[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 6]
[House]
[Page 7137]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                       THE ANNAN PLAN FOR CYPRUS

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, for all of my 22 years in Congress, I 
have constantly and loudly proclaimed the need for a peaceful 
reunification of the Republic of Cyprus. That unification must be just 
and balanced.
  Thus I rise here today to voice my serious concerns with the Annan 
plan for the reunification of Cyprus. I believe that the final version 
of the plan which was submitted on March 31, 2004, is unbalanced and 
biased against the Greek-Cypriots.
  There are a number of provisions in the Annan plan that do not 
alleviate the basic fears of the Greek-Cypriot community. These 
concerns were not appropriately resolved and may very well lead the 
Greek-Cypriots to reject the Annan plan. Security issues regarding the 
number of troops that will remain on the island and clarifying the 
Treaty of Guarantee to exclude military intervention are two major 
concerns for the Greek-Cypriots because Turkey insists that it will 
continue to have the right to intervene militarily in Cyprus. This 
Turkish arrogance increases the Greek-Cypriot fear of a repetition of 
the 1974 invasion and its tragic consequences.
  The plan also would permit the vast majority of approximately 115,000 
Turkish settlers who are now illegally in Cyprus to stay in Cyprus. At 
the same time, the plan sets complicated and restrictive provisions 
regarding the right of Greek-Cypriot refugees to return to their homes 
in the north. Additionally, the Annan plan makes the eventual return of 
territories from the northern part of the island to the Greek-Cypriot 
constituent state dependent upon the goodwill of Turkey and Turkish-
Cypriots.
  On the issue of property rights, the Annan plan allows for one-third 
restitution and two-thirds compensation for property owned in the north 
by Greek-Cypriots who will be losing the use of their properties. The 
funds for the restitution and compensation will be guaranteed by the 
Federal State and the Constituent State. Since nine-tenths of the 
Federal State's resources and 100 percent of the Constituent State's 
resources will be derived from Greek-Cypriots, they will be paying for, 
to a large extent, their own loss of property.
  Mr. Speaker, in closing I would like to state that the Greek-Cypriots 
are asked to trust, to trust the Turkish Government and to have faith 
that the Turkish-Cypriot leaders will keep their promises. The problem 
is that since 1974, neither the leaders of the Government of Turkey nor 
Mr. Denktash has ever given the Greek-Cypriots any reason to trust 
them.
  Each side will decide whether the plan would be beneficial for them 
and for the future of their children. Even though both sides knew they 
were not going to get everything they wanted, each side was guaranteed 
a fair plan and one that would be immediately functional. 
Unfortunately, I do not believe the Annan plan is balanced, and we 
should not be surprised if the Greek-Cypriot people do not support it.
  The Cypriot people hold the future in their hands. During this 
difficult time, it would be inexcusable, Mr. Speaker, for foreign 
governments or organizational heads to exert excessive pressure or to 
issue ultimatums to the people and President of Cyprus to vote one way 
or the other. They must be free of pressure and free to vote with their 
conscience. If the plan is voted down, it would be an indication that 
the Greek-Cypriots, whose country suffered an illegal invasion in 1974, 
and a community which has for three decades advocated for a settlement, 
felt that they would be giving up far more than they would be gaining, 
and that cost, Mr. Speaker, is just too high.

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