[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 2]
[House]
[Pages 2422-2428]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                          HAITI NEEDS OUR HELP

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bishop of Utah). Under the Speaker's 
announced policy of January 7, 2003, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. 
Cummings) is recognized for 60 minutes.


                             General Leave

  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their 
remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of my Special 
Order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings)?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, Haiti today is facing an economic, 
political and humanitarian crisis so severe that the United States 
Government and the United States Congress have no choice but to 
immediately act. Daily, Haitians are dying as a result of the violence. 
These deaths are intolerable, and the United States simply cannot sit 
back and watch a country in our own hemisphere spiral into chaos.
  Our government has voiced concern that Haitians, desperate to escape 
the escalating violence and poverty, will flood American shores. As a 
matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, just this evening there are reports that 
boats are coming towards the United States from Haiti filled with 
people fleeing literally for their lives.
  We should be more concerned about the drastic conditions that led to 
the desperation and hopelessness of these Haitians refugees. The 
Congressional Black Caucus calls upon the President and the 
international community to work with the elected leadership in Haiti to 
bring about an end to the political turbulence and stop the attempted 
coup d'etat that is mounting in that country.
  Mr. Speaker, let me be absolutely clear. It is imperative that the 
United States involve itself with an international force to create 
stability in Haiti before more lives are lost. We cannot afford to lose 
another day or another life due to our inaction. Because of the urgency 
of the Haitian crisis, my colleagues in the Congressional Black Caucus 
and I went to the White House and laid out our concerns today before 
President Bush. I must say, it was a good meeting with the President.
  We explained to the President that we were tired of turning on our 
televisions every day and hearing about the slaughter of Haitian 
people. We explained to him that we believed with all the sincerity in 
our hearts that this was an urgent situation, and that the President of 
the United States was facing a very critical moment in his Presidency, 
and that he could do so much to turn this situation around.
  We explained to him that there are so many people throughout the 
world who for various reasons had gotten or created within their minds 
a very negative view about the United States of America, but this was a 
time when he could act and turn some of those views around and show 
that not only was he a concerned President, but he was indeed a 
compassionate President.
  So we had an opportunity, a rare opportunity I must admit, to meet 
with the President of the United States today, the Congressional Black 
Caucus did. Twenty Members were there, and we were very pleased to also 
have an opportunity at the same time to meet with Condoleezza Rice and 
Colin Powell.
  Let me just pause here to say that we expressed to Colin Powell, the 
Secretary of State, our gratitude for all of the hard work he had been 
doing over the past several weeks. It was Colin Powell that stayed in 
contact with many Caucus members. It was Colin Powell that tried to 
find ways to diplomatically resolve this matter, and at the same time 
we felt that things had not moved to the degree that we wanted them to; 
and so, therefore, we had asked to meet with the President.
  Now, when we met with the President today, when the Congressional 
Black Caucus met with the President, there were several things that we 
wanted him to do, and to his credit he gave the utmost consideration to 
these things. Number one, we asked that he immediately make a statement 
to the world about his concern for the Haitian people, for his concern 
towards President Aristide, and his concern about this wonderful 
democracy that we have in Haiti that is under attack.
  When I say wonderful democracy, Mr. Speaker, I do not mean to say 
that Haiti does not have its problems, it does. But our point was that 
there is a democracy in the sense that President Aristide was duly 
elected, and just as we have gone around the world to protect 
democracies wherever we felt the need to do so, it was our belief that 
because he was elected, no matter what one's views might be towards the 
way he governs his country, that the United States should make sure 
that this democracy, which is only 650 miles from our shore, should be 
sustained.

                              {time}  2000

  So basically we were asking him for three things and our goals were 
very simple. One, we wanted to make sure that there would be a laying 
down of weapons so that we might find some peace. As you know, Mr. 
Speaker, the rebels have all kinds of ammunition and all kinds of 
weapons. We realize that in order for us to move to any kind of 
resolution, one of the first things that has to happen, there has to be 
a laying down of arms. Number two, we said that we wanted the rule of 
law to be restored. The rule of law, of course, is very important. It 
is almost impossible to have any kind of peace when people are in chaos 
and they are not obeying the rule of law. We can see that very clearly 
just here recently as we looked at our televisions and saw the looting 
that was taking place and we saw some of the human harm that had been 
taking place. Clearly, a major problem with the rule of law. And, 
number three, we asked the President to make sure that there was some 
diplomatic resolution with regard to Haiti.

[[Page 2423]]

  As we went into more detail, we asked the President to make a 
statement as soon as possible, and he said he would, making it clear 
that the United States stands for this democracy and that we have a 
major, major concern about the fact that so many people are being 
harmed and that it was our hope that a peaceful resolution would come 
to that land. Number two, we also asked the President to create a 
humanitarian corridor. He expressed great interest in this. What we 
mean by a humanitarian corridor, Mr. Speaker, is create a way by which 
humanitarian assistance such as food and medicine and water, because 
one of the major problems in Haiti right now is that there is 
insufficient water and food for so many, and these are the people that 
we do not hear so much about. These are the people who are suffering 
and dying, but the fact is that all we hear is about the rebels and the 
harm that they have done.
  So the number two thing that we asked for was this humanitarian 
corridor; and we asked that the President, if he deemed it appropriate, 
and we think that it is almost necessary, to send troops in and work 
with our allies to make sure that organizations like the Red Cross and 
others have a way to get that humanitarian aid to the people that need 
it and so that they would be protected. The President said that he 
would indeed consider this.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, we asked him to consider sending in from 300 to 
400 troops to maintain the peace. As we keep up with the news with 
regard to Haiti, it is clear that there is a steady march by the rebels 
towards Port-au-Prince. As you know, Mr. Speaker, that is the capital 
of Haiti. That is where President Aristide lives, and we were concerned 
that if President Aristide, if the rebels come into Port-au-Prince, 
that the death of President Aristide would be imminent. I think the 
President understood that, that is, President Bush understood that. He 
understands clearly that we are dealing with an urgent situation, and 
he said that he would take that into consideration and would get back 
to us as soon as possible.
  So we have faith that the President will do the right thing. We have 
faith that, as he looked into our eyes and we looked into his, he 
understood that this was not about politics, but this was about life. 
He understood, we do believe, that this was not about simply trying to 
save a President, but it was about saving the President of Haiti and 
also making sure that we save many, many lives. I think that as he 
looked into our eyes, he could see the sincerity and could see that we 
realize clearly that if we did not take action and that he did not take 
action, that the blood of the people of Haiti would be on all of our 
hands. And so we had a very good meeting, but it is only a beginning. 
We have vowed to try to work with the President, with Secretary Powell, 
and Condoleezza Rice to make sure that a peaceful resolution comes to 
Haiti as soon as possible.
  Mr. Speaker, so often as we look around the world and look at the 
difficult problems that face so many people and countries across the 
world, it must be difficult at times to try to figure out for a 
President and for his advisers as to where you intervene and where you 
do not. But one thing has been clear with regard to United States 
policy and that is that we have consistently done everything in our 
power to hold up democracies that are in trouble.
  Clearly, the democracy in Haiti is in trouble. And so the President 
has made it clear that he will issue a statement sometime this evening, 
and we look forward to that statement. He assured us that he would 
address the issues after consulting with Ms. Rice and Secretary Powell, 
would address the issues with regard to the humanitarian corridor and 
with regard to sending troops in to quell the violence and make sure 
that there was a diplomatic resolution taking place.
  And so it was a very proud moment for the Congressional Black Caucus. 
It was a moment that shall definitely live in the DNA of our brains 
forever. Because one of the things that I guess hit me as we were 
sitting there is that 100 years ago, none of us were here. One hundred 
years from now none of us will be here. The question is what do we do 
now for our fellow human beings? And although they may be 700 miles 
from our shore and although we may not feel a relationship with them, 
not all Americans may feel a relationship with them, the fact is that 
they are our brothers and they are our sisters. I am always reminded in 
these situations, Mr. Speaker, of the song that says:

     No man is an island
     No man stands alone.
     Each man's joy is joy to me
     And each man's grief is my own.
     We need one another, so I will defend
     Each man as my brother and each man as my friend.

  And so the Congressional Black Caucus has decided to stand, to stand 
for people who are going through great difficulties, to stand for 
children who as we speak find themselves in boats heading for a land of 
opportunity. Stand. We decided to stand for a President that finds 
himself in great difficulty. Stand. We decided to stand for democracy, 
democracy that this country hails as being one of the greatest forms of 
government that ever existed. We continue to stand.
  With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield now to the gentleman 
from Florida (Mr. Meek).
  Mr. MEEK of Florida. I am glad to be here to not only address the 
House but also the American people. I think what is so very, very 
important and proud to be a Member of the U.S. Congress on this day, of 
making sure that we do the right thing under the circumstances. Right 
now, Mr. Speaker, we have not only one but two carriers with Haitians 
that are being interdicted by the U.S. Coast Guard right now. I do not 
think that there needs to be a mountain of evidence to even show that 
there are individuals in Haiti that are being persecuted as we speak, 
that are losing their lives, that are being beaten for either being for 
the pro-government or anti-government forces that are there. And then 
you have innocent individuals that are in the middle of all of this 
gunfire and violence that is taking place, children, women, people, 
young men, older men that are there just trying to be citizens of a 
country. A democracy as shaky as it may be, it is still a democracy.
  We recently met with the President, just today, and I am glad that 
members of this caucus and Members of this United States Congress 
shared with the President the importance, the fact that we are America 
and that we wear the breastplate of righteousness as it relates to 
standing and fighting for democracies. If we support or we are against 
President Aristide, that is not the issue here. The issue is that a 
democracy is being overthrown by a gun as we stand idly by and make 
tough talk about Haitians leaving Haiti. To not do anything about the 
killing and the fighting that is going on right now in Haiti and in the 
same breath say Haitians stay in Haiti, don't take to the sea, it does 
not work toward logic to a diplomatic solution or a political solution 
of what is taking place now in Haiti.
  I have said it before, and I will say it again tonight, our policy 
should not be driven on how many Haitians are face down in Haiti on the 
ground or are floating face down in the waters around Haiti and the 
United States. I will tell you that it is not healthy for our 
hemisphere; it is not healthy for our policy of making sure that we put 
forth democracies in the Caribbean and in this hemisphere, and it works 
against logic. So I urge the President, though we urged him earlier 
today, let individuals that are carrying guns know in Haiti, as they 
are getting more and more equipped as the hours go by.
  Just a week and a half ago, there were 1960-style rifles that these 
rebels, thugs, whatever we want to call them or they identify 
themselves as, 1960-style rifles that can shoot maybe three or four 
bullets. Now they are almost up to par with U.S. troops. They are 
wearing full body armor, armored helmets, AR-15s, M-16s, American made, 
I must add, carrying a magazine of bullets of 40 to 50 rounds, banana 
clips, radio capabilities; and they are holding press conferences. If 
we expect for the people

[[Page 2424]]

of Haiti, a human being, to keep their family in that kind of 
environment, thinking that they are just going to suck it up and take 
the bullets, then we are in for a rude awakening.
  I want to talk about U.S. taxpayers. If we play defense of having our 
Coast Guard out there waiting in a 5-mile radius from each other, 
planes flying over to detect boats and things of that nature, all those 
resources focused on Haiti, what is happening to some of the other 
countries where we know we have a footprint of terrorism in the 
Caribbean? It is not Haiti, but I think it is important that we 
understand that and take that under heavy consideration.
  I know that the American people are compassionate people. And if we 
are in Iraq justifying our presence of being there, of saying that we 
stand for democracy and we stand for the lives of the Iraqi people, 
then definitely 650 miles off the coast of the continental United 
States, we should stand for a democracy if we had an international 
force there to be able to stop the violence and start diplomatic talks.
  I want to thank the gentleman for allowing me to address the House 
tonight. I know that we have to continue to follow this situation, but 
I would also like to add before I close that the Haitians that are on 
boats now, we have to remember international law and our own laws, if 
they can prove persecution, if they fear persecution, if returning back 
to Haiti, what the President said earlier today cannot stand. It is 
almost like we are sending them back to be murdered. So it is important 
that we set up the opportunity for them to receive the due process that 
they deserve. If we agree or not with illegal immigration, it is 
important that we ask other countries to do the same, that we do things 
by the book and by the law.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. I want to thank the gentleman for his statement.

                              {time}  2015

  Question: I know the gentleman has been very concerned about this 
issue because one of the reasons I know he has an extraordinary 
sensitivity, as there are many Haitians that live in his district. Is 
that right?
  Mr. MEEK of Florida. That is correct; and, Mr. Speaker, it is the 
highest concentration of Haitians in the United States. And I will tell 
the gentleman this: the Haitian people have been so involved in this 
country's history. They fought with us for our independence, and they 
are major, major contributors to not only our economy. We have a 
positive trade relationship with Haiti, and they create many U.S. jobs. 
Because of that positive relationship that is very important, Mr. 
Speaker, whichever side that people may fall on this issue, we cannot 
allow democracies to be taken over by gun and violence, and that is the 
bottom line.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, not only are the Haitian people going 
through what they are going to in Haiti, but one of the things I think 
a lot of people do not realize is that some 75 to 80 percent of people 
in Haiti live in pure poverty, and I know that when one combines the 
need for humanitarian assistance such as clean water with the violence, 
it has got to be painful just as it is painful to us. I would imagine 
for many of the gentleman's constituents, it is very painful, too, 
knowing that they have relatives that are going through all that, and 
then the violence makes it even more difficult for them to live any 
semblance of a normal life and definitely almost precludes any kind of 
assistance for going in; and I think that is one of the reasons why we 
talked today with the President about this humanitarian corridor.
  Mr. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, that is 110 percent right. We have 
to look at the stage the way it is set. I think it is important for us 
to understand the U.S. has asked U.S. citizens and mission workers to 
leave Haiti for their own safety. The French have advised their own 
citizens, which is justified. Canadians have done the same and other 
representatives from other countries that are there.
  There are a number of U.S. citizens still in Haiti. That is still 
something for us to take into account. Because 97 percent of social 
services in Haiti, including schools and educating the children, are by 
missions. They are privatized. I mean, it is not like the government 
has the ability to be able to put forth an education system. So when 
that breaks down, that means that the elderly are not receiving the 
care that they have received before in the past. Children are not 
receiving the kind of care that they need, prenatal care for women that 
are pregnant, some of the very things that are there. The AIDS and HIV 
work that this country is invested in, should invest more but has 
invested in, is all going to go for naught and having to rebuild all of 
that if we do not stop the violence.
  We have people that are pro-Aristide and that are against Aristide; 
but one thing they have in common, Mr. Speaker, is that we must, 
yesterday, stop the violence. They know that has to happen. And unless 
we stop that from happening, we are not going to be able to come up 
with a diplomatic or political solution to this situation.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I think that Members of this Congress should 
continue to press on, and I am glad that we met with the President and 
Secretary Powell and also Dr. Rice, National Security Adviser; and the 
President's Chief of Staff, Mr. Andy Card. We have taken it to the 
highest levels that it can be taken to in this country and in the 
international community. Very little has to be done by us to prevent 
drowning of Haitians and Haitians face down in the streets of Haiti and 
very little, very little of a presence and leadership.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman and the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Lee), who will be coming up next, for being a part 
of that meeting today because it was indeed a very historic meeting. So 
while there is very little to be done, it must be done immediately.
  Mr. MEEK of Florida. Yes, sir.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Because the longer we wait, the worse it gets. And so I 
really appreciate the gentleman's participation in the meeting today 
with the President.
  Mr. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman 
from Northern California (Ms. Lee).
  Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, first let me thank our chairman of the 
Congressional Black Caucus once again for his leadership not only in 
unifying the Congressional Black Caucus around such an important issue 
but also in terms of insisting that we move forward not only in terms 
of our position but in terms of trying to make sure that we are 
actively involved in trying to help save lives, and that is really what 
we are doing. So I thank the chairman very much for his leadership.
  This has been, as it relates to Haiti, in some respects a very sad 
time for many of us. Just last night we were here again talking about 
the fact that we wanted our government to actively engage in attempting 
to forge a cease-fire, to insist that the rule of law be adhered to, 
and to insist that the Haitian constitution be complied with. We were 
told again last evening at about 5 o'clock that we needed another 
extension, that the opposition was not going to comply with any 
political agreement. And here we are again tonight. Still the 
opposition has not agreed to a political settlement. More lives are 
being lost. The thugs are moving into Port-au-Prince. And at least 
tonight, however, under our chairman's leadership, we have had a chance 
to talk to the President directly and to Dr. Rice and to Secretary 
Powell to convey our sense of urgency, which I hope they understood and 
felt during our meeting. Because we are witnessing right next door the 
world's oldest black nation deteriorate. We are witnessing right next 
door in our own hemisphere thugs carrying M-16s and M-50s, weapons, I 
understand, that probably are made in the United States of America. 
Where they are getting these weapons from, who knows. Here we are 
witnessing once again tonight, as we felt last night and witnessed last 
night, the lack of action by our government to stop and to prevent a 
violent overthrow, a violent coup d'etat of a duly-

[[Page 2425]]

elected, democratically elected President. We would not tolerate that 
anywhere else in the world. We just would not tolerate it.
  So today I believe our meeting put forth the Congressional Black 
Caucus's sense of urgency to the President, and also I believe, Mr. 
Speaker, what it did was convey to him that we understand that saving 
lives and not allowing a violent overthrow of a government that is duly 
elected is not a Democratic issue, and it is not a Republican issue, 
but this is a bipartisan issue. It should be nonpartisan. It should be 
nonpartisan. We are talking about saving lives and preventing 
bloodshed, preventing a possible civil war from erupting. This is 
serious business, and there is no way we should sleep, really, and I am 
very glad that my colleague, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers), 
has called for a Haiti watch, 24 hours. As co-chair with the gentleman 
from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) of the Haiti task force, I cannot think of 
anything that is more important right now.
  We have written to the President. We have communicated with Secretary 
Powell. Not just this week, but the Congressional Black Caucus has been 
sounding the alarm for months really with regard to this unfortunate 
moment with which we are faced. And so now is the time that our great 
country can step up to the plate and can say to both sides that peace 
is the only option. There are no other options. Again, as I said 
earlier, how does one negotiate a political settlement with thugs 
carrying M-16s and M-50s? So we do not need any more extensions with 
regard to the political settlement that President Aristide has 
embraced, that CARICOM has embraced, that the international community 
has embraced. I mean, this is useless at this point.
  Tomorrow, I understand, the Security Council will meet. They may 
consider a resolution calling for international security forces; and if 
that happens, I sure hope that our government does not block that. In 
fact, I wish and I hope that we support that effort. But minimally we 
should allow the world community to come together to say no to this 
violence and insist on a cease-fire and insist on upholding a 
democratically elected government.
  Eight million Haitian lives are at stake, Mr. Speaker. There is no 
way that any of us should allow any of these people to die on our 
watch, on our watch. History will record whether or not we just stood 
there and said, so be it. We did not especially like this policy of the 
Aristide government or that policy and hands off at this point. History 
is going to record if we took that position and did nothing that the 
lives of these 8 million people are in our hands and the blood will be 
on our hands if, in fact, the bloodbath occurs, which is what we 
tonight are trying to prevent.
  So let me just say to the Speaker, to the chairman, that I think the 
President, and I know Secretary Powell and Dr. Rice, got it. I know 
they got it. But what is important is what are they going to do with 
what they got. They cannot just say we abhor the violence and it is bad 
and it is wrong for folks to kill each other. We are the most powerful 
country in the world. So the question is, what are they going to do 
tonight? What are they going to do?
  So I want to thank again the Congressional Black Caucus for stepping 
up to the plate. Hopefully, the rest of the House of Representatives at 
least will step up to the plate tomorrow and join us in our efforts. I 
think we need to make sure that every Republican and every Democrat in 
this House stands for democracy in our own hemisphere, stands for an 
end to the violence, and stands for United States support for a cease-
fire and an end to this carnage that is taking place in Haiti.
  I thank the chairman for his leadership, and let us hope that we are 
waking up America.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to call on the Bush administration to 
lead the international community in supporting efforts to pass a U.N. 
Security Council resolution, provide international forces, and do 
everything possible to prevent violence and save Haitian lives.
  At any moment, the democratically elected President of Haiti could be 
overthrown any minute and at risk is the safety of over 8 million lives 
in Haiti.
  Time is of the essence, and the Bush administration has failed to 
adequately address the dire need for a solution.
  Far too many lives have been lost, too many children have been 
orphaned and fear has begun to set in.
  Nevertheless, our administration has minimized their involvement to 
diplomacy--which to date has been inadequate.
  The Bush administration has done nothing to help Haiti since coming 
into office except embargo economic, social, and most importantly now 
political assistance to Haiti.
  Even if we look directly at the support the administration has given 
since January, I believe they have done nothing to save one Haitian 
life.
  The administration was well aware of the political stalemate facing 
the country and the need for elections, yet they did nothing to bring 
the opposition to the table and on January 12, the term of the 47th 
legislature came to a close with the departure of 83 Deputies and 4 
senators left.
  Later that week, on January 15, the CARICOM community came out and 
said, ``We are all committed to free and fair elections, dedicating 
resources from our respective countries, with the help of other 
countries in the hemisphere, to create a framework from which we are 
able to guarantee free and fair elections.''
  CARICOM held talks on Haiti in an effort to end the political impasse 
and unrest and developed the CARICOM proposal that we are still asking 
the opposition to accept an agreement which was endorsed by the 
president over a month ago.
  The administration still bided its time, and allowed the opposition 
to impede the democratic process.
  The administration allowed the Organization of American States to do 
its diplomatic duties toward Haiti, and the OAS convened an emergency 
meeting to discuss Haiti. OAS endorses the CARICOM proposal, condemns 
the escalating violence in Haiti, and adopts Resolution 861.
  After allowing even more time to pass, the Bush administration 
finally felt pressure from the international community and this 
Congress to act.
  A team of international diplomats from the United States, Canada, 
France, CARICOM, and the OAS traveled to Haiti on February 21 in an 
attempt to broker the same peace plan that the opposition parties had 
rejected over a month ago.
  Why was it a surprise that they would reject is again on February 23.
  Why did our administration allow the opposition another 24 hours to 
say no--again?
  Many have speculated that the additional 24 hours to accept the 
CARICOM plan was necessary because the opposition was in a position to 
accept it, but the ultimate outcome was: More violence, more lives 
lost, more cities burned, and more fear spread throughout the country.
  President Aristide accepts the peace plan and opposition are given 
until February 23 to accept or reject it.
  Any legitimacy that the opposition had is gone.
  They have repeatedly refused to support the democratic process by 
continually rejecting any offer to resolve the conflict peacefully.
  Now is the time to move toward averting a disaster and stop the 
violence by pushing our administration to lead the international 
community in protecting the dually elected President, the people of 
Haiti, and upholding the Haitian Constitution.
  If we allow this coup to occur, we will be responsible for the deaths 
of thousands because we sat on our hands and refused to bring light on 
the real criminals, killers, and antidemocracy forces involved in this 
coup d'etat.
  We, the members of the Congressional Black Caucus, friends of Haiti, 
and supporters of democracy will not allow the current crisis in Haiti 
to be ignored.
  We marched up to the White House today, and refused to leave until 
our urgent message was heard.
  We met with Secretary Powell, Dr. Rice and ultimately President Bush.
  We told them that the time is now to enforce a cease fire, laying 
down arms, honoring the rule of law, and honoring the Haitian 
Constitution.
  Bush must show some leadership and speak out against the violence and 
disregard for the rule of law in Haiti.
  President Bush should speak out in support of the democratically 
elected President of Haiti and provide President Aristide the 
assistance he needs to promote peace on the ground,

[[Page 2426]]

allow free and fair elections to take place, and uphold the Haitian 
Constitution.
  Democracy in Haiti is in grave danger. Turmoil rages on the ground, 
in the streets, at the university, through the halls of the government, 
and in the homes of Haitians.
  Haitians are dying, and it is apparent that the hope for peace is 
diminishing.
  If we believe in the power of democracy and the potential for global 
peace we must not turn a blind eye to our neighbor and long-time ally.
  The United States must stop dragging its feet, lead the charge at the 
United Nations' Security Council meeting tomorrow, and answer the call 
for assistance from President Aristide.
  The United States of America cannot give more time for more people to 
get killed.
  Haiti, our neighbor and a sovereign democracy, has stood by us 
through thick and thin.
  Haiti remains the world's oldest independent Black nation.
  We must work with our neighbor, to secure peace in our region, and 
uplift Haiti's proud history.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman for her 
statement. And as she was speaking, I could not help but think about 
the book entitled ``Seize the Time.'' And that is what this is all 
about, seizing this moment and doing what needs to be done to save a 
lot of lives. So I really do appreciate what she has done. I thank her 
for being at the meeting today too.
  Ms. LEE. I thank the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings). We must 
seize the time. We cannot wait any longer.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Michigan 
(Mr. Conyers), the dean of the Congressional Black Caucus and one who 
has been very strongly involved in this issue.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. 
Cummings). I am delighted to participate in this Special Order. And we 
have all agreed that the original objective of this was to discuss 
black history, and that has been postponed until next week; and it will 
be given thorough consideration here.
  What we are talking about tonight is world history, and the events 
that I just want to comment on turn around the meeting with Senator 
Dodd last evening, with Senator DeWine, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Meek), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Corrine Brown), the Canadian 
ambassador, and the French ambassador. The French ambassador to the 
U.S., the Canadian ambassador to the U.S. And what we were talking 
about there was the importance of getting our international bodies 
committed, CARICOM, the Organization of American States, the Security 
Council and the United Nations and how that could be gone about.

                              {time}  2030

  I was encouraged by the positions taken by both ambassadors, 
particularly the French Ambassador. Our colleague, the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Waters), points out that in South Africa there is a 
readiness to intervene. It was a very positive meeting.
  Today we had nearly two dozen Members of Congress, including the 
Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, the gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Rangel), the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), the gentleman from North 
Carolina (Mr. Watt), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens), the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Meeks), the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek), the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Corrine Brown), at least a couple gentlewomen from 
California, maybe all three, and the gentlewoman from the Virgin 
Islands were with us.
  Now, we asked to see the President. We were greeted by the Secretary 
of State, Colin Powell, and the Chief Security Adviser, Dr. Condoleezza 
Rice, and Mr. Andy Card, and we had a very intense, frank exchange that 
led to the reconsideration of whether we were going to meet with the 
President of the United States.
  I suppose in the course of history it may not be considered important 
that there was a reconsideration that led us to meet with the President 
of the United States, and it was on the basis of our collective 
arguments to the two Cabinet members that we were at a precipice, that 
this was so immediate that continued political negotiations were really 
not appropriate. After all, many parts of the north have been taken by 
rebels, drug lords, gangsters, ne'er-do-wells and a legitimate 
political opposition. The second largest city in Haiti has already been 
captured.
  Yesterday, at 5 o'clock p.m., the final offer that Secretary of State 
Powell had worked so hard on was rejected. It is not hard to interpret 
from that that the decision had been made to move forward and to take 
over the country; that they did not want to negotiate, even though 
President Aristide had quickly agreed to every condition in the 
proposal that was being brokered by the Secretary of State.
  So the question that remains now is what are the steps that we ought 
to take, and we expect to hear from the President to speak about our 
opposition to any violent overthrow of any nation in the Western 
Hemisphere less than an hour away from our shores. So this is quite 
important.
  I should mention that our colleague, the gentlewoman from Illinois 
(Ms. Schakowsky), was with us, and she was with us at the press 
conference earlier, and that our colleague the gentlewoman from Texas 
(Ms. Jackson-Lee), was likewise at both events.
  Now, there are several ways that we can approach this matter. One is 
to assume that we can still negotiate politically toward a settlement, 
which some had argued was a precondition to us sending in support. The 
only problem with that is that if the rebels and the assorted groups 
that are demanding now to oust the President with no agreement 
whatsoever, that there would be nobody left for us to negotiate with if 
that were to occur. In addition, the country would be in ruin.
  Furthermore, it is not hard to perceive that if there was an outbreak 
of violence between these two groups, Lavalas and the citizens loyal to 
their government and those who want Aristide's ouster, that it would be 
the largest bloodbath in recent Haitian history, and that it could 
result in the assassination of the President of Haiti.
  It was out of that concern that we wanted to make sure that we 
insulate the Government of Haiti, as well as the President. That was 
based on the simple premise that if we cannot protect the head of the 
government, then we cannot protect any of the other 8 million people 
there. So it was important that we have this meeting.
  Now, I want to take this moment to praise the President of the United 
States for agreeing to see us and agreeing to consider the proposal 
laid out by the Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus and others 
that were present. This constitutes a reconsideration of immense 
proportions, because I do not think that the President has been looking 
at this from the point of view of the members of the caucus and our 
contacts in Haiti.
  We do have a member of the caucus that has personally visited this 
country on three occasions. It now turns out, thanks to a Senator in 
the other body, that a plane will be provided for us to make sure 
everyone in the Caribbean, that all the millions of occupants and 
citizens of this independent nation struggling economically and 
socially to survive will know that the Congressional Black Caucus, 39 
men and women strong, are completely behind the order and the legal 
process that requires that under no circumstance can violence be used 
to resolve internal political differences, not just in the Western 
Hemisphere, but anywhere in the world, for that matter.
  That is what we stand for. That is why we helped create the United 
Nations. That is why we have worked on issue after issue on the planet, 
whether it be in Eastern Europe, the Middle East or anywhere else.
  So I join proudly the members of the caucus, who comported themselves 
extremely properly. They were duly aware of the circumstances between 
the Congress and the White House, and I think this was, as the 
gentleman from Maryland (Chairman Cummings) has said, an important, 
and, yes, I believe a turning point in the destiny of this small, but 
great, nation.

[[Page 2427]]


  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for his 
statement. I want to thank him also for his leadership and thank him 
for his participation today in our meeting.
  I now yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for 
yielding. I, too, want to join with the others in thanking him for his 
leadership for the past year and a half, but particularly on today, on 
this day where crisis and time is of the essence.
  I want to thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) and the 
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) for their leadership on the Haiti 
Task Force. One always has to thank the great gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Waters) for simply being Maxine Waters.
  Mr. Speaker, it is indeed again another one of those times where it 
is true that the Congressional Black Caucus is indeed the conscience of 
the Congress, and I would hope that with today's meeting we have 
awakened the conscience of those individuals that are currently at 1600 
Pennsylvania Avenue, that we must not stand idly by as a Nation, a 
Nation that believes in democracy, and allow a people to die and a 
democracy to be wiped out.
  We are indeed the world's only superpower, and just off our shores, 
in our hemisphere, is a case of democracy being dismantled by 
individuals who, by every account that I have heard, are violent, are 
thugs and criminals. In fact, the opposition is supposed to be 
peaceful, though they will not get to the negotiating table or agree to 
anything that has been put on the table so that this can be resolved in 
a peaceful way.
  But because we are the only world superpower, it seems to me that we 
would have the ability to drive to get people to the table, to make 
that kind of difference, to save the lives, so that we can never see 
people dying in the streets, as we did just a short time ago in Rwanda.
  In fact, I appeal to Americans that even in being selfish about this, 
when you think about what is going on in the world, if you want to be 
selfish about this, you know, if you have instability in Haiti, there 
could be instability here. In fact, people are coming now. The 
President says, ``Don't come.'' But they are going to come if their 
lives are on the line. They are going to go somewhere, and they are 
going to try to come here.
  I think it is in our best interests to make sure that we intercede 
and have peaceful negotiations take place, and those negotiations are 
obviously not going to take place unless there is something 
affirmatively done to cause it to happen. We have the strength and the 
ability to do that.
  Now, we do not have to do it alone. Clearly there are others that 
have agreed that they will come. They are just looking for a word; they 
are looking for some kind of indication to say, ``Go do this,'' so we 
can bring Canada, we can bring France, and we can bring CARICOM along 
with us.

                              {time}  2045

  Now, I will start wrapping it up, because I know that we have a lot 
of Members who want to say something in regards to this. I will 
conclude by saying that without military intervention, be it the United 
States, not just by ourselves, or an international military 
intervention at this point, I fear that the leaders of Haiti with the 
most guns will feel that they can rule Haiti. It becomes the law of the 
jungle. And I seriously cannot see how those who would kill and destroy 
the institutions that currently exist, such as hospitals and other 
institutions that are being burned, will bring this great country back 
up. Let us act now, because the camera of history is roaming. Let it 
not be on our time that we say that we stood by and did nothing, 
allowing democracy to topple and people and bloodshed to fill the 
streets.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge the President of the United States to do 
something to act, to lead, to save lives and save democracy in the 
country of Haiti.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his statement 
and his leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), 
my friend and colleague, who has just spent a phenomenal amount of time 
in Haiti and has been just a tremendous adviser to all of us in the 
caucus and has given so much blood, sweat, and tears and passion to 
this cause. I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from California 
(Ms. Waters).
  Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to first thank the gentleman 
from Maryland (Chairman Cummings) for the tremendous leadership he has 
provided to the members of the Congressional Black Caucus and 
ultimately to this House. Today he organized the members and we took 
the extraordinary step of going to the White House to present our case. 
I would like to thank the chairman for the leadership that he provided 
in the room with the President, with Secretary Powell, with Dr. 
Condoleezza Rice, and others. He presented our case and he presented it 
well. It was supported by other members of the Congressional Black 
Caucus as we added to the presentation. In the final analysis, Mr. 
Speaker, we were able to paint the picture to lay out the case of what 
is going on in Haiti at this moment.
  What we have is this, Mr. Speaker. We have the President of Haiti 
whose back is up against the wall. We have the President who signed on 
to a peace agreement that was presented by the international community, 
led by the United States of America. We have the President with a 
dwindling police force; and members of his police force are being 
killed every hour, not simply by the opposition, but by thugs and ex-
military folks who have been in exile and who have come back into Haiti 
to join in this mayhem. He is sitting there asking for help. He has 
reached out to the United States. He has done everything that we have 
asked him to do, and he is waiting for some help.
  In this coalition that we have, the United States, France, Canada, 
the OAS, the U.N., and CARICOM, it is time for somebody to step 
forward. We made our case to the President tonight because we want this 
great Nation to step forward and to lend a helping hand to this small, 
poor country in this hemisphere. We think it is the right thing to do. 
We want our country to lead. But as we stand on this floor tonight, we 
are saying to France, we are saying to Canada, we are saying to 
CARICOM, the U.N., OAS, all of them, somebody please step forward and 
avoid the blood bath that we feel could happen at any time.
  We believe that not only should the United States provide some 
leadership, but this peace proposal was based on a presentation by 
CARICOM. This is the CARICOM proposal that was put on the table. Our 
friends in Jamaica and in the Bahamas and other states of the Caribbean 
who are so intricately involved in this must step forward. As I stand 
here, it is necessary for Jamaica to be in contact with South Africa in 
order for South Africa to be able to respond under the banner of 
CARICOM.
  And so our message is not only to the President. We think he should 
lead, we think we should lead, but to all of the others who are in this 
coalition. Those friends of ours in the Caribbean, in CARICOM, who put 
this proposal together know what happens to small nation states. They 
understand what has been happening to Haiti for years. They too have to 
receive immigrants from Haiti who have been escaping Haiti for years. 
Finally, we thought they were settled under Aristide and this 
presidency. We know that we had the problems of people who did not want 
Aristide, who was responsible for the coup d'etat, the same people are 
involved that did not want him in the first place; the same folks who 
have enriched themselves on the backs of the poor people there and do 
not want change.
  But I suppose we could stand here all night and discuss the history 
of Haiti and talk about how Haiti has been undermined, how we have had 
people right here in the Congress of the United States, both Houses who 
have worked against Haiti for years. But rather than talk about all of 
that, this time should be used to make the plea, to say to our 
President, move now; to say to CARICOM, it is your proposal,

[[Page 2428]]

enforce it. If the opposition does not support it, it is time to move 
ahead and stabilize this little country, save the lives, avoid the 
blood bath and emerge as honorable in all of this, honorable people, an 
honorable country that reached out a helping hand and did the right 
thing at the right time. We cannot wait any longer, Mr. Speaker.
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say this: we in the 
Congressional Black Caucus stand very strongly behind this effort to 
bring peace to this land of Haiti, and we will continue to stand, and 
we do appreciate the meeting that we did have with the President today. 
But in echoing the words of the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), 
we want the President to act. Words are nice, but now he must act.

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