[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 9]
[Senate]
[Pages 11952-11954]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




               TRIBUTE TO FORMER PRESIDENT RONALD REAGAN

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I pay special tribute to Nancy Reagan who 
has been indispensable throughout the public life of the Reagans, and 
particularly during this past decade. It was my privilege to sit beside 
Mrs. Reagan during several White House and Republican Party events and 
to understand her strength and shared dream for America.
  The service of President Reagan to our country can only be approached 
by understanding how wide he cast the net of potential achievement, and 
fulfillment of dreams, hopes and visions.
  President Reagan actually believed and articulated that our country 
had a special destiny, that no barriers were insurmountable because we 
are Americans. He actually believed and said that the Soviet Union was 
an evil empire, that its political and economic institutions were 
disintegrating, and that if its leadership and people knew the 
alternatives which our country presented, they would choose democracy 
and market economics.
  President Reagan was prepared to invest an increasing portion of our 
national treasure in military defense with the certainty that we would 
negotiate successfully with our adversaries from a position of 
strength. He shocked foreign policy and defense specialists by 
proposing that all intermediate nuclear missiles be destroyed, a 
negotiating position labeled universally as a bizarre arms-control non-
starter.
  He affirmed the staying power of NATO by deploying Pershing missiles 
to Germany and cruise missiles to Italy even after the Soviets declared 
that such deployment would end all arms control negotiations and 
stimulate Soviet nuclear buildup.
  Add to this, President Reagan's startling proposal that the United 
States should develop a Strategic Defense Initiative to protect our 
country against incoming missiles fired upon us. He contended that we 
should and could try to defend ourselves against the so-called balance 
of terror.
  He proposed to President Gorbachev that the United States and the 
Soviet Union ban all nuclear weapons. In fact, he was confident that if 
he could take Gorbachev on an extended tour of America that Gorbachev 
would want to shape the Soviet Union into many of our successful 
traditions.
  Meanwhile, President Reagan knew that substantial new growth must 
occur in our domestic economy to pay for the special leadership role he 
had envisioned in foreign policy. He was confident that substantial 
cuts in individual marginal tax rates and a host of investment 
incentives would establish and sustain the longest peacetime prosperity 
we had ever enjoyed. Our prosperity underwrote the magnificent gains in 
free and fair trade which he championed and world wide wealth grew 
abundantly.
  When Ronald Reagan stood on a balcony of the Reichstag in Berlin and 
challenged Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, he could see white 
crosses just below where courageous persons seeking freedom had lost 
their lives in that pursuit. Everything still appeared to be so locked 
up and grim, and sophisticated observers were barely patronizing in 
comment on his Berlin wall challenge.
  The ``evil empire'' crumbled, the Berlin wall and other walls fell, 
all of the Intermediate Nuclear Force weapons were destroyed exactly in 
three years as the INF Treaty provided, and the United States became 
the only superpower with the strongest economy and the ability, 
uniquely, to extend military authority around the world.
  All of this occurred because President Reagan persuaded the Congress 
and his countrymen to build our armed forces, to build our economy 
through the growth incentives termed ``Reaganomics,'' to maintain the 
successful strategies of our NATO alliance, to utilize military force 
to support foreign policy as required, and to commence Strategic 
Defense Initiative research.
  We now know that the Soviets were much weaker than experts estimated. 
We now know that they could not keep up the pace and that desperate 
attempts to do so led to the collapse of the Soviet Empire and then to 
the collapse of the Union, itself.
  President Reagan advocated two more things which were inspiring and 
critically important in world history.
  First, he rejected the Brezhnev Doctrine, the idea that territory 
which socialism had occupied could never be reclaimed. When he 
advocated this roll

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back of the iron curtain, he created deep anxiety and alarm among most 
international foreign policy advisers who loved liberty a lot, but 
loved stability even more.
  U.S. Stinger missiles shipped to the expert ministrations of the 
Mujadahin in Afghanistan were a major instrument of the Soviet roll 
back, and the world watched in awe as the Soviet troops withdrew to a 
smaller Socialist world.
  Second, President Reagan enunciated a new policy in a statement sent 
to the Congress after the Philippine election and revolution. He stated 
that henceforth, we would oppose tyranny of the left and tyranny of the 
right, that we were for democracy developed by people who sought to 
know and enjoy democracy and human rights. This statement was severely 
criticized by experts who suggested that in the ``real world'' a good 
number of dictators were friendly to the U.S. and certainly useful in 
waging the cold war against Communism.
  In articulating his vision on the roll back of the Iron Curtain; in 
identifying with nations all over the world who applauded our passion 
for building democratic institutions; in celebrating human rights and 
free market principles; in all of these areas, Ronald Reagan was far 
ahead of the prevailing wisdom. Yet he ultimately brought other leaders 
in America and around the world to his point of view in a relatively 
short interval.
  President Reagan was courageous and on the right side of history. He 
performed these deeds in a very public way which instructed and 
inspired others. Those of us in public service learned much from 
President Reagan as we watched him speak and act. He was charismatic, 
he was determined and consistent, and he enjoyed a remarkable batting 
average of being right.
  Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, at sunset last Friday, the 40th 
President of the United States was laid to rest on a hill overlooking 
the Pacific Ocean. The consummate optimist, who etched the promise of a 
``shining city upon a hill'' into the Nation's conscience, leaves 
behind a legacy that beckons us to stay true to the American spirit.
  Whether folks agree with his political philosophy or not, the actor-
turned-politician-turned-statesman from the Midwest helped usher in the 
dawn of a new day for millions of jobless Americans and to those living 
in oppression behind the Iron Curtain.
  Through bold, buoyant leadership, Ronald Wilson Reagan, 1911-2004, 
persuaded his fellow citizens that it was ``morning again in America'' 
by restoring the promise of peace and prosperity.
  The outpouring of support during last week's remembrance for the 
former President reflects Reagan's ability to bring out the best in 
people and unite America.
  The pageantry evoked patriotism. The solemnity of the events 
underscored the public's appreciation and respect for this leader who 
championed the cause of freedom all around the world. For 8 years, he 
served as a beacon of hope for those cast under the dark shadows of 
totalitarianism.
  The ``Great Communicator'' arrived in the Oval Office when America 
was licking wounds left by Watergate and Vietnam. Stifled by a sinking 
economy, joblessness and sky-high inflation, the national mood also 
wavered under the uncertainty of the Cold War. Americans yearned for 
brighter days.
  Elected to his first term in November 1980, President Reagan exuded 
optimism, charm and kinship with ordinary Americans. His good-natured 
disposition, self-deprecating humor and can-do attitude launched a new 
era in American politics. Like Reagan, I won an upset victory over an 
incumbent in that election.
  He and I shared a conservative political philosophy rooted in core 
beliefs spelled out by the Nation's Founders and agreed much more often 
than not. Now 24 years after the ``Reagan Revolution,'' I am privileged 
to continue advancing our shared principles: Big ideas instead of big 
government. Deregulation to foster free enterprise. Tax relief that 
encourages productivity, growth and individual ingenuity. Self-reliance 
rather than self-pity.
  Reagan's policies proved that economic and political freedom bring 
about peace and prosperity. As Reagan said in his 1989 farewell address 
to the Nation: ``Democracy, the profoundly good, is also the profoundly 
productive.''
  Many people grossly underestimated the strength of Reagan's 
convictions and the foot soldiers who helped sweep him into office. 
With a steely determination coupled with folksy charm, Reagan 
masterminded the efforts that liberated Eastern Europe in 1989.
  Eight years earlier, he had predicted the end of Communism as the 
``sad, bizarre chapter in human history whose last pages are even now 
being written.'' Reagan's leadership helped change the course of 
history for the better.
  On June 5, 2004, Reagan lost his 10-year battle with the Alzheimer's 
disease. A decade earlier, in a hand-written note to the American 
people, Reagan again looked on the bright side: ``When the Lord calls 
me home, whenever that day may be, I will leave with the greatest love 
for this country of ours and eternal optimism for its future.''
  President Reagan valued the gift of life. He used his to expand human 
freedom. His legacy shapes America's character and lights our way as we 
continue the ``march to freedom'' against evil in the world.
  Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, I rise today in great sadness, to speak 
on the passing of President Ronald Wilson Reagan. It is a sad time for 
our Nation; a monumental figure in the history of the United States has 
gone to his rest. The response to his passing in our Nation's capital 
and across this country has been overwhelming and a fitting tribute to 
this giant of 20th century politics.
  First, I would like to offer my heartfelt condolences to Nancy and 
the Reagan family in this difficult time. Mrs. Reagan was not only an 
incredible role model for faithfulness to her spouse, but was always 
the rock that he leaned on when the entire world leaned on him.
  In speeches on this floor, we have heard much about President 
Reagan's vision and leadership on foreign and economic policy, which 
indeed continue to bear fruit. Yet, I come to the floor to speak about 
an aspect of the Reagan Presidency that is less commented upon: 
President Reagan's legacy on social policy, which stands still as a 
moral compass for our Nation's future.
  As has been remarked, President Reagan was a fabulous optimist. He 
worked to create a society where good and evil, life and death, are 
recognized for what they are, and are not obscured by the gray tones of 
moral relativism. After years of lingering malaise following Vietnam 
and Watergate, Ronald Reagan came forward and proclaimed that America 
was ``in the midst of a spiritual awakening and a moral renewal.'' That 
was a message of hope that America sorely needed to hear.
  He believed that America's strength came not just from military 
might, but also from its moral superiority. As much of a priority as he 
made foreign and military policy, he strived just as hard to ensure 
that our Nation's roots as a people of faith, who value life and each 
other, was not diminished. It was that social foundation that made us 
different from the godless Soviet state that oppressed the Russian 
people.
  President Reagan spoke forcefully and brilliantly about the 
importance of family, the religious foundations of American democracy, 
and the tragedy of Roe v. Wade. He knew that strong families were a key 
to America's continued success as the land of opportunity. This 
conviction is clear in a proclamation he issued one Father's Day, where 
he asserted:

       There is no institution more vital to our Nation's survival 
     than the American family. Here the seeds of personal 
     character are planted, the roots of public virtue first 
     nourished. Through love and instruction, discipline, guidance 
     and example, we learn from our mothers and fathers the values 
     that will shape our private lives and our public citizenship.

  His political beliefs were greatly shaped by the sensible religion he 
grew up with in small-town Illinois, which

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permeated all aspects of daily life. He found the attempts of some to 
excise religion from the public square wrong-headed. He knew that 
Founding Fathers barred not only the government establishment of 
religion, but also any law ``prohibiting the free exercise thereof.''
  As President Reagan told those gathered at the Ecumenical Prayer 
Breakfast during the Republican National Convention in Dallas, TX:

       Without God, there is no virtue, because there's no 
     prompting of the conscience. Without God, we're mired in the 
     material, that flat world that tells us only what the senses 
     perceive. Without God, there is a coarsening of the society. 
     And without God, democracy will not and cannot long endure. 
     If we ever forget that we're one nation under God, then we 
     will be a nation gone under.

  I began this speech by stating I would focus of President Reagan's 
moral and social legacy rather than on the tremendous impact he had in 
bringing down the Iron Curtain and freeing Eastern Europe. But in 
truth, these different areas of policy all flowed from the same 
wellspring of faith and conscience.
  In a particularly moving speech before the National Religious 
Broadcasters Convention in 1984, President Reagan tied together these 
seemingly separate strands. He told listeners:

       Our mission stretches far beyond our borders: God's family 
     knows no borders. In your life, you face daily trials, but 
     millions of believers in other lands face far worse. They are 
     mocked and persecuted for the crime of loving God. To every 
     religious dissident trapped in that cold, cruel existence, we 
     send our love and support. Our message? You are not alone; 
     you are not forgotten; do not lose your faith and hope 
     because someday you, too, will be free.

  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a larger excerpt of this 
speech be printed in the Record following my remarks.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See 
exhibit 1.)
  Mr. SANTORUM. Ronald Reagan was a champion of the pro-life movement 
and believed that abortion was a grave threat to the liberties we 
cherish as Americans. When President Reagan came to office, the shock 
of Roe v. Wade was still fresh. It was commonly believed that the 
Supreme Court had had the final say on abortion, and that there was no 
hope in turning back the tide of the abortion-on-demand culture. The 
conventional wisdom was that enacting legislation to regulate abortion 
was politically impossible.
  But President Reagan chose to use the one tool that the Senate could 
not stall and the House could not block: his voice. His voice was 
strong and reassuring, and it reached the American people in their 
living rooms, bypassing those in Washington who thought they knew much 
better. Even his own advisors urged him not to speak out on abortion, 
yet he would not be silenced. He always spoke his conscience on the 
matters that weighed heavily on his heart, and no one could convince 
him to do otherwise.
  On the tenth anniversary of Roe v. Wade, President Reagan spoke from 
the heart against the abortion-on-demand culture, to poignant effect. 
That day, he said:

       I too have always believed that God's greatest gift is 
     human life, and that we have a duty to protect the life of an 
     unborn child. Until someone can prove the unborn child is not 
     a life, shouldn't we give it the benefit of the doubt, and 
     assume it is?

  Perhaps the only President to publish a book while in the Oval 
Office, President Reagan's 1984 volume, entitled Abortion and the 
Conscience of the Nation, stood as a thoughtful and moving essay that 
inspired the growing pro-life movement. This message of this book was 
hopeful. ``As a nation today, we have not rejected the sanctity of 
human life,'' he writes. ``I am convinced that Americans do not want to 
play God with the value of human life.''
  Given his remarkable legacy on foreign and economic policy, I am not 
surprised that his moral agenda is less commented upon. Yet in his 
March 8, 1983 ``evil empire'' speech, President Reagan devoted as much 
time talking about the sanctity of all human life as he did addressing 
foreign policy. On abortion, he told the audience:

       Human life legislation ending this tragedy will someday 
     pass the Congress, and you and I must never rest until it 
     does.

  Sadly, President Reagan has gone to his rest without being able to 
see that glorious day when we again recognize the full and equal value 
of all human lives. But those of us who proudly follow in his footsteps 
will tirelessly continue the struggle until we correct this grievous 
wrong.
  President Reagan, that day, I know you will be smiling down on us 
from above.

                               Exhibit 1 

          ``America is Hungry for a Spiritual Revival . . . ''


                           (By Ronald Reagan)

       An excerpt from President Reagan's address January 30, 
     1984, at the National Religious Broadcasters Convention in 
     Washington D.C.
       I was pleased last year to proclaim 1983 The Year of the 
     Bible. But, you know, a group called the A.C.L.U. severely 
     criticized me for doing that. Well, I wear their indictment 
     like a badge of honor. I believe I stand in pretty good 
     company. Abraham Lincoln called the Bible, ``The best gift 
     God has given to man. But for it,'' he said, ``we could not 
     know right from wrong.''
       Like that image of George Washington kneeling in prayer in 
     snow at Valley Forge, Lincoln described a people who knew it 
     was not enough to depend on their own courage and goodness. 
     They must also look to God their Father and Preserver. And 
     their faith to walk with Him, and trust in His Word, brought 
     them the blessings of comfort, power, and peace that they 
     sought.
       The torch of their faith has been passed from generation to 
     generation. ``The grass withereth, the flower fadeth, but the 
     word of our God shall stand forever.'' More and more 
     Americans believe that loving God in their hearts is the 
     ultimate value. My experience in this office I hold has only 
     deepened a belief I've held for many years: within the cover 
     of that single Book are all the answers to all the problems 
     that face us today--if we'd only read and believe.
       Let's begin at the beginning. God is the center of our 
     lives: the human family stands at the center of society: and 
     our greatest hope for the future is in the faces of our 
     children. God's most blessed gift to His family is the gift 
     of life. He sent us the Prince of Peace as a babe in a 
     manger. I've said that we must be cautious in claiming God is 
     on our side. I think the real question we must answer is, are 
     we on His side?
       Our mission stretches far beyond our borders: God's family 
     knows no borders. In your life, you face daily trials, but 
     millions of believers in other lands face far worse. They are 
     mocked and persecuted for the crime of loving God. To every 
     religious dissident trapped in that cold, cruel existence, we 
     send our love and support. Our message? You are not alone; 
     you are not forgotten; do not lose your faith and hope 
     because someday you, too, will be free.
       If the Lord is our light, our strength and our salvation, 
     whom shall we fear? Of whom shall we be afraid? No matter 
     where we live, we have a promise from Jesus that can soothe 
     our sorrows, heal our hearts and drive away our fears. He 
     promised there will never be a dark night that does not end. 
     Our weeping may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the 
     morning. He promised if our hearts are true, His love will be 
     as sure as sunlight. And, by dying for us, Jesus showed how 
     far our love should be ready to go: all the way.
       ``For God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten 
     Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish but 
     have everlasting life . . . '' Helping each other, believing 
     in Him, we need never be afraid. We will be part of something 
     far more powerful, enduring and good than all the forces here 
     on earth. We will be part of a paradise.
       May God keep you always and may you always keep God.

                          ____________________