[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 4]
[Senate]
[Pages 5475-5476]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                 HAITI

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, the Haitian people find themselves 
embroiled in yet another political crisis. Following Jean Bertrand 
Aristide's departure on February 29, 2004, the Haitian people once 
again are forced to pick up the pieces of their broken political 
system. Again, they must renew their search for democracy, a search 
that has lasted for two hundred years with little progress. Thirty 
coups after Haiti established its independence in 1804, Haitians 
continue to live in severe poverty, battling HIV/AIDS, malnutrition, 
poor sanitation, and a political culture of thuggery and violence.
  The United States has played an important role in Haiti's history. 
From U.S. military intervention in 1915 and the 19-year occupation that 
followed to the restoration of President Aristide in 1994 by U.S. 
forces, politics in Haiti have been deeply influenced by its larger and 
more powerful neighbor. Now, the United States has an obligation to 
assist in rebuilding Haiti in collaboration with our international 
partners. However, our assistance must be shaped and implemented with 
an eye to our previous mistakes. For too long, our approach has been 
ad-hoc and short-term, and the Haitian people

[[Page 5476]]

have suffered. It is no wonder that some are suspicious of democracy 
and the role of the United States today.
  This is not to say that the United States must take most of the blame 
for the political turmoil in Haiti. Haiti's leaders, and especially 
President Aristide, must also acknowledge their responsibility in 
Haiti's current political crisis. However, our flawed nation-building 
attempt in the 1990s, allegations of international support for Haiti's 
rebels, and the departure of President Aristide suggest a need for 
introspection by U.S. policymakers, humanitarian and development 
organizations and others.
  Policymakers knew that Haiti's democracy was in trouble for years. 
Why did the administration fail to take meaningful action until Haiti 
was on the verge of collapse? As the rebels gained control of Haitian 
territory from early to mid-February, the U.S. administration largely 
channeled its diplomatic efforts through the Organization of American 
States and the Caribbean Community, CARICOM. On February 21st, the 
United States backed a CARICOM proposal, which called for a power-
sharing compromise between Aristide and the opposition. However, as 
soon as Haiti's political opposition rejected the proposal, rather than 
defending Haiti's democratic process and institutions, the 
administration quickly backed down. With rebel forces moving toward the 
capital of Port-au-Prince on February 28, 2004, the administration 
increased pressure on Aristide to resign, stating that ``His failure to 
adhere to democratic principles has contributed to the deep 
polarization and violent unrest that we are witnessing in Haiti 
today.'' Aristide resigned the next day and flew into exile on a U.S. 
aircraft.
  President Aristide was no paragon of democratic virtue. He encouraged 
his supporters in their violent campaign against the opposition, and 
his regime was a corrupt one. But a world in which legitimately elected 
officials, found wanting, can be run out of office by gangs of armed 
thugs is a world in which the thugs, in fact, are in charge. The people 
of Haiti, like people all over the world, deserve better. U.S. 
complicity in President Aristide's ouster sent the wrong message to 
violent rebel leaders, who have committed their own atrocities in 
Haiti's past. A transition guided by the rule of law, rather than the 
threat of violence, would surely have been preferable.
  In the past weeks, a number of my constituents have raised important 
questions. What ties exist between rebel leaders and the government of 
the United States? Did the U.S. government impede efforts by the 
international community, particularly the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, 
to prevent President Aristide's resignation? I believe that the 
American and Haitian people deserve the answers, and a full accounting 
of the events surrounding Aristide's departure.
  Equally important, we must help Haiti move forward and break out of 
this pattern of instability and underdevelopment. We should continue to 
assist in establishing security and disarming all parties to the 
conflict, and I commend the American troops who answered the call to 
service and are now on the ground in Haiti. However, I believe that the 
administration's decision to commit troops will require a full vetting 
by Congress. As long as American troops are in harm's way in Haiti, the 
Congress has a direct role and responsibility to either ratify or 
repudiate the use of U.S. military troops.
  We must also ensure the timely delivery of humanitarian assistance to 
communities in need. Haitian Supreme Court Chief Justice Boniface 
Alexandre should have the full support of the United States in working 
to make Haiti's constitution the guide for the transition and 
succession process from this point on. And in the longer term, the 
United States should work with the rest of the international community 
to help bolster the institutions that are essential to consolidating 
Haiti's democracy and stability, and assist the Haitian people in 
holding people accountable for their flagrant violations of human 
rights.
  The United States cannot ignore Haiti. Not only do we have a moral 
obligation to help the Haitian people, who are starving in our own 
backyard, but there are other national security interests at stake for 
the United States. A country in crisis so close to our borders creates 
a political vacuum in the region, where international crime and 
terrorism can flourish. As we saw in Afghanistan, a country in chaos 
allows for the emergence of dangerous forces, that directly threaten 
our security. In addition, the refugee flow created by instability and 
oppression will wash up on our shores, causing hardship for the Haitian 
people and overwhelming U.S. communities.
  I urge Congress to look closely at recent events in Haiti, to ensure 
that lingering questions are answered forthrightly, and to lend the 
support that Haiti desperately needs as it moves forward in 
establishing peace and security.

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