting it right also means drawing up a detailed plan--a real plan, 
shared with the Congress of the United States--with the clear milestone 
of transfer of military and police responsibilities to the Iraqis after 
the December elections.
  The administration's plan should take into account both political and 
security objectives, including Iraqi force structure and capacity, and 
it should be specifically tied to a series of specific tasks and 
responsibilities. This plan must have more than just dates and numbers. 
It must make it clear to the Iraqi Government that American patience is 
limited.
  The Iraqi people need to understand that in America, today, when we 
see Army recruitments suffering, families organizing to protect their 
kids from recruiters, and when we see the divorce rate for military 
officers skyrocketing--I am told the divorce rate among officers for 
the last year is up some 70-plus percent; and since the year 2000, up 
over 300 percent--when we see this kind of damage to the long-term 
capacity of the American military, we need to take it seriously. I know 
the Iraqi people already understand that our troops are skilled and 
brave. Now they need to understand we must see legitimate progress that 
offers a real chance of American troops beginning to come home.
  At the same time, if the administration wants the Iraqis to bear the 
burden, they need to move beyond the hollow ``stay as long as it takes 
no matter what'' talk that provides an endless security blanket--a 
disincentive for Iraqis to stand up for Iraq--and, instead, they must 
talk forcefully about the transfer of responsibility.
  If the administration gets this plan right, and the Iraqis succeed in 
adopting a new constitution and holding elections as planned, trained 
Iraqi security forces should be ready to take on more responsibility at 
the critical moment when support for the insurgency is diminishing. 
That is the kind of careful, strategic planning we need to set the 
stage for American forces to be able to be reduced in number, as the 
Iraqi security forces assume more of the mission. But, again, this 
simply will not happen unless the Iraqi forces themselves assume more 
of their part. We must make the Iraqi Government understand the 
patience of America is finite, and that real progress must be achieved. 
We all understand that deploying capable Iraqi security forces is 
imperative to success. It always has been imperative to success. Yet 
the numbers we have been given again and again have been false. But the 
administration would also have us believe Iraqi forces alone could end 
the insurgency. That is simply not true. I hope the President strikes a 
different tone tonight and commits to work simultaneously, equally, 
forcefully on all fronts--security, economic, and political.
  The administration should know by now that overly optimistic 
predictions for Iraq and rebuilding Iraq have actually been a drag on 
our mission. Reconstruction lags behind even in the Shiite south and in 
the Kurdish north, where security is far less of an issue. This sends 
the wrong message to those whom we ask to sacrifice for freedom.
  We need to speed up work in these areas in order to demonstrate that 
progress will be made in the rest of Iraq. If Iraqis, particularly 
Sunnis, who fear being left out in the cold, see electricity flowing, 
jobs being created, infrastructure being built, and a government of 
their own choosing being formed, the lure of the insurgency will 
diminish. The violence and risk to our troops will decrease. To get it 
right in Iraq, we must show all Iraqis they are fighting not only for a 
future of freedom but for a tangibly improved future for their lives on 
a day-to-day basis, and for their children.
  Getting it right also means understanding the neighborhood. It means 
getting those with an interest in Iraq, such as the Saudis, to act now.
  Iraq is surrounded by Sunni neighbors with significant resources, yet 
complaints fall from these neighbors about being left out and about 
their concerns falling on deaf ears. Many of these countries could do 
much more to help, and we should encourage them to do so. Even short-
term improvements, such as providing electricity from their grids, or 
supplying diesel fuel--an offer that has been made but is yet 
unfulfilled by the Saudis--would go a long way.

[[Page 14496]]

  But we have to do our part and address their legitimate concerns. If 
we want these nations to step up to the plate and help us to secure 
Iraq's borders and help, particularly because of their Sunni 
background, to bring Sunnis into the political process or help to 
rebuild Iraq's economy and infrastructure, then we have to offer a 
coherent, strategic security plan for their region. We have to address 
their fears of an Iran-dominated crescent, and their concerns about our 
sporadic mediation between Israel and the Palestinians. This 
administration needs to show it understands there has to be some give-
and-take in the process.
  The administration could also give a significant boost to the 
rebuilding effort by recognizing the great untapped potential of 
private sector contributions. The conference that just took place in 
Brussels was a donor conference. What we need is more than donors; we 
need investment. The administration, working with the Iraqi Government, 
should organize a development conference for Iraqi businessmen and 
their regional counterparts who wish to invest in Iraq. Regional 
investment would not only strengthen Iraq's economy, it would give 
neighboring governments a greater stake in Iraq's success and another 
incentive for them to be able to provide more help. And the 
administration might want to consider the effect on regional 
businessmen when they read headlines about Halliburton's extraordinary 
dominance of local contracts.
  Much of what I have discussed today--from administration mistakes, to 
the steps we need to move forward--all deals with laying the groundwork 
for long-term success. But the reality is, the elections are 6 months 
off. Iraq is not going to be rebuilt overnight, and it is going to take 
time to get the Iraqi troops ready.
  In the coming months, even with perfect planning, there will be 
violence, turmoil, and hardship. That is why tonight it is critical 
that President Bush make clear there are actions we can take in the 
short term to ease the burden on our troops. He needs to get this 
right, not only to save American lives, but to elevate the confidence 
of the American people. For this to happen, the President must 
reconsider some hastily brushed aside options.
  To date, the administration has been unwilling to entertain the idea 
of empowered militias, instead singularly focusing on a unified Iraqi 
security force. But Iraq, like Afghanistan, has numerous tribal, 
religious, and ethnic militias, such as the Kurdish Peshmerga or the 
Shiite Badr Army.
  The fact is, these forces are structured, and, most importantly, they 
are accepted by the provincial populations. They are capable of 
providing protection while helping with reconstruction. In the interim, 
while a fully capable Iraqi security force is established, these forces 
could meet some of the critical security needs. They could fill the 
gap. If they can help do the job, why not let them?
  It is time for the administration to put aside its concerns and prod 
the Iraqi Government to give the militias legitimacy. We can do this by 
integrating them into a kind of national guard, a force that would 
provide security in their own areas where they are respected and 
accepted.
  The administration also needs to get it right on border security. For 
2 years now, Senators and others have been commenting on the absence of 
adequate border security. The jihadists have been able to move in at 
will. If we want to ease the burden on our troops in the short term, we 
need to put that kind of adequate border security force in place. The 
truth is, it has been absent since day one, which is a shame, because 
that is precisely where our allies could help.
  As opposed to providing security in urban areas, border security is 
generally much less risky for troops. The administration needs to work 
with the Iraqi Government to reach out to the world and establish a 
multinational force to secure Iraq's borders. Such a force, if 
sanctioned by the U.N. Security Council, could attract participation by 
Iraq's neighbors and powerful nations with a vested interest, such as 
India.
  The administration has narrowed our options in Iraq, but there are 
still better choices available to us. There is still time to get it 
right in Iraq, and I hope, for the sake of our troops, the President 
will do so tonight.
  We are at a critical juncture in this conflict, both at home and 
abroad. The last thing we need is the administration growing even more 
stubborn or more defensive. Today, our Nation needs honest, open 
leadership, and a comprehensive strategy for success. It is time for 
the President to reach out and work across the aisle and across the 
globe to clean up this mess.
  The President must seize this opportunity to move forward, as the 
next months are so critical to the future of Iraq and to the future of 
our security. If the administration fails to take the steps that are 
available to them, and fails to hold the Iraqis accountable, we will 
stumble along, our troops at greater risk, casualties rising, the 
patience of the American people wearing thin, and the specter of 
quagmire staring us in the face.
  Every misstep, every measure untaken, every wise course not followed 
carries an unbearable cost. The American people have a right to expect 
accountability. We need to decrease the risk to our troops and 
strengthen our chances for success. Our troops deserve better than they 
are getting. They deserve leadership that is equal to their sacrifice.

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