[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 4]
[Senate]
[Pages 4297-4298]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                CAMBODIA

  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I will close with a short statement on 
observations I made based on a recent article in the Boston Globe 
entitled ``Cambodia's Rights Movement Faces Peril.'' I ask unanimous 
consent that the article be printed in the Record at the conclusion of 
my remarks.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  (See exhibit 1.)
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this article describes ongoing political 
violence and intimidation in Cambodia against democracy and human 
rights advocates and the oppressive environment in which these 
courageous individuals work. Kem Sokha, Sam Rainsy, and all champions 
of freedom, have my respect and my support.
  While I recognize their bravery and selflessness, I also hear their 
concerns for their own safety. Tragically, the body count of peaceful 
advocates murdered in the line of duty continues to grow. Alliance of 
Democrats spokesman Sam Ung Bung-Ang is right on the mark in saying:

       It's not a bloody step forward when we go from 1 million 
     dead [under the Khmer Rouge regime] to 200. Life is life, and 
     one murder is too many.

  Caretaker Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People's Party 
have failed to uphold the rule of law or to create conditions conducive 
to the growth of democracy and prosperity. I add my voice to those 
calling for new leadership in Cambodia.
  Let me close by recognizing the work of the International Republican 
Institute in Cambodia. For over a decade, through grenade attacks, a 
coup d'etat, and several flawed elections, the institute has stood 
shoulder to shoulder with those struggling for freedom.
  In such a hostile environment and witness to countless injustices, 
the institute's Cambodia director, Jackson Cox, is right to ask of the 
international community: Where's the outrage?
  It is past time the world's democracies stood up to champion liberty 
in Cambodia. While Cambodia may seem small and unworthy of the world's 
attention, we should not forget terrorism thrives in lawless and 
chaotic conditions, the very kind we find in Cambodia today. It is a 
warning and a plea. I urge my colleagues to support reform in this 
troubled land.

                               Exhibit 1

                 [From the Boston Globe, Feb. 29, 2004]

Cambodia's Rights Movement Faces Peril; Recent Slayings Renew Old Fears

                         (By Rafael D. Frankel)

       Phnom Penh, Cambodia.--On a recent trip to a village along 
     the banks of the Mekong River, Kem Sokha brought along not 
     only his trusted bodyguard but also a private American 
     security specialist.
       Kem Sokha is not a politician, a big businessman, or a 
     diplomat, but a leader in Cambodia's fledgling human rights 
     movement. And he believes his life is in danger.
       The recent brazen killings of a prominent labor organizer, 
     Chea Vichea, and several others affiliated with an opposition 
     political group have heightened the sense of lawfulness in 
     Cambodia, where murder is seen as a common political tool--
     and the rich and powerful seem above the law.
       The nation's police, judiciary, and elections institutions 
     are controlled by the ruling party, led by Prime Minister Hun 
     Sen, and many Cambodians and foreign aid workers have little 
     confidence that justice can be served.
       ``I fear the killing fields in Cambodia are still open,'' 
     said Kem Sokha, president of the Cambodia Center for Human 
     Rights, referring to the place the genocidal Khmer Rouge 
     regime would kill its victims of torture from 1975 to 1979.
       Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge member who deserted the 
     regime and joined the resistance, has maintained his grip on 
     power in one form or another for nearly two decades through 
     collaboration with Vietnam, military coups, and elections 
     deemed by international observers as lacking ``free and 
     fair'' standards.
       The most recent elections, in July, saw the ruling 
     Cambodian People's Party win a majority of seats in 
     Parliament, but not the two-thirds required to form a 
     government. Since then, a tense political drama has heated up 
     between the CPP and the Democratic Alliance, made up of two 
     opposition parties. Although both sides talk of reaching a 
     settlement soon, the stalemate persists.
       The government crisis has coincided with a wave of high-
     profile murders the past few months.
       Chea Vichea, 36, who was affiliated with the opposition Sam 
     Rainsy Party, was killed Jan. 22 in broad daylight in a 
     driveby shooting in Phnom Penh. A radio journalist, a famous 
     actress, and her mother--all associated with the Democratic 
     Alliance--were gunned down in a similar fashion.
       Human rights workers and opposition leaders have seized on 
     what they called a questionable investigation into Chea 
     Vichea's killing, saying it shows the history of impunity 
     that has plagued Cambodia for decades is still prevalent. Two 
     suspects are being held; one accused police of beating him to 
     force a confession.
       Accusations have been leveled by the opposition and 
     democracy organizations that the killings were intended as a 
     warning to opposition leaders to join the prime minister in a 
     government.
       A ruling-party spokesman, Khieu Kanharith, rejected any 
     idea that the killings were ordered by members of his party, 
     saying the allegations were political ploys. ``If we wanted 
     to use violence, why wouldn't we have hit someone higher up 
     in the party?'' he said.
       But outside of the government, the killings have raised 
     alarms.
       ``They certainly appear to be politically motivated,'' said 
     Jackson Cox, the Cambodia director of the International 
     Republican Institute, an American organization that promotes 
     democracy around the world. ``The political situation here is 
     tense, and members of the opposition, both high and low, are 
     being murdered.''
       The recent killings have foreign relief workers and many 
     Cambodian wondering whether Cambodia's development as a 
     democracy has foundered after making great strides since the 
     United Nations launched a $2 billion relief effort in 1992.
       The government points out that Cambodia was rebuilding from 
     total disaster. While many problems remain, the political 
     situation is much less violent than in the past, Khieu 
     Kanharith said.
       The opposition rejects such reasoning. ``It's not a bloody 
     step forward when we go from 1 million dead to 200,'' said 
     Sam Ung Bung-Ang, a spokesman for the Democratic Alliance. 
     ``Life is life, and one murder is too many.''
       Development statistics paint a picture of slow progress. A 
     2003 UN report said Cambodia is still ranked 130 of 173 
     countries on the Human Development Index. Other than Laos, 
     Cambodia has the lowest life expectancy and literacy rates in 
     the region, and the highest mortality rates for mothers and 
     young children.
       ``With the economy now, state assets are war spoils, and 
     what we call `corruption' . . . is simply [the government] 
     running the country like a family business,'' said Sam 
     Rainsy, the main opposition party leader. ``If we continue 
     like that, we will go down the drain.''
       Asked about the pace of Cambodia's development and human 
     rights record under the current government, the government 
     spokesman said more time and money were needed. (Cambodia 
     receives about $500 million annually from foreign donors.) He 
     also said Cambodia was being held to a higher standard of 
     democracy than its neighbors.

[[Page 4298]]

       ``We don't have enough human resources,'' Khieu Kanharith 
     said. ``We've had a lot of assistance from donor countries. 
     If you want to blame someone, blame them.''
       Many are now looking for the international community to 
     increase the pressure on the government. Although some U.S. 
     senators have criticized the government, reaction from most 
     foreign governments and development institutions, many of 
     whom provide the funding for Cambodia to function, has been 
     muted.
       ``Where is the outrage?'' asked Cox, from the International 
     Republican Institute.
       Meanwhile, the political stalemate had delayed the 
     convening of the long-awaited Khmer Rouge war-crimes 
     tribunal. Government and opposition politicians say the 
     tribunal would go forward once a government was formed.

  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.

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