[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 14]
[Senate]
[Pages 19265-19280]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




      FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS 
                        APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2005

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Appropriations 
Committee is discharged from further consideration of and the Senate 
will proceed to the consideration of H.R. 4818, which the clerk will 
report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A bill (H.R. 4818) making appropriations for foreign 
     operations, export financing, and related programs for the 
     fiscal year ending September 30, 2005, and for other 
     purposes.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. All after the enacting clause is stricken, and 
the text of S. 2812, the Senate Foreign Operations appropriations bill, 
is inserted in lieu thereof. The amendment is considered as original 
text, with no points of order waived.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader is recognized.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, we have had a long day already, but we made 
real progress. Again, over the course of the day, people do not see all 
the activity that has gone on. The managers of the bill and myself have 
actually spent most of the day on the bill we just went to, and that is 
the Foreign Operations bill. I say that because a lot of work has been 
done, a lot of negotiations and a lot of discussion, and our intention 
is we are on the bill to complete the bill tonight.
  There are still discussions about amendments, and we want to make 
sure they are appropriately considered. But the intent is to finish 
debate and voting on whatever amendments there might be and passage 
tonight. It means it may well be a late night--it is already fairly 
late--or we could finish in a fairly expeditious way.
  In the event that we do not complete the bill tonight, we will be 
voting tomorrow morning. We will have to stack the votes for tomorrow 
morning. That is not what the majority of Senators have expressed over 
the course of the day and the last few hours; thus, it is our intention 
to be voting tonight, and we will be voting tonight, and to complete 
the bill tonight.
  I would like the Democratic leader to comment. The reason we feel it 
is important to finish tonight is the Jewish holiday is tomorrow. A lot 
of people have travel plans over the course of the day; thus, it is 
critical we finish.
  Next week, we will be going directly to the intelligence reform 
issue. We need to be focusing on the safety and security of the 
American people. That does mean an appropriate response to the 9/11 
Commission recommendations. Thus, with so few days left before October 
8, it is absolutely critical we complete this bill tonight or very 
early in the morning. Our intention is to complete it tonight.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader is recognized.

[[Page 19266]]


  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I agree wholeheartedly with the majority 
leader. We have a window of about 24 hours. A number of colleagues have 
indicated to us that they would prefer that we not have any votes at 
all tomorrow, and that would be our first choice. But we also have 
Senators who have expressed an interest in offering amendments. We know 
if the hour gets too late, we will have no choice but, of course, to 
put these amendments over until tomorrow morning, but we will finish 
this bill either tonight or tomorrow morning. It will be up to 
Senators.
  So I ask Senators on this side of the aisle if they have amendments 
to speak to me immediately so that we know just how much time they are 
going to need and how many amendments they intend to offer. It would be 
our hope that we could have a finite list of amendments certainly 
within the next 10 minutes.
  This should not be a surprise to anyone.
  We have talked about this all day long. I think the two managers of 
the bill have done an outstanding job and we ought to be prepared to go 
immediately to the bill and finish our work shortly, but please, if 
Senators have amendments, let me know immediately so we know exactly 
what our circumstances will be.
  Mrs. BOXER. Will my colleague yield for a comment?
  Mr. DASCHLE. I would be happy to yield to the Senator from 
California.
  Mrs. BOXER. I urge us all, if we can possibly finish this tonight, as 
many of my colleagues know, it is a very important holiday for some of 
us tomorrow. I have to travel all across country, and others do as 
well, and it becomes tough to get it all in with families if we are not 
able to leave by 10 in the morning. So I hope my friends would offer 
amendments and vote on them tonight.
  Mr. DASCHLE. I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The minority whip.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I report to the majority leader and the 
Democratic leader, as far as this side is concerned, we believe we only 
have one amendment that may require a rollcall vote and we are working 
on that one. So we are down to one and I hope we will soon be down to 
none, but one that we know of at the moment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the senior Senator from Kentucky and I have 
been working very closely for the last week to get rid of as many 
amendments as we could. I think we have done a lot of that. As I said 
on the floor earlier this afternoon, if people have amendments, come 
and let me know. We have one, possibly two, and we are working 
diligently on those.
  I say to the distinguished leaders, the best they can do might be to 
go forward. I am willing to move quickly. I would be delighted to go to 
final passage in the next 5 minutes, but we do not want to preclude 
Senators from offering amendments. So if Senators are not serious about 
an amendment, then they should make that clear.
  Senator McConnell and I have tried to reflect the interests of both 
parties. As I recall, we passed this bill out from the Appropriations 
Committee unanimously. Republicans and Democrats alike strongly 
supported it. So this is very carefully crafted legislation.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
  Mr. FRIST. I will simply close by expressing my appreciation to our 
colleagues for working together. It has been a long day as we have 
worked toward the consideration of this bill. Again, I am confident if 
we continue to work together over the next few minutes, we will be able 
to have a very good game plan to finish the bill tonight. If we do not, 
we are going to be voting tomorrow morning. To me, that gives us a real 
incentive to work expeditiously over the next few minutes to bring this 
bill up, debate it, and then bring it to appropriate closure.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, the fiscal year 2005 Foreign Operations 
appropriations bill totals $19.386 billion in discretionary spending, 
$42.5 million in mandatory spending, and $150 million in emergency 
spending for HIV/AIDS. The discretionary amount is $1.9 billion below 
the President's request.
  The bill provides significant coun-
terterrorism and counternarcotics resources, including full funding 
under the Economic Support Fund, ESF, and Foreign Military Financing, 
FMF, accounts for Israel, Egypt, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Jordan. 
There is $329 million provided under the International Narcotics 
Control and Law Enforcement account, $30 million below the request but 
$89 million above last year's level. The Andean Counterdrug Initiative 
is fully funded at $731 million. Peacekeeping programs are fully funded 
at $104 million.
  The bill provides a total of $2.4 billion for HIV/AIDS, TB and 
malaria from all accounts in the bill, including $1.45 billion under 
the Global HIV/AIDS Initiative account. There is $400 million made 
available for a contribution to the Global Fund, of which $150 million 
is designated as emergency spending. When combined with funding in the 
Labor-HHS appropriations bill, the total for HIV/AIDS, TB and malaria 
exceeds $3 billion, which is the amount authorized by Congress in 
Public Law 108-25.
  The bill fully funds or increases funding above the request in the 
following accounts: development assistance, international disaster and 
famine assistance, assistance for Eastern Europe and the Baltic states, 
assistance for the independent states of the former Soviet Union, and 
international military education and training.
  Reductions had to be made and we spread these out between the Export-
Import Bank, transition initiatives, USAID operating expenses, economic 
support fund, Peace Corps, debt restructuring, foreign military 
financing, the Multilateral Development Banks, and the Millennium 
Challenge Corporation.
  On the latter, let me be clear that the bill contains $1.12 billion, 
an increase of $120 million above last year's enacted level. There is 
strong support for this program on both sides of aisle.
  Let me address refugee assistance and Sudan. We significantly 
increased assistance above the request under the Migration and Refugee 
Assistance account and the Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance 
Fund, by $45 million and $30 million, respectively. While we intend a 
portion of these funds to be used to address the horrific crisis in 
Darfur, a provision was included to provide an additional $150 million 
for Sudan, Darfur and the region from funds previously appropriated for 
Iraq in Public Law 108-106. Should the President not use these funds 
within 30 days after enactment of this act, they will be returned to 
the Iraq account.
  Many long hours went into the preparation of this bill, and I want to 
recognize the efforts and input of Senator Leahy and his staff, Tim 
Rieser and Mark Lippert. On my staff, Paul Grove and LaShawnda Smith 
deserve thanks for their hard work.
  I also want to express my appreciation to Reb Brownell, a State 
Department detailee who helped put the bill together, and Bob Lester, 
whose continued counsel from his seat at USAID has been invaluable over 
the years. Finally, this bill would not exist if Richard Larson and his 
capable crew didn't assemble and print it. I want to thank Richard for 
his superb support of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I want to echo what my friend from Kentucky 
has just said. This is a good bill. Our subcommittee allocation is 
below the President's request, so we had to make some tough choices, 
but we did the best we could with what we had.
  I want to thank Senator McConnell for working in the best spirit of 
the Senate to produce a bipartisan bill and accommodate the 
overwhelming majority of requests from Senators. Chairman Stevens and 
Senator Byrd also deserve a great deal of credit for this year's 
Foreign Operations bill.
  Senator McConnell went over the details of the bill so I will 
highlight just a few items:
  The bill contains much-needed increases in refugee assistance that 
goes

[[Page 19267]]

to some of the most vulnerable people in the world.
  The bill rolls back proposed cuts to the Child Survival and Health 
and the Development Assistance accounts. This is important because most 
of the requests we received from Senators on both sides of the aisle 
were for projects or activities funded in these accounts.
  The bill provides a total of $2.4 billion to combat AIDS, TB and 
Malaria, including $150 million in emergency money for the global fund 
that we added by Senators Durbin and Brownback during the committee 
markup.
  When combined with the funds in the Labor-HHS bill, this brings the 
Senate total for AIDS prevention and treatment to $3.1 billion, 
including $550 million for the global fund.
  The bill added $150 million in emergency funds to address the crisis 
in Darfur. There are hundreds of millions of dollars in additional 
disaster and food assistance for Sudan in this bill and in the 
Agriculture appropriations bill.
  The bill includes several other important provisions dealing with 
accountability at the multilateral development banks, human rights in 
Colombia, corruption in Nicaragua and Guatemala, the interim government 
in Haiti, environmental conservation, international family planning, 
and assistance for Afghan women and girls, to name a few.
  This is a good, balanced bill. We are on a fast track to get this 
done, so I hope Senators will come to the floor to offer their 
amendments. We want to move to third reading as soon as possible.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.


                           Amendment No. 3671

  Mr. CORZINE. I call up amendment No. 3671 and ask for its immediate 
consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the amendment.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Corzine] for himself, Mr. 
     DeWine, Mr. Biden, Mr. Durbin, Mr. Lieberman, Ms. Landrieu, 
     Mr. Feingold, and Mr. Leahy, proposes an amendment numbered 
     3671.

  The amendment is as follows:

(Purpose: To make available to the Department of State for the purpose 
   of providing support for the rapid expansion of the African Union 
mission in Darfur, Sudan, $75,000,000, to be designated as an emergency 
                              requirement)

       On page 183, after line 23, add the following:


           support for african union mission in darfur, sudan

       Sec. 599F. (a) In addition, $75,000,000 is appropriated to 
     the Department of State to carry out the provisions of 
     section 551 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for the 
     purpose of providing equipment, logistical, financial, 
     material, and other resources necessary to support the rapid 
     expansion of the African Union mission in Darfur, Sudan.
       (b) The entire amount in subsection (a) is designated as an 
     emergency requirement pursuant to section 402 of S. Con. Res. 
     95 (108th Congress), as made applicable to the House of 
     Representatives by H. Res. 649 (108th Congress) and 
     applicable to the Senate by section 14007 of Public Law 108-
     287.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I direct a question through the Chair to the 
distinguished Senator from New Jersey. It is my understanding that 
Senator DeWine is going to be a cosponsor of this amendment; is that 
right?
  Mr. CORZINE. Absolutely.
  Mr. REID. The manager of the bill is checking with Senator DeWine to 
see how much time he is going to take. Does the Senator from New Jersey 
have an idea how much time he could get by with?
  Mr. CORZINE. Fifteen minutes or less.
  Mr. REID. I ask unanimous consent that Senator Corzine be recognized 
for up to 15 minutes on this amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. CORZINE. I ask unanimous consent that the following Senators be 
added as cosponsors: Senators Biden, Durbin, Lautenberg, Lieberman, 
Landrieu, Feingold, and Leahy.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CORZINE. Mr. President, this amendment simply adds $75 million in 
support of an expanded African union mission in Darfur, Sudan, moneys 
critically needed to stop the genocide that we all agree, voted on on 
this floor, is occurring. Hundreds of thousands of lives are at stake. 
We have heard estimates north of 300,000 to as many as a million.
  Actually, the life of the whole country is at stake. The facts on the 
ground are well known. There have been 1.2 million people violently 
displaced. So-called Janjaweed or the militia supported by the 
government of Sudan have deliberately and systematically destroyed 
villages, foodstocks, poisoned water supplies, murdered and raped 
civilians, and an estimated 50,000 civilians have died.
  There is no dispute in this country about what is happening. We heard 
a declaration a week ago from Secretary Powell that the rightful term 
with regard to what is going on in Darfur is ``genocide.'' The question 
now is, what do we do about it? Are we responsible to give voice and 
meaning and money to do something to stop it?
  It is terrific and it is very positive how the United States has 
reacted with regard to humanitarian assistance. It is critical if we 
hope to save lives, and it has made a huge difference. I know the 
majority leader, Senator Brownback, myself, and others have visited. 
The humanitarian aid is making a difference. Is that enough?
  The real challenge is to make sure we stop the genocide, not just 
feed the hungry. We need to do everything we can to bring security to 
the people of Darfur.
  During my 3-day visit, I spoke with an incredible number of displaced 
people from all over that area of Darfur, which is roughly the size of 
France, who described rape, murder, starvation, hundreds of thousands 
of people displaced, families broken up. It is time to act.
  Even after people have been able to move into camps, they have 
described how the Janjaweed will come in after dark and continue 
harassing, hurting, and challenging the actual viability of the people 
in the camps.
  The camps keep growing. There are more displaced people all the time 
who are attacked and forced from their homes. International 
humanitarian organizations are struggling to assist these folks. Our 
humanitarian aid has made a difference, as a number of us have seen, 
but it goes on and on. It is estimated that from illnesses, starvation, 
and other means, somewhere between 6,000 and 10,000 people die a month. 
There is fear that it could accelerate if an epidemic were to take hold 
in one of these camps or in a number of them.
  There is also a security problem. Poor humanitarian conditions within 
those camps are creating anger among the displaced people, which might 
be quite obvious to anyone. If my colleagues could have seen one of 
these places, people are living in hovels and without any kind of 
quality water considerations, even if they have rations and food. This 
anger that is building in the camps is fueling this revolution that is 
going on between the Government of Sudan and the Darfur rebels. It is 
inciting even more of it.
  Given the complete lack of security and stability in the region, a 
seemingly endless crisis involving displaced people which will go on 
for years if there is not something done about both the security 
situation and the political situation, we are going to end up spending 
$500 million for as far as the eye can see to maintain people staying 
and living in these camps.
  That does not make sense. Remember, if we build up the anger in those 
camps, what have we created? We have created a breeding ground for 
further violence and also the fomenting of terrorism. Remember, Sudan 8 
years ago was the home to Osama bin Laden and the terrorist groups--al-
Qaida.
  We can help stop the genocide, bring security to Darfur, start to 
stabilize the region, and create the conditions for peace. What is 
more, there is at this brief critical moment a real consensus. You hear 
it in the Foreign Relations Committee. You read it in the newspapers. 
You see it from the people who are sponsoring the efforts on genocide.

[[Page 19268]]

This is something we can deal with today if we are prepared to allow in 
this bill the resources that will allow the United States to help the 
African Union fund the kinds of peacekeeping troops on the ground that 
will make a difference.
  Right now there are currently 125 African Union monitors in Darfur 
and an additional 305 monitors, watchers, protective forces for the 
monitors who are looking at this area that is the size of France. It is 
kind of ridiculous on the surface of it, as a peacekeeping force.
  There is an opportunity. The African Union wants to provide the 
troops. It doesn't have the money. It doesn't have the logistical 
support. But it has the ability to put the troops on the ground.
  We should not send American troops. Nobody is asking to send American 
troops. What we are trying to do is get the resources so we can stop 
this genocide by putting a legitimate peacekeeping force on the ground.
  It is an incredible tradeoff. Are we going to continue to spend $500 
million a year on humanitarian aid to keep people in camps or are we 
going to try to create a secure situation where people can go back to 
the villages, start their lives, and maintain some safety in their 
world? To me, this is an easy expenditure. It is a cost-benefit 
analysis that we should be able to understand. It brings an opportunity 
for people to have security in the villages, in and around the camps, 
and change the terms and conditions of security which is the 
precondition to get on with a political settlement between the 
Darfurian rebels and the central government--which, by the way, was 
also locked with the whole issue of how the southern Sudanese rebels 
and the central government were working together, which we as a nation 
have put so much effort to bring about. But this is standing in the way 
of that moving forward.
  I do not understand why we would not want to make an investment that 
will work on the security, that will lay the pathway to have us get to 
a political settlement that will make a difference and save incredible 
amounts. This is being supported, endorsed, and embraced by African 
leaders across the continent. They just don't have the resources to 
deal with it. It is being led by Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, 
who currently heads the AU. He has done everything he can to get the 
rebels and the central government to negotiate a political settlement, 
but as long as there is continuing violence and anger building up in 
these camps, we are not going to get to that answer. We are not going 
to get to it, and we need to make sure we invest in something that will 
bring change, bring security as well as the humanitarian aid so we can 
get on with that political settlement.
  There are very few times when you can say, if we invest $75 million 
now, over a longer period of time we will save having to bring all this 
humanitarian aid. People really care deeply about trying to prevent the 
kind of loss of life that is estimated by officials from all parts of 
the world. This is something that is clear and present and should be 
dealt with. This is where the United States ought to show the moral 
courage to stand up and act because there is something that is going to 
happen that is very clear in people's eyes if we do not.
  I encourage my colleagues to say this is $75 million; it is going to 
be above the budget resolution. If I am not mistaken, we just approved 
$146 billion worth of overage, over-budget resolutions, without any 
paying for it. Here we are talking about $75 million that can start us 
on the pathway to peace and protection of as many as 1.2 million 
individuals.
  I hope we will be reasonable, particularly in light of how we dealt 
with the budget resolution on tax cuts. We ought to think about the 
cost-benefit that will be very obvious. It will make a real difference 
in human life and it is something we can all be proud of because we are 
making a statement that we want to stand with humanity on straightening 
out a very serious problem.
  To reiterate, this amendment would add $75 million to support an 
expanded African Union mission in Darfur, Sudan. This money is 
critically needed to stop the genocide that we all agree is occurring 
there. Hundreds of thousands of lives are at stake, as is the future of 
an entire country.
  The facts on the ground are now well known. There are 1.2 million 
people who have been violently displaced. The Janjaweed militia, 
supported by the Government of Sudan, have deliberately and 
systematically destroyed villages and food stocks, poisoned water 
supplies, murdered and raped civilians. An estimated 50,000 civilians 
have died.
  There now is no dispute in this country about what is happening. On 
July 22, both houses of Congress spoke, calling the atrocities in 
Darfur by their rightful name: ``genocide.'' On September 9, Secretary 
of State Colin Powell made the same declaration. The question now is 
what do we do about it?
  Humanitarian assistance is critical if we hope to save lives, and I 
have and will continue to push for the maximum amount of U.S. and 
international aid. The crisis in Darfur requires more than a half a 
billion dollars this year, and we are still hundreds of million of 
dollars short.
  But we also must do everything we can to begin to bring security to 
Darfur. During my recent trip, I spoke with internally displaced people 
who described for me the attacks that forced them from their villages. 
I asked one man when he expected to return. He told me, ``maybe 30 
years.'' Other displaced people told me how they can't venture outside 
the camps and how women are at constant risk of rape. They even 
described how the Janjaweed ride through the camps at night, 
terrorizing those who recently fled their attacks.
  Meanwhile the camps are growing, as more and more displaced people 
are attacked and forced from their homes. As a result, the 
international humanitarian organizations are struggling to assist the 
new displaced people. When I was in Krinding camp, in Geneina, I saw 
newly arrived displaced people without shelter, huddling under 
makeshift lean-tos of sticks and pieces of burlap and other materials 
they had found. These conditions persist in the midst of the rainy 
season and are fueling the current death toll, which is estimated at 
between 6,000 and 10,000 a month.
  The security problems and the poor humanitarian conditions in the 
camps are creating increasing anger among the displaced people. This 
rage risks spinning out of control and fueling the civil war currently 
being waged between the Government of Sudan and the rebels. Given the 
complete lack of security and stability in Darfur and the seemingly 
endless crisis involving displaced people, we can anticipate years of 
crisis--costing the international community half a billion dollars a 
year, eliminating any possibility of stability or economic growth in 
Sudan, and possibly leading to the kind of failed state that breeds 
chronic violence and terrorism.
  We can help stop the genocide, bring security to Darfur, start to 
stabilize the region and create the conditions for peace. What's more, 
there is--at this brief and critical moment--real consensus, here in 
America and among our allies about what to do.
  Our option--our only option at this time--is to support the mission 
of the African Union. There are currently 125 AU monitors in Darfur, 
sent following the cease fire signed between the Government of Sudan 
and the rebels on April 8 in Chad. There are also 305 Rwandan and 
Nigerian troops deployed as protection forces for the monitors. I 
visited the monitoring teams when I was in Darfur. Their efforts to 
investigate and document violations of the cease fire are critical to 
establishing accountability, and their presence and the presence of the 
troops are the only hope for deterring attacks by the warring parties 
and the Janjaweed.
  But the small AU contingent is, by all accounts, insufficient. Darfur 
is the size of France, and much of it is not easily accessible. To 
really address the security crisis in Darfur, we need more monitoring 
teams, deployed throughout the region. And we need thousands

[[Page 19269]]

of troops with an expanded mission, to protect civilians and bring 
security to the region. The monitors and troops need meaningful 
support--air lift, vehicles, communications equipment, and other 
resources. This support is not insignificant--the United Nations has 
estimated that a 4,200-person force will cost $228 million per year. 
But, when we are considering an indefinite humanitarian crisis costing 
half a billion a year, how can we fail to spend less than half that 
amount for the only possibility of stabilizing Darfur and eventually 
resolving what is, in the end, a political and military crisis.
  As for the U.S. contribution, my amendment would make available $75 
million for an expanded AU force, one third of the UN estimate. 
Clearly, we need to engage with the EU and our other allies, with Arab 
and Muslim countries, and with other member states of the UN so that 
support for the AU is truly an international endeavor. But we can 
provide real leadership by demonstrating America's commitment to ending 
this genocide, not just in words but in a real contribution to peace 
and security.
  This particular moment is made even more critical by the fact that 
the African Union has stepped up. The AU's leadership, whom I met in 
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, has demonstrated initiative and courage in 
standing up to the Government of Sudan and insisting on a real and 
effective mission in Darfur. Almost 2 months ago, on July 27, 2004, the 
AU Peace and Security Council called for a ``comprehensive plan'' to 
enhance the effectiveness of the mission, including, ``the possibility 
of turning the mission into a full-fledged peacekeeping mission, with 
the requisite mandate and size,'' a mission that would emphasize, ``the 
disarmament and neutralization of the Janjaweed militia, the protection 
of the civilian population and the facilitation of the delivery of the 
humanitarian assistance.'' Then, on August 4, the AU as a whole stated 
its interest in expanding its force in Darfur to several thousand 
troops.
  This vision has been pushed by visionary African leaders such as 
Nigerian President Obasanjo who currently heads the AU. President 
Obasanjo has not only supported an expanded role in Darfur, but pushed 
in his own country for more troops.
  This will not be easy. The AU is a new institution and, despite its 
strong leadership, does not have meaningful experience, as a 
bureaucracy, with peacekeeping. Darfur is, in every sense, a real test 
of the AU. But it is also a test for us. African leaders are taking 
bold initiatives to confront a crisis on the continent, and we have 
expressed our support. But they need real help to succeed. If we merely 
support the AU in theory, but don't put resources where our mouth is, 
the tragedy will be almost beyond comprehension. Even beyond the 
genocide in Darfur, we will have set up the AU for failure at precisely 
the moment when it could really succeed. We will have crippled the AU, 
when it stands ready to help bring peace to this and other parts of 
Africa.
  An expanded AU mission in Darfur has bipartisan support in Congress. 
The administration has also said, and begun to do, the right things. On 
September 9, Secretary Powell said:

       The most practical contribution we can make to the security 
     of Darfur, in the short-term, is to do everything we can to 
     increase the number of Union monitors.

  He also stated that the expansion of the AU force:

       Will be first priority for our efforts in the days ahead.

  We are currently providing $6.8 million to the tiny AU force now 
deployed in Darfur, and I was pleased that Secretary Powell came before 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and identified another $20.5 
million. But, as Secretary Powell acknowledged, the expansion of the 
African Union force will require money, assets, planes, logistics 
support and current funding levels are simply not enough.
  Finally, a word about the international support for an expanded AU 
mission. Last Saturday, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1564 
which supported:

       The intention of the African Union to enhance and augment 
     its monitoring mission in the Darfur region of Sudan.
  The Resolution also urged member states to support the AU by 
providing all:

       Equipment, logistical, financial, material, and other 
     resources necessary to support the rapid expansion of the 
     African Union Mission.

  This is precisely what this amendment would do--it would support the 
AU and send a powerful message to the rest of the world that America 
will provide real, tangible leadership on this issue.
  There is one sticking point, and that is the Government of Sudan, 
whose leadership has stated that it does not oppose the expansion of 
the AU force, but has hardly been welcoming. The Government of Sudan 
has also resisted any AU force with an explicit peacekeeping mandate. 
We must bring the full weight of the international community and use 
all available leverage, including the explicit threat of sanctions to 
get this expanded AU force on the ground. The Security Council 
resolution alluded to this threat, stating that if the Government of 
Sudan fails to cooperate fully with the expansion and extension of the 
AU mission, it would, quote, ``consider taking additional measures.''
  While the resolution also made reference to Sudan's petroleum sector 
and measures against the Government of Sudan or individual members of 
the Government of Sudan, it could have been, and should have been much 
stronger and more specific. But, last week's Security Council action at 
least puts the international community on record. Now we need to treat 
this situation with the urgency it demands. We need to make it 
perfectly clear to the Government of Sudan that there will be 
multilateral sanctions if it does not cooperate with an expanded AU 
mission. This threat must be real. We cannot allow it to be watered 
down in the Security Council. Khartoum either allows the mission in, or 
it doesn't. The Council has said there will be consequences for not 
cooperating. Those consequences should be immediate; there should be no 
extensions.
  And we should signal our seriousness to the Government of Sudan, to 
our allies and to the AU by putting in place everything that an 
expanded AU mission in Darfur will need. We have the resources to do 
this. There are practical ways for us to stop this genocide. We can, if 
we have the will, do this now.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to add Senator Mikulski and my 
friend from Michigan, Senator Stabenow, as well, as cosponsors of this 
amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Ms. STABENOW. I thank the Senator.
  Mr. CORZINE. Mr. President, I am not certain but I think Senator 
DeWine wanted to speak. I don't know how much time we have left.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic whip.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I wish to express through you to the senior 
Senator from New Jersey the appreciation of the whole Senate. Everyone 
knows it is late at night and there are a lot of significant things to 
do tomorrow, including a religious holiday.
  Those of us in the Senate know how passionately he feels about many 
issues, not the least of which is the terrible situation we have in 
Darfur. I want him to know that we appreciate his eloquence. He 
certainly very eloquently made the point. I, among others, am confident 
we will vote for this amendment. It is really important, and I 
appreciate the cooperation of the Senator from New Jersey, as usual.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Illinois.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I will be equally brief to commend my 
colleague from New Jersey, Senator Corzine, for his extraordinary 
leadership on this bipartisan amendment. Senator DeWine of Ohio is a 
cosponsor of it. It is clearly an issue we all share feeling on, on 
both sides of the aisle.
  We learned our lesson in Rwanda. President Clinton has said that of 
all the things in foreign policy during his Presidency, he regrets the 
most that he

[[Page 19270]]

didn't act and act quickly to confront the genocide in Rwanda. I 
commend not only Senator Corzine and Senator DeWine, and add my name as 
a cosponsor, but I also commend Secretary of State Colin Powell who has 
said clearly:

       We concluded that genocide has been committed in Darfur and 
     that the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed bear 
     responsibility and genocide may still be occurring.

  That word, ``genocide,'' used by Secretary Powell, is historic. It is 
historic because it then places a burden on every civilized nation, 
including the United States, as signatories to the antigenocide treaty, 
to do something.
  What Senator Corzine and Senator DeWine suggest, increasing the 
African Union monitors, is going to be critical. That is what we are 
doing here today. We are putting more monitors in the field, in the 
field where men are still being murdered, women are still being raped 
and murdered. The least, I really mean the least, we can do is give the 
African Union the tools to try to halt this genocide. I am happy to 
join in cosponsorship of this amendment, and I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New York.
  Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I rise to add my strong support to the 
efforts of the Senator from New Jersey. The situation in Sudan has been 
plaguing the civilized world for years. Despite the best efforts of 
those who have attempted to broker some kind of resolution, including 
our Secretary of State, the Secretary General of the United Nations, 
other people of good will, the Sudanese Government--which is largely a 
terrorist regime--continues to thumb its nose at the civilized world 
and continues to support and engage in the terrorism that afflicts the 
Darfur region.
  We have to do something. What the Senator from New Jersey proposes, 
to declare a contingent emergency, to ask the administration to 
continue its best efforts to look for a way to bring even greater 
pressure on the Sudanese, is exactly what we should do.
  Many of my colleagues have been to Sudan. They have returned to 
report and to validate the stories we read in the press. The Janjaweed 
are, obviously, a tool of the Sudanese Government. The regime in 
Khartoum is attempting to obliterate, to commit genocide against the 
people of Darfur.
  Once again, for the rest of the world, including the United States, 
to stand by and watch this happen, engage in diplomatic, political, and 
United Nations Security Council negotiations, but the murdering 
continues, the raping continues, the extraordinary hardship continues, 
it is just unacceptable.
  There have been a lot of books written in the last couple of years 
about how could we let Rwanda happen? Why did we wait so long before we 
went into Bosnia and Kosovo? I don't know the answer to all of that. 
But I know that we face right now another situation of genocide.
  I commend the Senator from New Jersey, who has been to Sudan, who has 
seen firsthand the effect of these genocidal policies carried out by 
the Sudanese Government, and I hope we will support his efforts. The 
Senate should be on the side of protecting people who are attempting to 
live their lives and go about their daily business.
  We are expending tens of billions of dollars to bring democracy and 
freedom to Iraq. We should be doing all we can with moral authority and 
financial support and with logistical support to try to end the 
genocide in Darfur.
  I hope our colleague will support this very important amendment by 
the Senator from New Jersey and stand with the people who are 
oppressed, who are left behind, largely women and children who are 
totally under the thumb, the heel, the boot of these Janjaweed 
marauders who are fully supported by the Sudanese Government, and do 
what we can to go on record in this Foreign Operations appropriations 
to make it clear that we will do whatever we can to stand with people 
who are being subjected to genocide.
  I hope our colleagues on both sides of the aisle will support the 
amendment of the Senator from New Jersey.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate on the amendment?
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending 
amendment be set aside for the purpose of Senator Dayton offering an 
amendment. It is my understanding that he only wishes up to 7\1/2\ 
minutes to speak for his amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, if the assistant minority whip will 
yield for a moment, I am able to announce that there are no more 
amendments on this side that will require rollcall votes.
  Mr. REID. We are prepared to announce on this side, following the 
conclusion of the Corzine amendment and the Dayton amendment, that we 
have no more rollcall votes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Minnesota.


                           Amendment No. 3672

  Mr. DAYTON. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Dayton] proposes an 
     amendment numbered 3672.

  Mr. DAYTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of 
the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

     (Purpose: To provide an additional $500,000,000 for economic 
                      development in Afghanistan)

       On page 183, after line 23, add the following:


             additional economic assistance for afghanistan

       Sec. 599F. The total amount appropriated by title II for 
     other bilateral economic assistance under the heading 
     ``economic support fund'' is hereby increased by 
     $500,000,000. Of such total amount, as so increased, 
     $500,000,000 shall be available for assistance for 
     Afghanistan.

  Mr. DAYTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Reid 
of Nevada be added as an original cosponsor of the amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. DAYTON. Mr. President, this amendment would increase the funding 
for economic development assistance aid to Afghanistan by $500 million. 
The bill before us provides only $225 million in economic development 
assistance through the Economic Security Fund and then some portion of 
$172 million identified for development and health.
  Last year, in fiscal year 2004, the Congress appropriated $900 
million in economic development aid and $172 million for development in 
health through the regular and the supplemental appropriations bills. 
Those combined categories in total appropriations under this bill will 
drop from $1.71 billion from the current fiscal year, to $397 million 
for 2005. That is a cut in funding of 63 percent from one year to the 
next.
  My amendment will increase next year's Afghanistan development aid to 
$897 million, which is still 15 percent less than it is in the current 
fiscal year.
  What kind of message does this bill send to Afghanistan President 
Karzai and to his Government--one of their leaders was almost 
assassinated last week--and to the people of Afghanistan just before 
they hold their elections?
  This is probably not the intent of the bill, but there was a 60-
percent cut in economic development assistance that was too little 
before.
  Afghanistan is not a wealthy country like Iraq. It will be when its 
oil reserves can be developed. Afghanistan, right now, is poverty and 
poppies--opium. The more poverty they have, the more poppies they will 
grow.
  Just 3 months ago, President Karzai made a strong appeal to all of us 
in a

[[Page 19271]]

joint session of Congress for more aid. That was following the 
necessary war which this Senate supported unanimously in September of 
2001, for which I voted along with all of us who were present at that 
time. Our courageous Armed Forces succeeded in 10 weeks and 
accomplished what the former Soviet Union could not achieve in 10 
years. Our Armed Forces routed the Taliban and al-Qaida but left 
political, social, and economic vacuums that have not been filled--at 
least not by the right elements.
  President Karzai stated eloquently and emphatically 3 months ago the 
need for more aid. He said, and I quote in part:

       We must build a partnership that will consolidate our 
     achievements and enhance stability, prosperity and democracy 
     in Afghanistan and in the region. This requires sustaining 
     and accelerating the reconstruction of Afghanistan through 
     long-term commitments.

  That is what President Karzai said to six of us in January of 2002 in 
Kabul in a bipartisan delegation that was led by our Democratic leader, 
Senator Daschle.
  Yet the Bush response to that plea has been tepid.
  The world response has been cold. This bill would ice the effort with 
a 60-percent economic development aid cut. In fact, the entire bill's 
total military and nonmilitary aid to Afghanistan combined is less than 
half of the fiscal 2004 appropriation--less than half.
  Mr. President, today's New York Times has an editorial entitled ``A 
Chance of Success Slips Away,'' by J Alexander Thier, a fellow at the 
Hoover Institution in California. I ask unanimous consent that it be 
printed in the Record at the conclusion of my remarks.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  (See exhibit 1.)
  Mr. DAYTON. I would like to read a few portions of Mr. Thier's 
analysis:

       President Bush describes Afghanistan, the first front on 
     the war on terrorism, as a success. In comparison to Iraq, 
     perhaps it is. But if you look at Afghanistan on its own 
     merits, the lack of progress is disheartening. In 2002, 
     President Bush promised a ``Marshall Plan'' for the country, 
     with the goal of turning Afghanistan into a stable, 
     democratic state. . . .Yet in nearly three years we have 
     failed to create security, stability, prosperity or the rule 
     of law in Afghanistan.
       . . . .Our efforts in Afghanistan are underfinanced and 
     undermanned, and our attention is waning.
       The root of the problem is that we invaded Afghanistan to 
     destroy something--the Taliban and Al Qaeda--but we didn't 
     think much about what would grow in its place. . . . 
     Afghanistan has become a collection of warlord-run fiefs 
     fueled by a multibillion-dollar opium economy.

  Continuing with Mr. Thier's editorial remarks:

       Our Army continues to hunt insurgents in the mountains, but 
     we have refused to take the steps necessary to secure the 
     rest of the country, and it shows. More coalition and Afghan 
     government soldiers and aid workers have died this year than 
     in each of the previous two. This summer, Doctors Without 
     Borders, which has worked in the most desperate and dangerous 
     conditions around the world, pulled out of Afghanistan after 
     24 years. In other words, the group felt safer in Afghanistan 
     during the Soviet occupation and the civil war that followed 
     than it did three years after the United States-led coalition 
     toppled the Taliban.

  He concludes by stating:

       Our experience demonstrates that you can't fight wars, or 
     do nation-building, on the cheap. Afghanistan should be a 
     critical election issue this year, but Iraq looms much larger 
     in the public mind. Unless the next administration steps up 
     to the plate, it may well be an issue in four years, when we 
     start asking, ``Who lost Afghanistan?''

  I submit that tonight is our opportunity in this Senate to step to 
the plate, not to let this become a failed opportunity, not to allow 
the blood that has been shed by American soldiers to do what we 
originally said was the thrust of the war against terrorism--to go 
after al-Qaida, to drive them out of that country, to deny them safe 
havens and sanctuaries there, to rout the Taliban government, to 
install a democracy--and yet we have largely missed that opportunity 
along with the other wealthy nations of the world.
  The failure of an adequate response to assist that country 
economically and in its rehabilitation has been just astonishing to me. 
What a missed opportunity. What an opportunity it is to showcase to the 
world our way of life, our generosity, to transform a country in a 
short period of time and show the rest of the Islamic world what our 
way of life, what our economic system can do, and why it is so vastly 
superior to anything else, to take the horns of misperception off of 
the way those people incorrectly perceive this country. But many 
millions of them do. What an opportunity we have, and here we are 
cutting economic development aid to Afghanistan in this bill by over 60 
percent.
  I thank the Senator from Nevada for his cosponsorship. He has been a 
champion of this concern before I started here tonight. He has brought 
it up on the floor numerous times. Even though there is not an offset 
in this amendment, I think it would be penny-wise and pound very, very 
unwise for us not to raise the level of funding in this bill for 
Afghanistan for economic development aid to help move that country 
forward and to save American lives this year and years to come, both 
here and around the world.
  Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor.

                               Exhibit 1

               [From the New York Times, Sept. 23, 2004]

                     A Chance of Success Slips Away

                        (By J. Alexander Thier)

       Stanford, Calif.--President Bush describes Afghanistan, the 
     first front on the war on terrorism, as a success. In 
     comparison to Iraq, perhaps it is. But if you look at 
     Afghanistan on its own merits, the lack of progress is 
     disheartening. In 2002, President Bush promised a ``Marshall 
     Plan'' for the country, with the goal of turning Afghanistan 
     into a stable, democratic state. On Tuesday, before the 
     United Nations General Assembly, the president said that 
     ``the Afghan people are on the path to democracy and 
     freedom.'' Yet in nearly three years we have failed to create 
     security, stability, prosperity or the rule of law in 
     Afghanistan.
       These failings are not just a reflection of the great 
     difficulties of nation-building in places like Afghanistan, 
     they are also the direct result of the Bush administration's 
     policy decisions. Our efforts in Afghanistan are 
     underfinanced and undermanned, and our attention is waning.
       The root of the problem is that we invaded Afghanistan to 
     destroy something--the Taliban and Al Qaeda--but we didn't 
     think much about what would grow in its place. While we 
     focused on fighting the terrorist (and even there our 
     effectiveness has been questionable), Afghanistan has become 
     a collection of warlord-run fiefs fueled by a multibillion-
     dollar opium economy. We armed and financed warlord armies 
     with records of drug-running and human rights abuses 
     stretching back two decades. Then we blocked the expansion of 
     an international security force meant to rein in the 
     militias. These decisions were made for short-term 
     battlefield gain--with disregard for the long-term 
     implications for the mission there.
       Our Army continues to hunt insurgents in the mountains, but 
     we have refused to take the steps necessary to secure the 
     rest of the country, and it shows. More coalition and Afghan 
     government soldiers and aid workers have died this year than 
     in each of the previous two. This summer, Doctors Without 
     Borders, which has worked in the most desperate and dangerous 
     conditions around the world, pulled out of Afghanistan after 
     24 years. In other words, the group felt safer in Afghanistan 
     during the Soviet occupation and the civil war that followed 
     than it did three years after the United States-led coalition 
     toppled the Taliban.
       Last month, after a United Nations-backed voter 
     registration office was bombed, the vice president of the 
     United Nations Staff Union urged Secretary General Kofi Annan 
     to pull employees out of Afghanistan. The opium trade is also 
     out of control, fueling lawlessness and financing terrorists. 
     Last year, the trade brought in $2.3 billion; this year, 
     opium production is expected to increase 50 to 100 percent.
       Amid terrorist attacks and fighting among regional 
     warlords, the country is preparing for presidential elections 
     on Oct. 9. A recent United Nations report warned that 
     warlords were intimidating voters and candidates. This month, 
     the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 
     which has monitored post-conflict elections in trouble spots 
     like Bosnia and Kosovo, declared that Afghanistan was too 
     dangerous for its election monitors (it is sending a small 
     ``election support team'' instead). President Hamid Karzai 
     narrowly escaped assassination last week on his first 
     campaign trip outside Kabul, and eight other presidential 
     candidates have called for elections to be delayed, saying 
     it's been too dangerous for them to campaign.
       Many of these problems flow from early mistakes. Rather 
     than moving quickly to establish security and then gradually 
     turning over control to a legitimate domestic authority, we 
     have done the opposite. As fighting among warlord militias in 
     the countryside intensifies, we are slowly expanding our

[[Page 19272]]

     presence and being dragged into conflicts. The American 
     ``advisers'' in Afghan Army units, the ubiquitous heavily 
     armed ``private'' security forces and the fortress-like 
     American Embassy are garnering comparisons to the day of the 
     Soviets.
       In Kabul, the effort to build a stable, capable government 
     has also lagged dangerously. President Karzai has begun to 
     show great fortitude in challenging warlords. But his 
     factious cabinet, born of political compromise, has collapsed 
     under the pressure of the country's hurried presidential 
     elections. Outside Kabul, his control remains tenuous in some 
     places, nonexistent in others. Kabul's Supreme Court, the 
     only other branch of government, is controlled by Islamic 
     fundamentalists unconcerned with the dictates of 
     Afghanistan's new Constitution. On Sept. 1, without any case 
     before the court, the chief justice ordered that Latif 
     Pedram, a presidential candidate, be barred from the 
     elections and investigated for blasphemy. His crime? Mr. 
     Pedram had suggested that polygamy was unfair to women. These 
     clerics are trying to establish a system like that in Iran, 
     using Islam as a bludgeon against democracy.
       It's true that there have been several important 
     accomplishments in these three years: the Taliban and Al 
     Qaeda no longer sit in Kabul's Presidential Palace; girls are 
     back in school in many parts of the country; some roads and 
     buildings have been rebuilt; and more than 10 million Afghans 
     have registered to vote for the presidential elections. 
     Thousands of international aid workers have been working with 
     the Afghans, often at great risk, to make things better. 
     Despite the slow progress, most Afghans are more hopeful 
     about their future than they have been in years.
       But many people working there are left with the nagging 
     feeling that much more could have been done both to help 
     Afghanistan and fight terrorism over the last three years. 
     Our experience demonstrates that you can't fight wars, or do 
     nation-building, on the cheap. Afghanistan should be a 
     critical election issue this year, but Iraq looms much larger 
     in the public mind. Unless the next administration steps up 
     to the plate, it may well be an issue in four years, when we 
     start asking, ``Who lost Afghanistan?''

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The minority whip.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, the Senator from Minnesota and I acknowledge 
we tonight do not have the votes for this amendment. That is not to 
take away from the severity and the importance of this amendment. The 
people of Afghanistan deserve this. All the attention is focused on 
Iraq, a little bit on Afghanistan. But you look at the numbers here, 
with what was given last year, plus the supplemental to Afghanistan, 
this is only about half as much money as they got last year.
  Afghanistan is a place where Pat Tillman gave his life and about 35 
or 40 other Americans. I think it is wrong that we are not reaching out 
to this country we abandoned on a previous occasion. I would hope that 
everyone here recognizes that the Senator from Minnesota and I will be 
back on this issue. This is an issue that is important to our country, 
to maintain the dignity of our country, to show that we do not give up 
on our friends. And Afghanistan is our friend.
  I compliment and applaud the Senator from Minnesota for being the 
kind of person he is, to care about people who need caring about. If 
there were ever a society that needs help, it is the people of 
Afghanistan. This is not money for more guns and tanks and airplanes. 
It is money to help build that country up from the grassroots, so to 
speak, to help them become more than what they now are. And that is 
what they deserve.


                      Amendment No. 3672 Withdrawn

  It is my understanding, Mr. President, the Senator from Minnesota and 
I are--is it appropriate I ask consent this amendment be withdrawn?
  Mr. DAYTON. Reluctantly so, I say to the Senator, and with the 
request or plea to those who will take this bill to conference that 
they seek ways--the House has an increase in funding by $48 million 
over the administration's request. I plead that the conferees look for 
ways to increase this funding. It would be money very well spent. But, 
yes, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the amendment is withdrawn.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.


                    Amendment No. 3671, As Modified

  Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to amend the 
Corzine-DeWine amendment that is currently at the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to modifying the amendment? 
Without objection, the amendment is modified.
  The amendment, as modified, is as follows:
       On page 183, after line 23, add the following:


           support for african union mission in darfur, sudan

       Sec. 599F. (a) In addition, $75,000,000 is appropriated to 
     the Department of State to carry out the provisions of 
     section 551 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for the 
     purpose of providing equipment, logistical, financial, 
     material, and other resources necessary to support the rapid 
     expansion of the African Union mission in Darfur, Sudan.
       (b) The entire amount in subsection (a) is designated as an 
     emergency requirement pursuant to section 402 of S. Con. Res. 
     95 (108th Congress), as made applicable to the House of 
     Representatives by H. Res. 649 (108th Congress) and 
     applicable to the Senate by section 14007 of Public Law 108-
     287.
       (c) That such amount shall be available only to the extent 
     that an official budget request for $75,000,000 that includes 
     designation of the amount as an emergency requirement, as 
     defined in S. Con. Res. 95 (108th Congress), as made 
     applicable to the Senate by section 14007 of Public Law 108-
     287, is transmitted by the President to the Congress.

  Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise to support the Corzine-DeWine 
amendment. I will be very brief.
  This bill, as I said earlier today, already contains additional money 
to assist the humanitarian mission in Darfur, in the Sudan. I think 
everyone in this Chamber knows why this money is necessary. This 
amendment, that is currently pending that my colleague Senator Corzine 
and I have submitted, would provide an additional $75 million to be 
used to support the African Union's mission in Darfur. It would help 
support these troops. This would be our share of that support. Their 
mission is necessary. As my colleague said earlier, spending this money 
now would certainly save us spending money in the future.
  But it is the right thing to do. Anyone who has seen the pictures of 
what is going on in Darfur, anyone who has read about this genocide, 
understands the need to have the African Union troops in there as 
monitors and for other purposes. They need to be in there. This will 
contribute and make this money available. So I ask my colleagues to 
support this as the right thing to do.
  I thank the Chair.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I strongly support the amendment offered by 
the Senator from New Jersey to address the crisis in Darfur, Sudan.
  This amendment appropriates $95 million to support the African Union 
mission that will help to provide desperately needed security in 
Darfur.
  We simply must act: What is happening there is genocide. The Congress 
has said it. The Secretary of State has said it. The world knows it. 
People are dying at a staggering rate, and it will only get worse.
  After we appropriate this money, there is one other important piece 
of the puzzle--the administration must spend it. I will be working with 
the Senator from New Jersey and the Senator from Ohio to ensure that 
the President does the right thing and spends this money.
  I thank the Senator from New Jersey for his strong leadership on this 
issue.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate on the amendment? If 
not, the question is on agreeing to the amendment, as modified.
  The amendment (No. 3671), as modified, was agreed to.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I move to reconsider the vote and I move to lay that 
motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I wanted to speak for a minute and 
thank the managers of this bill, if I may. I thank the chairman and 
ranking member. They have done an outstanding job on a broad set of 
topical issues, from Sudan to Darfur to the Global Fund to HIV, malaria 
issues, food aid programs that we have been able to plus up in a tight 
budget. This is a bill people can be quite proud of, on which people 
have done good work.

[[Page 19273]]

They have done it well within the resources that were available to us.
  There will be things we will continue to work on in conference that 
are important, but I think they have done an outstanding job. It is 
something this Nation can be proud of, that we are investing in other 
people who are in difficult circumstances in a lot of places around the 
world. There are not many votes there from this country, but there are 
a lot of hearts and souls that need to be touched.
  The chairman and ranking member have done an outstanding job. I 
wanted to recognize them. This is certainly a vote I will be pleased to 
make at this time.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Murkowski). The Senator from Kentucky.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I thank the Senator from Kansas for 
his kind remarks and the important contributions he has made to this 
bill, both in committee and on the floor. I thank him very much.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
  Mr. LEAHY. I also commend the Senator from Kansas. We have had long 
discussions on some of these efforts. He knows the Senator from 
Kentucky and I have been trying to work out as nonpartisan a bill as 
possible on these issues. His sense of morality and concern--I say it 
in the best sense of the word--has been very helpful. All 100 of us 
live a comfortable life. None of us go hungry except by choice. Some of 
us do that off and on for whatever reason. But it is only by choice. We 
have people in parts of the world we have been talking about who cannot 
even be fed by choice. They starve to death. They have no choice.
  On these amendments, what the Senator from Kansas and the Senator 
from Kentucky and I, the Senator from New Jersey, the Senator from 
Ohio, and others have tried to do is let them know in this country, the 
wealthiest, most powerful Nation on earth, there are people who know 
they are starving, they know they are dying, they know this goes beyond 
a question of politics. This is a question of morality, deepest moral 
sense of human beings to make sure we feed them. I commend him for his 
work.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Let me indicate that we are near the end of the road 
here. I hope to be able to announce in a few moments that our business 
will be completed entirely on rollcall votes. I can't announce that 
quite yet, but we are close. We should know momentarily whether we can 
complete all of the remaining amendments and final passage on voice 
vote.
  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, there is a rock group that I have been 
reputed to have spent time with and listened to. One of their songs is 
``Keep on Trucking.'' I might say, a long strange trip it has been. But 
if we keep on trucking, at least those of us with a touch of gray will 
complete this.
  I will at this point, while the distinguished Senator from Kentucky 
tries to maintain his composure, stop going through the song, the 
playbook of the Grateful Dead.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I am relieved that the senior Senator 
from Vermont is not going to break into song. We have had a feeling 
between us over the years in doing this bill that each year we wanted 
to finish it in less time than we did the year before. And I might say 
to my friend from Vermont, I think this year may be our record. We are 
on the verge of the shortest time for passage in our history together.
  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, a lot of people watch and don't fully 
understand what goes on. We have quorum calls during the day. They are 
watching on TV. They can see different huddles of Senators. We are 
oftentimes getting a lot of work done. I once joked that more laws get 
passed in the Senators' dining room or the Senators' gym than on the 
floor. That is where Senators get together. The Senator from Kentucky 
and I, based on our years and years of personal friendship, along with 
the distinguished Senator from Alaska, the chairman, and the 
distinguished Senator from West Virginia, the ranking member, know how 
to work these things out. We have done this. We keep our word to each 
other. We do it the old-fashioned way, sort of the way we called a law 
being passed when I first came here 30 years ago. That is why we are at 
this point on a bill that used to take sometimes 2 or 3 weeks.
  I like the working relationship with the Senator from Kentucky, and I 
think we are very close to setting a record.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I am pleased to announce to our colleagues there will 
be no further rollcall votes tonight.
  Mr. LEAHY. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, a number of us during the quorum call 
were complimenting each other on both sides of the aisle for working 
through a complex piece of legislation on which we still have some 
paperwork to do, but it will pass this body unanimously. If any piece 
of legislation should, it is this one. I alluded to the fact that our 
responsibility in other parts of the world goes beyond just a sense of 
altruism. Obviously, to the extent that we alleviate hunger, suffering, 
and disease in parts of the world, we make those parts of the world 
able to have stability and become less of a threat to themselves, their 
neighbors, and also to the United States.
  We also have to ask ourselves this question as Americans: When you 
live in the wealthiest, most powerful Nation history has ever known, 
with a standard of living for most Americans so substantially above 
that of billions of other people, when you look at nations where they 
don't even list the birth of babies until they make sure they survive 
for a year, or get the kind of normal things my grandchildren get, such 
as inoculations, vaccinations, and so on, it is almost unheard of--
there is either no money for it or no way to bring it to them. And 
people starve by the thousands in some countries, every month, 
suffering genocide, slaughter, and some of the worst conditions that 
exist.
  We have a moral responsibility, to the extent that this country can 
help. Obviously, I am not suggesting America can solve every problem 
throughout the world. We cannot. But there are areas where we can 
help--medical help, fighting AIDS, combating polio, measles, 
diphtheria, dysentery, diseases that kill thousands of people. If every 
one of us were handed a picture and it said this child is going to 
starve or die of an easily preventable disease, would you pay 6 cents, 
or 7 cents, or a dime, or 20 cents to make sure they don't have those 
childhood diseases, we would say, of course; in fact, we can do that 
for hundreds more if it would help.
  Basically, that is what we are talking about here. The foreign aid 
budget is a fraction of 1 percent of our total budget--a fraction of 1 
percent. A lot of countries give a much larger percentage of their 
budget. But in many parts of the world, people say America is their 
hope because we have helped.
  That is why I commend those on both sides of the aisle who have 
joined us in carrying that out, because it is not a political issue, it 
is not a military issue, it is not a partisan issue; it is a truly 
moral issue. If we are truly people of God, if we care, this is what we 
will do. So I commend those Senators who are making it possible.
  I ask my friend from Kentucky, are we close to having the final 
agreement on the managers' package?
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I believe our staffs are working on 
that right now.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.

[[Page 19274]]


  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the 
order for the quorum be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


               Amendments Nos. 3680 through 3701, en bloc

  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I have a managers' package here that 
has been approved on both sides. I send it to the desk and ask for its 
immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. McConnell) proposes 
     amendments numbered 3680 through 3701, en bloc.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the reading will be 
dispensed with.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the amendments be agreed 
to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments were agreed to, as follows:


                           amendment no. 3680

                     (Purpose: Technical amendment)

       On page 96, line 10 of the bill, insert ``central'' before 
     ``government''.


                           amendment no. 3681

                     (Purpose: Technical amendment)

       On page 9, line 21, strike ``a program of''.


                           amendment no. 3682

             (Purpose: Regarding USAID operating expenses)

       On page 17, line 26, strike ``$600,000,000'' and insert in 
     lieu thereof ``$618,000,000'';
       On page 58, line 16, strike ``$69,691,000'' and insert in 
     lieu thereof ``$59,691,000''; and
       On page 59, line 6, strike ``$75,000,000'' and insert in 
     lieu thereof ``$67,000,000''.


                           amendment no. 3683

       On page 105, line 12, after the period, insert the 
     following:
       (p) Affordable Housing.--Section 607(b)(3)(B) of Title VI 
     of Division D of the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2004, 
     P.L. 108-199, January 23, 2004, is amended by striking 
     ``and'' under subparagraph (A), and inserting before the 
     period in subparagraph (B): ``; and (C) provide decent, 
     affordable housing.''


                           amendment no. 3684

              (Purpose: Regarding assistance for Liberia)

       On page 24, line 11, after ``Kenya:'', insert the 
     following: ``Provided further, That of the funds appropriated 
     under this heading, not less than $25,000,000 should be made 
     available for assistance for Liberia:''.


                           amendment no. 3685

   (Purpose: To limit the extension of certain credit, and for other 
                               purposes)

       On page 3, line 25, strike the period and insert the 
     following: ``: Provided further, That not later than 30 days 
     after the date of enactment of this Act, the Export-Import 
     Bank shall submit a report to the Committees on 
     Appropriations of the House of Representatives and the 
     Senate, containing an analysis of the economic impact on 
     United States producers of ethanol of the extension of credit 
     and financial guarantees for the development of an ethanol 
     dehydration plant in Trinidad and Tobago, including a 
     determination of whether such extension will cause 
     substantial injury to such producers, as defined in section 
     2(e)(4) of the Export-Import Bank Act of 1945 (12 U.S.C. 
     635(e)(4)): Provided further, That the Export-Import Bank 
     shall consult with the Committees on Appropriations and the 
     Senate Committee on Finance prior to extending direct credit 
     or financial guarantee to establish or expand the production 
     of indigenous products for export by a beneficiary country 
     pursuant to section 423 of the Tax Reform Act of 1986 (19 
     U.S.C. 2703 note).''.


                           amendment no. 3686

     (Purpose: To express the sense of the Senate on the need for 
       international support for the interim government of Haiti)

       At the appropriate place in the bill, insert the following:


                      improving security in haiti

       Sec.  . (a) Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) Haiti is important to the national security interests 
     of the United States.
       (2) The United States has contributed significant 
     assistance to support the political, economic and social 
     development of Haiti with limited and uneven results.
       (3) The Haitian people are currently suffering from extreme 
     poverty, threats from armed groups who control large areas of 
     the country, and violations of human rights, including 
     kidnappings.
       (4) As of September 22, 2004, Tropical Storm Jeanne killed 
     more than 1,000 people, with many hundreds remaining missing, 
     in Gonaives and other areas of Haiti, and caused severe 
     destruction of property.
       (5) The Interim Government of Haiti under Prime Minister 
     Gerard Latortue is attempting to initiate much needed reforms 
     and bring political stability to the country prior to the 
     reintroduction of anticipated democratically-elected 
     governance in 2005.
       (6) On July 19-20, 2004, the international community 
     pledged $1,085,000,000 in assistance for Haiti, including 
     $230,000,000 from the United States.
       (7) The immediate challenges facing Haiti are (a) 
     addressing the insecurity and instability caused by armed 
     groups who are undermining the ability of the Interim 
     Government of Haiti to combat poverty and create the 
     conditions for free and fair elections; (b) establishing the 
     rule of law; and (c) economic reactivation and job creation.
       (8) On April 30, 2004, the United Nations Security Council 
     authorized the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti 
     (MINUSTAH) 6,700 military personnel and 1,622 civilian police 
     personnel, but as of July 31, 2004, only 2,259 military 
     personnel and 224 civilian police personnel had been 
     deployed.
       (9) MINUSTAH is essential to efforts to restore stability 
     and security, including countering the activities of rebels, 
     ex-combatants and other armed groups.
       (b) Congress--
       (1) appreciates the contributions of military and civilian 
     police personnel to MINUSTAH by Brazil and other nations;
       (2) calls upon the Secretary of State to redouble his 
     efforts to encourage contributions of additional personnel to 
     MINUSTAH;
       (3) calls upon MINUSTAH to assertively fulfill its mandate 
     under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter to ``ensure a 
     secure and stable environment within which the constitutional 
     and political process in Haiti can take place'', by 
     confronting and resolving security threats to the Interim 
     Government of Haiti and the people of Haiti;
       (4) calls upon the United States and the international 
     community, including the United Nations and the Organization 
     of American States, to expedite the disbursement of 
     sufficient assistance to enable the Interim Government of 
     Haiti to--
       (a) address Haiti's urgent humanitarian needs, including to 
     assist Haitians affected by Tropical Storm Jeanne;
       (b) increase employment and promote economic development; 
     and
       (c) carry out democratic elections in 2005;
       (5) calls upon the Interim Government of Haiti to make 
     every effort to ensure that all political parties can 
     participate fully and freely in the electoral process; and
       (6) notes that the failure to establish a secure and stable 
     environment and to conduct credible and inclusive elections 
     will likely result in Haiti's complete transition from a 
     failed state to a criminal state.


                           amendment no. 3687

   (Purpose: Regarding medically accurate information on condom use)

       On page 12, line 12, strike ``nothing'' and everything 
     thereafter through ``1961'' on line 15 and insert in lieu 
     thereof: ``information provided about the use of condoms as 
     part of projects or activities that are funded from amounts 
     appropriated by this Act shall be medically accurate and 
     shall include the public health benefits and failure rates of 
     such use''.


                           amendment no. 3688

               (Purpose: Regarding assistance for Greece)

       On page 51, line 16, after the colon, insert: ``Provided 
     further, That of the funds appropriated under this heading, 
     not less than $2,000,000 shall be made available for 
     assistance for Greece:''.


                           amendment no. 3689

       On page 38, strike line 23 through ``treaties'' on page 39, 
     line 1, and insert in lieu thereof the following: ``of 
     civilians forcibly displaced by such groups; and (4) the 
     Government of Colombia has not enacted legislation 
     inconsistent with its obligations under the United States-
     Colombian treaty on extradition, and has committed to the 
     United States that it will continue to extradite Colombian 
     citizens to the United States, including members of such 
     illegal armed groups, in accordance with that treaty''.


                           amendment no. 3690

       At the appropriate place in the bill insert:


             report on global poverty and national security

       Sec.   . Not later than 180 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in 
     consultation with other relevant federal agencies, shall 
     submit a report to Congress on the impact of global poverty 
     on the national security of the United States, which shall 
     include: (1) an evaluation of the effects of global poverty 
     on United States efforts to promote democracy, equitable 
     economic development, and the rule of law in developing 
     countries; (2) a description of the relationship between 
     global poverty and political instability, civil conflict, and 
     international terrorism; and (3) recommendations for 
     improving the ability of the United States Government to 
     effectively address the problems in (1) and (2) by combating 
     global poverty, including possible organizational changes 
     within the Federal government.


                           amendment no. 3691

               (Purpose: Regarding assistance for Nepal)

       On page 169, line 20, after the period insert:
       (d) Funds made available for assistance for Nepal pursuant 
     to subsection (a) may be made available if the Secretary of 
     State reports to the Committees on Appropriations

[[Page 19275]]

     that the Government of Nepal is: (1) complying promptly with 
     habeas corpus orders issued by the Supreme Court of Nepal, 
     including all outstanding orders; (2) cooperating with the 
     National Human Rights Commission of Nepal to resolve all 
     cases of disappearances; and (3) granting the National Human 
     Rights Commission of Nepal unimpeded access to places of 
     detention: Provided, That the Secretary of State may waive 
     the requirements of this subsection if he determines and 
     reports to the Committees on Appropriations that to do so is 
     in the security interests of the United States.


                           amendment no. 3692

   (Purpose: To provide that $10,000,000 should be made available to 
   reduce the threat that man-portable air defense systems could be 
       acquired by terrorists or by state sponsors of terrorism)

       On page 45, line 21, strike ``funds.'' and insert ``funds: 
     Provided further, That of the funds appropriated under this 
     heading, $10,000,000 should be made available to reduce the 
     threat that man-portable air defense systems (`MANPADS') 
     could be acquired by terrorists or by state sponsors of 
     terrorism.''.


                           Amendment No. 3693

  (Purpose: To provide $10 million in election related assistance to 
                         Haiti through the OAS)

       On page 118, strike lines 9-11 and insert in lieu thereof 
     the following:
       ``(3) 35,000,000 from ``Economic Support Fund'', 
     $25,000,000 of which shall be made available or judicial 
     reform programs, and $20,000,000 of which shall be made 
     available for to the Organization of American States for 
     expenses related to the organization and holding of free and 
     fair elections in Haiti in 2005; and''.


                           amendment no. 3694

  (Purpose: to require a report on reform of the education sector in 
                               Pakistan)

       On page 183, after line 23, insert the following new 
     section.


                report on Education reform in Pakistan.

       (a) Not later than 90 days after the date of enactment of 
     this Act, the Secretary of State shall submit a report to the 
     appropriate congressional committees
       (1) describing the strategy of the Government of Pakistan 
     to implement education reform in Pakistan, and the strategy 
     of the Government of the United States to assist Pakistan to 
     achieve that objective;
       (2) providing information on the amount of funding--
       (A) obligated and expended by the Government of Pakistan 
     and the Government of the United States, respectively, for 
     education reform in Pakistan, since January 1, 2002;
       (B) expected to be provided by the Government of Pakistan 
     and Government of the United States, respectively, for 
     education reform in Pakistan, including any assistance to be 
     provided by the United States pursuant to the commitment of 
     President Bush to provide $3,000,000,000 in assistance to 
     Pakistan during fiscal year 2005 through fiscal year 2009; 
     and
        (3) discussing progress made in achieving education reform 
     in Pakistan since January 1, 2002.
       (b) Definitions.--In this section--
       (1) the term ``appropriate congressional committees'' 
     means--
       (A) the Committees on Appropriations and International 
     Relations of the House of Representatives; and
       (B) the Committees on Appropriations and Foreign Relations 
     of the Senate;
       (2) the term ``education reform'' includes efforts to 
     expand and improve the secular education system in Pakistan, 
     and to develop and utilize a moderate curriculum for private 
     religious schools in Pakistan.


                           amendment no. 3695

       On page 128, line 19, after ``shall'' insert the following: 
     ``consult with the appropriate congressional committees,''.


                           amendment no. 3696

     (Purpose: To urge the President, the United States Permanent 
  Representative to the United Nations, and other appropriate United 
   States officials to work to dissuade member states of the United 
Nations from supporting resolutions that unfairly castigate Israel and 
to promote within the United Nations General Assembly more balanced and 
   constructive approaches to resolving conflict in the Middle East)

       On page 183, after line 23, add the following:


                  united nations resolutions on israel

       Sec. 599F. (a) The Senate makes the following findings:
       (1) The United Nations General Assembly and United Nations 
     Security Council have over a period of many years engaged in 
     a pattern of enacting measures and resolutions castigating 
     and condemning the state of Israel.
       (2) Despite the myriad of challenges facing the world 
     community, the United Nations General Assembly has devoted a 
     disproportionate amount of time and resources to castigating 
     Israel;
       (3) During the fifty-seventh session of the United Nations 
     General Assembly, the General Assembly adopted a total of 80 
     resolutions by roll call vote, 23 of which related to Israel 
     and were opposed by the United States.
       (4) The United States has a responsibility to promote fair 
     and equitable treatment of all nations in the context of 
     international organizations, including the United Nations.
       (b) It is the sense of the Senate that the President, the 
     United States Permanent Representative to the United Nations, 
     and other appropriate United States officials should--
       (1) work to dissuade member states of the United Nations 
     from voting in support of United Nations General Assembly 
     resolutions that unfairly castigate Israel; and
       (2) promote within the United Nations General Assembly more 
     balanced and constructive approaches to resolving the 
     conflict in the Middle East.
       (c) Section 406(b)(4) of the Foreign Relations 
     Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1990 and 1991 (Public Law 
     101-246; 22 U.S.C. 2414a(b)(4)) is amended by inserting after 
     ``United States'' the following: ``, including a separate 
     listing of all plenary votes cast by member countries of the 
     United Nations in the General Assembly on resolutions 
     specifically related to Israel that are opposed by the United 
     States''.


                           amendment no. 3697

(Purpose: To express the sense of Congress on actions of the President 
      to address violations of religious freedom in Saudi Arabia)

       On page 183, after line 23, add the following:


 sense of the senate on violations of religious freedom in saudi arabia

       Sec. 599F. It is the sense of Senate that, in light of the 
     designation of Saudi Arabia as a country of particular 
     concern under section 402(b)(1)(A) of the International 
     Religious Freedom Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 6442(b)(1)(A)) 
     because the Government of Saudi Arabia has engaged in or 
     tolerated particularly severe violations of religious 
     freedom, the President should--
       (1) under the authority in section 402(c)(2) and 405(c) of 
     such Act, negotiate a binding agreement with the Government 
     of Saudi Arabia that requires such Government to phase out 
     any program, policy, or practice that contributes to the 
     violations of religious freedom occurring or being tolerated 
     in Saudi Arabia; or
       (2) take an action described in one of the paragraphs (9) 
     through (15) of 405(a) of such Act or a commensurate action 
     under the authority in section 402(c)(1)(B) of such Act with 
     respect to Saudi Arabia that the President determines is 
     appropriate after consideration of the recommendations for 
     United States policy made by the United States Commission on 
     International Religious Freedom.


                           amendment no. 3698

       On page 139, line 22, after ``conflict'' insert:
       , respond to disasters,


                           amendment no. 3699

       On page 112, line 4, after ``FINES'', insert: ``AND REAL 
     PROPERTY TAXES''
       On page 112, line 10, after ``penalties'', insert: ``and 
     unpaid property taxes''
       On page 112, line 15, after ``penalties'', insert: ``and 
     unpaid property taxes''
       On page 112, line 24, after ``penalties'', insert: ``and 
     unpaid property taxes''
       On page 113, line 1, after ``(d)'', insert: ``(1)''
       On page 113, line 2, after ``(a)'', insert: ``with respect 
     to parking fines and penalties''
       On page 113, line 6, after ``so.'', insert: ``(2) The 
     Secretary of State may waive the requirements set forth in 
     subsection (a) with respect to the unpaid property taxes if 
     the Secretary of State determines that it is in the national 
     interests of the United States to do so.''
       On page 113, line 13, after ``penalties'', insert: ``and 
     unpaid property taxes and interest''
       On page 114, line 12, after ``2004'', insert: ``(4) The 
     term `unpaid property taxes' means the amount of unpaid taxes 
     and interest on such taxes that have accrued on real property 
     in the District of Columbia or New York, New York under 
     applicable law.''


                           amendment no. 3700

     (Purpose: To express support for the sovereignty, territorial 
           integrity, and political independence of Lebanon)

       On page 183, after line 23, add the following:


           support for the political independence of Lebanon

       Sec. 599F. (a) The Senate makes the following findings:
       (1) The United States has long supported the sovereignty, 
     territorial integrity, and political independence of Lebanon 
     and the sole and exclusive exercise by the Government of 
     Lebanon of national governmental authority throughout that 
     country.
       (2) The continued presence in Lebanon of nongovernmental 
     armed groups and militias, including Hizbollah, prevents the 
     Government of Lebanon from exercising its full sovereignty 
     over all territory in that country.
       (3) The Government of Syria has had a military presence in 
     Lebanon since 1976, and maintains approximately 20,000 troops 
     in Lebanon.
       (4) The Government of Syria continues to violate United 
     Nations Security Council Resolution 520, adopted in 1982, 
     which demands that ``all non-Lebanese forces'' leave Lebanon.

[[Page 19276]]

       (5) Syria has, since 1979, been labeled by the Department 
     of State as a state sponsor of terrorism.
       (6) President George W. Bush signed an Executive order on 
     May 11, 2004, that implements sanctions against the 
     Government of Syria pursuant to the Syria Accountability and 
     Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 (Public Law 108-
     175; 22 U.S.C. 2151 note), demonstrating the resolve of the 
     United States to address both the continued military presence 
     of Syria in Lebanon and the support of the Government of 
     Syria for terrorism.
       (7) United Nations Security Resolution 1559, approved on 
     September 2, 2004, expressed support for a free and fair 
     electoral process in the upcoming presidential election in 
     Lebanon conducted according to constitutional rules adopted 
     in Lebanon without foreign interference or influence.
       (8) On September 3, 2004, the Government of Syria, 
     according to numerous reports, exerted undue influence upon 
     government officials in Lebanon to amend the constitution to 
     extend the term of the President of Lebanon, Emile Lahoud, 
     who is supported by the Government of Syria.
       (b) Congress--
       (1) commends President George W. Bush for implementing 
     sanctions on the Government of Syria pursuant to the Syria 
     Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 
     2003;
       (2) urges the United Nations to seek a firm, negotiated 
     schedule for the complete withdrawal from Lebanon of Syria 
     armed forces in order to facilitate the restoration of the 
     sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political 
     independence of Lebanon;
       (3) calls upon the Government of Syria to immediately 
     withdraw its troops from Lebanon in accordance with United 
     Nations resolutions;
       (4) demands that the Government of Syria--
       (A) cease its support and armament of terror groups such as 
     Hizbollah; and
       (B) facilitate efforts by the legitimate national 
     government and armed forces of Lebanon to disarm all 
     nongovernmental armed groups and militias located in Lebanon 
     and to extend central government authority throughout 
     Lebanon; and
       (5) condemns all efforts to derail the democratic process 
     in Lebanon and to interfere with the legitimate election 
     process in that country.


                           amendment no. 3701

       On page 134, line 16, after the period insert:
       (e) Availability and Use of Funds.--Funds appropriated 
     under the heading ``International Organizations and 
     Programs'' that are not made available for UNFPA because of 
     the operation of any provision of law shall remain available 
     until September 30, 2006: Provided, That funds made available 
     pursuant to this section may not be used for any other 
     purpose, notwithstanding the authority contained in sections 
     451, 610 and 614 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, or 
     any other provision of law unless specifically authorized in 
     subsequent legislation.


                           amendment no. 3685

  Mr. GRASSLEY. Madame President, my amendment serves two purposes. 
First, to ensure that credit guarantees extended by the Export-Import 
Bank to help build an ethanol dehydration plant in Trinidad and Tobago 
did not violate the Bank's charter. And, second, to ensure that 
Congress has prior notification before similar credit is extended by 
the Bank in the future.
  Much to my dismay, I recently learned that the Export-Import Bank 
approved approximately $9.6 million in taxpayer guaranteed credit 
insurance to help Angostura Limited finance the construction of an 
ethanol dehydration plant in Trinidad and Tobago. The purpose of this 
credit insurance was to enable Angostura Limited to purchase equipment 
which will be used to dehydrate up to 100 million gallons of ethanol 
annually from Brazil and re-export the ethanol to the United States 
duty-free under the current Caribbean Basin Initiative trade preference 
program. I am deeply concerned that the extension of this credit may 
have violated the letter and spirit of the Export-Import Bank's own 
authorizing statutes.
  Section 635(e) of the authorizing statute states that the Bank is not 
to provide credit or financial guarantees to expand production of 
commodities for export to the United States if the resulting production 
capacity is expected to compete with U.S. production of the same 
commodity and that the extension of such credit will cause substantial 
injury to U.S. producers of the same commodity. The statute further 
provides that ``the extension of any credit or guarantee by the Bank 
will cause substantial injury if the amount of the capacity for 
production established, or the amount of the increase in such capacity 
expanded, by such credit or guarantee equals or exceeds 1 percent of 
United States production.'' The total 100 million gallon capacity of 
the facility in question is nearly four percent of U.S. production. 
Thus, the capacity of this plant clearly exceeds the one percent 
threshold for causing substantial injury to the U.S. ethanol industry 
outlined in the authorizing statute. This raises serious questions as 
to whether it was within the Bank's authority to issue credit for the 
construction of the Angostura Limited facility.
  Because the amount financed by the Export-Import Bank was less than 
$10 million dollars no detailed economic impact analysis was conducted 
by the Bank. Thus, the Export-Import Bank never conducted an analysis 
to determine whether this plant will cause substantial injury to 
ethanol facilities in the United States. Let's be clear--the potential 
economic impact of financing this facility is significant. This new 
facility will be able to dehydrate up to 100 million gallons of 
Brazilian ethanol per year for duty-free export to the United States. 
The capacity of this single facility far exceeds total annual U.S. 
imports of ethanol from the entire Caribbean region, which have never 
exceeded about 60 million gallons in any one year. This fact alone 
should have raised concerns within the Export-Import Bank as to whether 
it was appropriate to provide financing for this project.
  It is now time to get all the facts from the Export-Import Bank. This 
amendment requires that the Bank conduct an economic impact analysis on 
this project and report within 30 days after the enactment of this bill 
on whether or not this facility will cause substantial injury to U.S. 
and Iowa producers of ethanol. If so, the Export- Import Bank may have 
violated its own statutory authority. If that is the case, we will 
evaluate what further actions to take at that time.
  I also want to note that no public notice was provided in the Federal 
Register during the Bank's consideration of whether to provide credit 
financing for this project, and no written report was issued setting 
out the basis for the Bank's decision. I am confident that public 
notice and greater transparency throughout this process would have 
provided interested parties such as myself an opportunity to comment on 
this proposal. I want to make sure the general public and I have an 
opportunity to comment on proposals for similar projects in the future. 
Thus, my amendment will also require consultation with the appropriate 
committees before credit is extended for similar purposes.
  Recently I introduced S. 2762 which would prohibit ethanol from 
getting duty-free access through the Caribbean Basin Initiative trade 
preference program unless the ethanol is produced substantially with 
inputs from the Caribbean Basin nations. The purpose of this 
legislation is to close the loophole in the Caribbean Basin Initiative 
which enables companies such as Angostura Limited to transship 
Brazilian ethanol to the United States duty-free. Sadly, the extension 
of credit for the facility in Trinidad and Tobago flies in the face of 
this goal. Instead of helping to close the loophole, the Export-Import 
Bank's actions actually help foreign companies exploit it. These 
actions seem to violate common sense. I intend to do all I can to try 
to determine how the Export-Import Bank came to this decision and, 
hopefully, to make sure the Bank does not make similar decisions in the 
future.
  I appreciate the willingness of Chairman McConnell and Ranking Member 
Leahy in working with me to include my amendment as part of this 
legislation. Their understanding of the importance of this issue to my 
home state of Iowa and many others in the United States is appreciated. 
I also appreciate their understanding of the importance of making sure 
that taxpayer money is being used appropriately and that the Export-
Import Bank is operating within the confines, and spirit, of its 
statutory authority.


                           Amendment No. 3693

  Mr. DODD. Madam President, as I noted earlier today on the Senate 
floor, I had the privilege of attending the inaugural ceremony of His 
Excellency

[[Page 19277]]

Miguel Angel Rodriguez to be the next Secretary General of the 
Organization of American States. It was an honor to be present for that 
event. I was inspired by the words of the Secretary General as he 
assumed his new office.
  Earlier today, I put the entire speech in the Congressional Record so 
that our colleagues would have an opportunity to review it. One 
paragraph in particular caught my attention because it is so relevant 
to what we are attempting to do with the programs we fund in the 
legislation before us:

       In this twenty-first century, inspired by the values we 
     share, imbued with the ideals of our forefathers, and 
     outraged by the pain of poverty, inequity and exclusion, we 
     women and men of the Americas must redouble our efforts, to 
     expedite the achievement and full exercise of human freedom 
     and dignity.

  These words are especially relevant to the abysmal state of affairs 
in Haiti. We truly should be outraged by the poverty, inequity and 
exclusion that most of the 8 million Haitians live with everyday.
  Two-thirds of Haiti's 8 million people live in poverty. Twenty-five 
percent of Haitian children under the age of five are chronically 
malnourished. The average life expectancy is 53 years. The infant 
mortality rate is 80 per 1000 births--an extraordinarily high 
percentage. HIV/AID affects more than 5 percent of the Haitian 
population--the highest infection rate in the Western Hemisphere and 
comparable to rates being experienced in Sub Saharan Africa.
  And if an ordinary day in Haiti was not bad enough, natural disasters 
had made recent days even more unspeakable. Over the last 4 months 
these natural disasters have made an already vulnerable population more 
endangered. Four months ago, flooding took the lives of 1,700 Haitians. 
More recently, Tropical Storm Jeanne has already been responsible for 
the deaths of at least 1,000 people--we will probably never know the 
full extent of lives lost as many bodies swept out to sea during the 
torrential rains will never be recovered.
  As if that were not enough, insecurity prevails through most of the 
country with armed gangs threatening to kill individuals for their 
political views or affiliations.
  Secretary General Rodriguez is absolutely right: We truly must 
redouble our efforts so that every Haitian can live in freedom with 
dignity, rather than in abject poverty and pervasive insecurity.
  In that regard, I appreciate the attention that the chairman and 
ranking member of the subcommittee have paid to Haiti's plight in the 
bill before us. Even though the overall allocation in the fiscal year 
2005 budget for foreign assistance programs is very limited, the bill 
before us contains approximately $80 million in assistance for Haiti: 
$20 million in Child Survival and Health programs; $25 million in 
development assistance to support agricultural and environmental and 
other development related programs; $25 million in Economic Support 
funds for judicial reform programs, and $10 million of International 
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Control monies for police training.
  I certainly support all of those allocations. But given the 
challenges confronting Haiti today, it isn't nearly enough.
  More importantly, it neglects a very critical and immediate need 
confronting Haiti now, namely planning and organizing elections so that 
the interim, unelected regime can be replaced by a government chosen by 
the Haitian people in free and fair elections.
  Past experience makes it patently obvious that without the assistance 
of the international community, Haitian authorities will be unable to 
conduct municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections next year. 
Some steps have been taken to begin the electoral process. The new 
Provisional Electoral Council, CEP, has been formed, but it has yet to 
agree on a calendar for the elections or on the measures necessary to 
ensure their success. But the CEP alone will not be able to conduct 
these elections without money and technical assistance from the 
international community.
  The United Nations has already asked the Organization of American 
States to assist the CEP with the first steps toward holding elections, 
namely creating a voter registration list. Further down the road the 
OAS will be asked to assist with other aspects of the elections. The 
OAS is willing and committed to assisting Haiti with its electoral 
process, but it cannot do it without adequate funding. The amendment I 
have proposed to the pending legislation would contribute $10 million 
for that effort.
  Mr. President, $10 million won't cover the entire costs of Haiti's 
elections, but it is an important signal that the US is prepared to be 
a partner in that effort. It should also position the OAS to solicit 
additional funds from other interested OAS members.
  The United States has committed itself and our resources to assisting 
Iraq and Afghanistan conduct elections over the next 6 months. Surely 
we can do as much for a small country in our own hemisphere. Are the 
people of Haiti any less worthy to live in freedom and democracy than 
those in Iraq or Afghanistan? I do not believe they are--I hope my 
colleagues don't either. And for that reason I would urge that they 
support this amendment.


                           Amendment No. 3694

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I propose this amendment in the hope that 
it will help Congress to assess the progress that is being made in 
reforming Pakistan's secular and religious educational system. This 
objective, shared by the Governments of Pakistan and the United States, 
must be addressed. If the next generation of Pakistani youth is denied 
the benefits of a sound, modern, ideologically moderate education, the 
results could be tragic for both of our nations.
  The President has committed the United States to a 5-year, $3 billion 
package of assistance to Pakistan, a key ally in the South Asia region 
in the war against al-Qaida, but also a place where radical 
fundamentalism has taken root. One important element of this U.S. aid 
package to Pakistan is assistance for educational reform.
  Because of the many problems plaguing Pakistan's education system, 
many parents in that country turn to the vast, unregulated system of 
madrassas, or religious academies. These madrassas range from well-run 
schools teaching both Western and Islamic subjects side-by-side, to a 
far larger number of institutions that provide only the very most 
rudimentary education, in either religious or secular topics. Of 
greatest concern--to U.S. and Pakistani interests alike--are a small 
but significant number of madrassas that indoctrinate their students 
with radical, violent ideology, and sometimes serve as training camps 
and recruitment offices for militant organizations and terrorist 
groups.
  When President Musharraf was our guest in the Senate in June 2003, he 
specifically highlighted the urgent need for educational reform as a 
key priority, and one for which he requested U.S. assistance. With 
regard to the madrassa system, President Musharraf has already laid out 
what should be done--the task now is to stop strategizing and start 
doing it. First, all madrassas should be registered with the 
government. Second, a uniform basic curriculum should be promulgated: 
this curriculum should include instruction in subjects like math, 
science and other non-religious topics, so that religious education is 
a part of the course at these academies, but not the totality. Third, 
instruction at madrassas should not foster extremist or violent 
ideology, and should not include military or paramilitary training.
  For the past 3 years, various officials of the U.S. government have 
been stating that progress was right around the corner. For years, we 
have been told that if we provide Pakistan with debt relief, Islamabad 
will use the savings in debt service to undertake serious educational 
reform. Yet it is not clear that much has been done.
  The reporting requirement set forth in this amendment will ensure 
that the Congress has adequate information about the amount of funding 
provided for educational reform and the strategy for undertaking such 
reform. We

[[Page 19278]]

should have a clear strategy--and the means by which to evaluate the 
progress of educational reform in Pakistan.


                             desert locusts

  Ms. LANDRIEU. Madam President, I would like to commend Chairman 
McConnell and ranking member Leahy for drafting a Foreign Operations 
Appropriations bill that provides a generous amount of foreign 
assistance to help vulnerable people around the world. Their bi-
partisan efforts have resulted in a strong bill that addresses many of 
the needs that exist across our globe.
  I would like to discuss a crisis that is growing in West Africa and 
that is the crop destruction occurring from a rampant outbreak of 
desert locusts during harvest season. When we talk of improving living 
conditions in Africa, we must first look at whether Africa has enough 
food to sustain its needs. Regrettably, civil wars, poor agricultural 
practices, poor weather conditions, or pests and vermin leave Africa on 
the brink of hunger all too often. Today, the United Nation's Food and 
Agriculture Organization reports the Sahel in West Africa is under 
invasion from desert locusts. Locust swarms have infested nearly four 
million hectares. Wide-spread crop damage has been reported, and the 
FAO fears West Africa's food supplies and food security may be in 
jeopardy. If action is not taken, millions of people could face famine 
and starvation.
  The international community is only now beginning to realize the 
gravity of this crisis. Donor nations have pledged $37 million to the 
FAO's efforts to eradicate the desert locust in West Africa. The United 
States has committed $4 million in Fiscal Year 2004 pledges, and I am 
grateful for this contribution. However, the FAO says these pledges 
fall short of the $100 million necessary to stem this locust 
infestation. So much more needs to be done.
  As we move the FY 2005 Foreign Operations bill to conference, I would 
hope that Congress and the Executive branch would take a further look 
at the gravity of the situation is in West Africa. Senator Leahy, I 
know how committed you are to the economic development of Africa. I 
hope you would join me in calling on the State Department and the U.S. 
Agency for International Development to make an even greater 
contribution to the FAO or direct contributions to nations suffering 
from locust infestations. Moreover, can we agree to work together in 
conference to identify FY 2005 funds to ameliorate the crisis in West 
Africa? Without significant action by the U.S. and the world community, 
the locusts will only continue wreak havoc in West Africa. After all, 
FAO predicts locusts hatches will continue through the Fall and spike, 
once again, in the Spring.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I concur about the seriousness of these 
locust swarms. Hunger and famine increase the susceptibility to malaria 
and other dangerous diseases, and we must help our friends in West 
Africa fight the spread of locusts. I will call on the USAID 
Administrator to do more to address this crisis.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Thank you Senator Leahy for your consideration of my 
requests.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Madam President, I would like to commend Chairman 
McConnell and ranking member Leahy for drafting a Foreign Operations 
Appropriations bill that provides a generous amount of foreign 
assistance to help vulnerable people around the world. Their bi-
partisan efforts have resulted in a strong bill that addresses many of 
the needs that exist across our globe. I would like to take this 
opportunity to present two items that I respectfully request our 
committee address in conference negotiations of this bill with the 
House. These items refer to allocations for the United Nations 
Development Fund for Women UNIFEM.
  UNIFEM works in more than 100 countries to invest in women to reduce 
poverty, end violence against women, combat HIV/AIDS, and support 
women's roles in conflict prevention and reconstruction. This 
investment in women contributes to a more stable world for all 
countries.
  Despite our contributions for UNIFEM's work and mission, the United 
States has yet to step forward and provide adequate core support to 
UNIFEM. Our current contribution is $1 million annually, less than 
countries like Belgium, whose size and population are less than some of 
our states. In fact, our total support for UNIFEM is 6 percent of their 
budget, a considerable distance from the average of 22 percent that the 
United States contributes to other UN agencies. Additionally, the 
UNIFEM Trust Fund in Support of Actions to Eliminate Violence Against 
Women--a key support mechanism for local groups fighting violence--has 
never received a US government contribution.
  As you know, the House has passed a Foreign Operations Appropriations 
bill that includes greater funding for UNIFEM than is included in the 
proposed Senate bill. Specifically, the House report says, ``The 
Committee supports a total of $3,000,000 for the United Nations 
Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) including a $2,000,000 contribution 
to the Fund and a $1,000,000 first time contribution to the Trust Fund 
in Support of Actions to Eliminate Violence Against Women. This level 
is $2,000,000 above the request and $2,006,000 above the level provided 
in the 2004 act.''
  I respectfully request that the Senate work to adopt the House 
recommended support levels for the United Nations Development Fund for 
Women--UNIFEM--and the UNIFEM Trust Fund in Support of Actions to 
Eliminate Violence Against Women. Specifically, in conference, I hope 
the Senate will favorably consider the addition of $500,000 to the $1.5 
million that is presently allocated to UNIFEM, for a total of $2.0 
million. Second, I respectfully ask that the Senate conferees consider 
the addition of $1 million as a first time contribution to the UNIFEM 
Trust Fund in Support of Actions to Eliminate Violence Against Women. 
Again, these additions would reflect the sums allocated in the House 
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill and provide critical assistance 
to women throughout the developing world.
  I hope that Senator Leahy will work in conference to take actions 
that are necessary to ensure that the House recommendations are adopted 
in the final passage of this law.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I concur about the importance of this 
funding and will try to address these concerns in our continued 
deliberation of the Foreign Operations Appropriations legislation.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. I thank Senator Leahy for his consideration of my 
requests.
  Mr. ENSIGN. Madam President, the last few years have seen an enormous 
amount of change in the make up of the Middle East. Thanks to the will 
of President Bush and the skill and sacrifice of our men and women in 
uniform, Afghanistan and Iraq have been freed from the shackles of 
oppressive dictatorships. Democracy is taking root, with free elections 
on the way.
  Tragically, there are some countries which choose to oppress rather 
than liberate the spirit of the people. Syria is one of these 
countries.
  On September 2, U.N. Security Resolution 1559 expressed support for a 
free and fair electoral process in Lebanon's upcoming presidential 
election conducted according to Lebanese constitutional rules devised 
without foreign interference or influence. On September 3, according to 
numerous reports, the Government of Syria exerted undue influence upon 
Lebanese government officials to amend the constitution to extend the 
term of Syrian-backed President Emile Lahoud.
  That was wrong, but hardly surprising given the role of Syria in 
Lebanon. In 1976 Syrian armed forces entered Lebanon to help prevent a 
Muslim attack on local Christians. But when the threat of attack 
subsided, Syrian troops remained. Today 20,000 of them continue their 
stranglehold on Lebanon.
  The time has come for Syria to release her grip on Lebanon. Lebanon 
is a sovereign nation. It should be allowed to exercise control over 
its territory--all of its territory--and not be hampered by the 
continued presence of Syrian military forces.

[[Page 19279]]

  The United States has long supported the political independence of 
Lebanon, as has the international community. Syria has been in 
violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 520, demanding that ``all 
non-Lebanese forces'' leave Lebanon since September 17, 1982.
  That is why I believe it is particularly important that President 
Bush for implemented sanctions on Syria pursuant to the Syria 
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003, 
demonstrating U.S. resolve to address the Syria's continued military 
presence in Lebanon and its support for terrorism.
  I implore my colleagues to recognize the importance of keeping 
pressure on Syria. This resolution urges the United Nations to seek a 
firm, negotiated timetable for complete withdrawal of Syrian armed 
forces from Lebanon, in order to facilitate the restoration of 
Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political 
independence. It calls upon the Government of Syria to immediately 
withdraw its troops from Lebanon in accordance with United Nations 
resolutions. It demands that the Government of Syria cease its support 
and armament of terror groups such as Hezbollah and facilitate efforts 
by the legitimate government and armed forces of Lebanon to disarm all 
nongovernmental armed groups and militias located in Lebanon and extend 
central government authority throughout that country. And it condemns 
all efforts to derail the democratic process and interfere with the 
legitimate election process in Lebanon.
  Like all nations, Lebanon deserves the right to chart its own 
destiny, to have free and fair elections, and to be free of foreign 
occupation.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I am pleased to support the fiscal year 
2005 Foreign Operations Appropriations bill.
  Recently, the release of the 9/11 Commission report gave us all 
reason to redouble our efforts to focus on the importance of the 
foreign policy and foreign assistance priorities that are addressed in 
this bill. The commission's intelligence reform proposals have been the 
focus of most of the media attention surrounding the 9/11 report, but 
the commission's call for more focused, effective ways to attack the 
terrorists and their organizations, and, critically, to prevent the 
continued growth of Islamist terrorism, deserve equally intense 
examination and certainly deserve action. If we are to leave our 
children a safer world, we must take the long view in this struggle, 
and we must find ways to regain the kind of international support and 
resolve that emerged in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. That 
support--so critical to any effort to deny terrorists sanctuary, to 
unravel their financial networks, and to effectively piece together the 
intelligence picture that can reveal their plans and weaknesses--has 
dipped dramatically in recent years, and we have sustained terrible 
losses of an extraordinarily valuable type of American power: our power 
to persuade, to lead, and to inspire. Throwing our support behind 
citizens fighting corruption abroad, helping to strengthen networks 
committed to fighting international crime, investing in the future by 
supporting child survival and health initiatives--all of these efforts, 
if pursued wisely, can help create a more secure world for the next 
generation.
  In this context, it is important to note that the entire Foreign 
Operations Appropriations bill amounts to less than the amount that the 
U.S. has already appropriated for reconstruction projects in just one 
country: Iraq. When I reflect on this disparity, and then reflect on 
the fact that resources in this bill are in many cases stretched very 
thin--for example, the appropriators, who I know strongly support the 
Peace Corps, were unable to meet the administration's requested funding 
level for that important program--I am concerned about the balance and 
focus of U.S. policy in the midst of what is a truly global struggle 
against the terrorists who attacked this country.
  I strongly support the provisions in this bill that provide resources 
for the fight against HIV/AIDS, and believe that the U.S. must continue 
to ramp up assistance--and to ensure that this assistance is 
effective--to honor the commitments that the President has made to the 
millions around the world struggling with this horrific pandemic.
  I am pleased that this bill fully funds the President's request for 
assistance for Israel, as well as requests for Egypt, Jordan, 
Afghanistan and Pakistan. While the U.S. relationship with each of 
these important countries is complex, there can be no question that 
continued U.S. investment in the future of these states makes good 
sense.
  I continue to have concerns about the assistance provided to Colombia 
under the Andean Counterdrug Initiative because of ongoing reports of 
human rights violations by armed groups in Colombia and links between 
paramilitary groups and the Colombian Armed Forces. I hope that the 
administration will take seriously the provisions in this bill 
conditioning the obligation of much of this assistance on whether human 
rights, alternative development, and fumigation requirements are met.
  I am pleased that an amendment I cosponsored, expressing the need for 
international support for the people of Haiti, was included in this 
bill. The latest disaster in Haiti, in which over 1,000 were killed in 
severe flooding caused by Tropical Storm Jeanne, has only intensified 
the suffering Haitians face on a daily basis from political insecurity 
and extreme poverty. This tragedy underscores the need for the 
international community to make a serious and sustained commitment to 
the future of Haiti.
  As the ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's 
Subcommittee on African Affairs, I am especially pleased that this bill 
provides $5 million to establish pilot programs in the Democratic 
Republic of the Congo, Uganda, Burundi, and Liberia to address sexual 
and gender-based violence. My office worked with the appropriators on 
this important provisions.
  I also strongly support provisions in the bill calling for 
improvements in the human rights situation in Uganda, and particularly 
calling for greater efforts devoted to civilian protection and child 
protection in the North. These provisions dovetail with the Northern 
Uganda Crisis Response Act, a bill I authored which was passed by the 
Senate and House and signed into law this summer.
  Mr. McCAIN. Madam President, I support passage of the Foreign 
Operations Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2005. This important 
legislation funds the international development and assistance portion 
of our national budget. By passing this bill, we acknowledge the 
importance of these programs on a global scale. Supporting foreign aid, 
military assistance, development funds, democracy programs and other 
programs should be a matter of course--something that America does as 
part of its responsibilities as the global superpower.
  I commend Senator McConnell, Chairman of the Foreign Operations 
Subcommittee, and Senator Leahy, ranking member of the subcommittee, on 
developing an appropriations measure that is generally free of 
earmarks. This year's bill provides $1.96 billion to carry out our many 
foreign operations programs. I note, however, that the bill falls 
nearly $2 billion short of the administration's budget request. In 
these difficult times, we cannot afford to shortchange programs or 
misdirect resources that comprise a critical instrument of America's 
international influence.
  In addition, of the total appropriated in this bill, $64.1 million 
can be identified as unrequested or unauthorized spending. Let me be 
clear. Many of the earmarks in this legislation may be worthy projects 
in and themselves, but they have not gone through the proper 
legislative process which should be followed if they are to receive 
U.S. taxpayer funding. In addition, while I may agree with many of the 
policy positions included in the bill, they should instead be included 
in authorizing legislation. Policy changes simply do not belong in 
appropriations legislation, and such inclusions usurp the jurisdiction 
of the authorizors.
  I note with regret that, once again, the Senate has failed to pass an 
authorization bill prior to considering

[[Page 19280]]

this legislation. Again, the responsibilities of authorizors and 
appropriators are expected to be distinct. The Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee has the responsibility for laying out a blueprint for the 
policies and funding levels of USAID and the Department of State and 
their programs. But because that committee has not been able to move 
its bill on the Senate floor, we do not have the benefit of its 
recommendations, which is unfortunate.
  The Senate as a whole must place as much emphasis on passing 
authorization bills and conducting proper oversight as it does on 
passing appropriations measures. Until we do so, we will continue to 
fund authorized programs and marginalize many of our committees.
  With this said, I must once again convey my gratitude to the members 
of the subcommittee. Their attention and commitment to supporting vital 
programs has provided a sound bill with which to fund our foreign 
operations for the coming fiscal year.
  Mr. NICKLES. Madam President, the pending Foreign Operations 
appropriations bill for Fiscal Year 2005, S. 2674, as reported by the 
Senate Committee on Appropriations, provides $19.386 billion in 
discretionary budget authority and $26.728 billion discretionary 
outlays in Fiscal Year 2005. The bill also includes an additional $43 
million in mandatory spending.
  The discretionary totals are $1.933 billion in budget authority and 
$250 million in outlays below the President's request.
  The discretionary budget authority provided in the bill matches the 
302(b) allocation adopted by the Senate Appropriations Committee as 
well as the amount provided in the House-passed bill. The discretionary 
outlays provided in the bill are $57 million less than the 302(b) 
allocation and $29 million above the House-passed bill.
  Section 595 of the bill includes $360 million in 2005 budget 
authority for Iraqi debt relief and Section 599D of the bill includes 
$150 million for humanitarian needs in Darfur, Sudan. These amounts are 
designated emergencies and are paired with a rescission of like amounts 
of budget authority from the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund, which 
has an emergency designation. Section 599E of the bill includes an 
additional $150 million in emergency budget authority for the Global 
Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. There is no transfer or 
rescission associated with this provision. All three sections are 
subject to a Budget Act point of order. While I will not raise a point 
of order on these provisions I do ask the conferees to hold the line on 
spending in the bill so that it does not exceed 302(b) allocation and 
to include appropriate offsets for any provisions with emergency 
designations.
  I ask unanimous consent that a table displaying the Budget Committee 
scoring of the bill be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

             S. 2812, 2005 FOREIGN OPERATIONS APPROPRIATIONS
    [SPENDING COMPARISONS--Senate-reported bill (Fiscal Year 2005,  $
                               millions)]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                          General
                                          purpose   Mandatory    Total
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Senate reported bill:\1\
  Budget authority.....................     19,386         43     19,429
  Outlays..............................     26,728         43     26,771
Senate Committee allocation:
  Budget authority.....................     19,386         43     19,429
  Outlays..............................     26,785         43     26,828
2004 Enacted:
  Budget authority.....................     38,776         44     38,820
  Outlays..............................     24,651         44     24,695
President's request:
  Budget authority.....................     21,319         43     21,362
  Outlays..............................     26,978         43     27,021
House-passed bill:
  Budget authority.....................     19,386         43     19,429
  Outlays..............................     26,699         43     26,742
 
                    SENATE-REPORTED BILL COMPARED TO:
 
Senate 302(b) allocation:
  Budget authority.....................  .........  .........  .........
  Outlays..............................        -57  .........        -57
2004 Enacted:
  Budget authority.....................    -19,390         -1    -19,391
  Outlays..............................      2,077         -1      2,076
President's request:
  Budget authority.....................     -1,933  .........     -1,933
  Outlays..............................       -250  .........       -250
House-passed bill:
  Budget authority.....................  .........  .........  .........
  Outlays..............................         29  .........         29
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: Details may not add to totals due to rounding. Totals adjusted for
  consistency with scorekeeping conventions.
\1\In addition to the amounts shown above, the bill includes $510
  million in 2005 budget authority for emergencies that is paired with a
  rescission of a like amount of budget authority from the Iraq Relief
  and Reconstruction Fund, which was an emergency. An additional $150
  million in emergency budget authority for the Global Fund to Fight
  AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria is also provided, but no transfer or
  rescission is associated with it.

  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I want to, once again, thank Senator 
McConnell for his hard work to pass a very good Foreign Operations 
bill. I also thank Chairman Stevens and Senator Byrd.
  I want to thank the staff--Paul Groove and LaShawnda Smith for the 
Majority. Paul worked countless hours to put this bill together. His 
patience, high standards, meticulous attention to detail, and 
unwavering good humor are appreciated by all of us. LaShawnda Smith 
literally kept the office going.
  I want to thank Reb Brownell, a detailee from the State Department, 
who was extremely helpful at every turn. Reb represents the very best 
that the State Department has to offer.
  And finally, I want to thank Bob Lester of USAID's Office of General 
Counsel. We literally could not write this bill without Bob. His 
knowledge of the Foreign Assistance Act and his drafting skills are 
unequaled. Although Bob talks of retiring, I don't see any way that we 
can get along without him. None of us are indispensable, but Bob Lester 
certainly comes as close as humanly possible.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the engrossment of the 
amendments and third reading of the bill.
  The amendments were ordered to be engrossed and the bill to be read 
the third time.
  The bill was read the third time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill having been read the third time, the 
question is, Shall the bill pass?
  The bill (H.R. 4818), as amended, was passed, as follows:
  (The bill will be printed in a future edition of the Record.)
  Mr. McCONNELL. I move to reconsider the vote and move to lay that 
motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate insists 
on its amendment and requests a conference with the House.
  The Presiding Officer (Ms. Murkowski) appointed Senators McConnell, 
Specter, Gregg, Shelby, Bennett, Campbell, Bond, DeWine, Stevens, 
Leahy, Inouye, Harkin, Mikulski, Durbin, Johnson, Landrieu, and Byrd 
conferees on the part of the Senate.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, have we now completed both the bill 
and the appointment of conferees?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is correct, yes.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I thank both the majority and minority staff for their 
excellent work on this and commend my friend and colleague, Senator 
Leahy, for his important contribution again this year as usual.
  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I thank both the distinguished Democratic 
leader, Mr. Reid, and the distinguished chairman of the Appropriations 
Subcommittee, Mr. McConnell. They were able to finish up the bill. I 
say again--as I said in my statement complimenting the Senator from 
Kentucky and his able staff and also my able staff--we have set an all-
time record on a very complex piece of legislation in getting it 
through. I compliment the Senator.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I compliment my friend from Vermont. Maybe we can 
break our record next year.
  I extend my thanks to Paul Grove, the majority staff director, for 
his fine work on this bill; Tim Rieser, as well, on the Democratic 
side. It is always a pleasure to work with them. They are great 
professionals who have done a marvelous job in smoothing the passage 
that we have achieved tonight on voice vote.

                          ____________________