[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 13]
[House]
[Pages 18200-18204]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                     THE FACE OF THE TERRORIST FOE

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 7, 2003, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) is 
recognized for 60 minutes.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, there are, of course, a wide variety of 
views and opinions on the situation that we now face in Iraq and around 
the world. I am compelled to come to the floor tonight to talk about 
one aspect of this, I suppose, not necessarily to take sides in this 
debate that has been going on for the last hour but to look into the 
nature of the foe that both we face and much of the civilized world 
faces. When you look into the face of the foe, of the enemy, what you 
see is pure, unadulterated evil. That evil manifested itself just a 
short time ago in a faraway place, in Russia, more specifically in a 
small community and even more specifically in a school in that 
community, where people devoted to a cause, to a set of ideas, decided 
that one way

[[Page 18201]]

to advance that cause would be to enter this small town in Russia and 
to take hostage the children and the parents and the teachers in this 
small school. Because it was the first day of school and as is the 
custom in this area, parents and even grandparents will accompany their 
children to school for the first day of opening festivities. So they 
knew they would have a large congregation of people, all there to enjoy 
the day, parents there to encourage their children, children looking 
back at their parents and grandparents for that encouragement. 
Something that goes on, of course, an event, an activity that goes on 
throughout the world in many different countries and in many different 
ways but essentially that same expression of support and hope and love 
that we see throughout the world.
  These people, acting under the guise of ideology, decided to go in 
and take these folks hostage, because it would be an act of terror 
almost unparalleled. In fact, I will say unparalleled in the annals of 
human history. They did so and hundreds of people died, most of them 
children. The most innocent among us died horrible deaths because 
terrorists decided to take an action that they believed would advance 
their cause. It has not advanced their cause. We know that. The 
civilized world has reacted in horror and disdain and has in every way 
imaginable sent the message to those who perpetrated this crime that 
your cause is not advanced. We see you for what you are. You are, in 
fact, evil incarnate. Evil does exist on this planet. It prowls. It 
looks. It strikes. It struck in Russia and hundreds of people today, 
thousands of people there, millions of people around the world, are in 
mourning and in grief for what happened.
  There will be people who will try to suggest that even though this 
was a horrible event, the people who perpetrated this had just cause, 
that they had been ill treated in the past by the government of Russia 
going back to the czars. Certainly it may be true that there were 
injustices and that in fact horrible things have happened in the past. 
But nothing, Mr. Speaker, nothing, nothing that I can conceive of or I 
think for the most part anyone in the civilized world can conceive of 
could justify the acts that were taken in Beslan by these terrorists. 
Nothing can justify that. No amount of rationalization, no amount of 
historical injustice, nothing can justify the taking of the most 
innocent lives, not just the taking of their lives but the torture of 
these innocent human beings for days before the lives were taken. 
Nothing can justify the horror that was inflicted upon the community in 
Beslan. Nothing.
  My community, the place in which I live, is Littleton, Colorado. 
Several years ago, we experienced an event of unimaginable horror in 
our little community. I know what that did when two individuals went 
into a school, Columbine High School, and killed their fellow students 
and teachers. I know what happened. I know the kind of trauma that 
existed and that everyone had to deal with, not just even the parents 
of the children involved but the entire community. I know how long it 
lasted. I know that to this day we have not found a salve that could, 
in fact, heal those wounds, even to this day. We still gather in April 
to pay our respects and to remember the dead and to express our 
condolences to the parents and families of those who survived.
  So I know a little bit about the pain that I know exists in this 
community of Beslan and, of course, in surrounding areas. I know that 
there are no words, that no one, not Presidents or Premiers or no one 
can ever, ever, ever state what would be necessary in order to salve 
all the wounds that now exist. But we try, because we have nothing 
else. We have no other way. Today in my district, in Littleton, 
Colorado, in the Columbine school area, children are signing posters, 
preparing notes of sympathy that I will collect from them on Thursday 
and then I will take with me to Russia the next day. We hope to be 
visiting Beslan and we hope to be able to express the sympathy of the 
people in my district and they, of course, represent the bulk of the 
world who are heartsick at the events in Beslan. We need to talk about 
it more, although it is very difficult to do. It is extremely painful 
to even discuss these things, I know. But it is important for us to do 
so. It is important for us to try to think about what motivates people 
to do what they did, what the terrorists did there and what the rest of 
the world must do in response to it in order to not fall victim to the 
same kind of barbarism. It is an incredibly difficult challenge we all 
face, the world faces. How it is that we can respond? What do we do in 
the face of such evil?

                              {time}  2300

  What defenses do we prepare? What armies do we send into the field 
and where? What are the things that we tell the people in our own 
country that can make them feel more at ease and safer as they tuck 
their children into bed at night? Because these things we face, this 
evil that we face, really, is powerful. It feeds upon a number of 
emotions that are difficult to deal with.
  Yet we must do so. We must think about what kind of defenses we can 
erect, how we can defend ourselves, what do we do around the world, and 
what do we do even in our own country. What are the principles and 
ideas that we live by that we can extol? How can we convince the rest 
of the world that there are ways to live in peace with each other 
regardless of the faith that one ascribes to? How can we exist on a 
planet if there are hundreds of millions of people who believe that if 
one does not believe in their God, if one does not accept their 
principles of religious ideology, that they do not deserve to exist and 
that they are, in fact, some sort of threat to them?
  These ideas have to be fought with ideas. We have to talk about who 
we are in the United States and in Western Civilization. We have to 
talk about what principles we believe in and espouse. We cannot just be 
against others. We have to talk about who we are and what is at stake. 
Everyone in the world, certainly Americans, when this happened, they 
felt some degree of angst and certainly horror, but also some fear, 
some basic kind of internalized fear about the possibility that it 
could happen there, here, in our community, in our school, with our 
children.
  And it develops a sort of paranoia about the world, and people do not 
know what they can do about this. And I suggest that there are answers 
to this question, and I do not believe for a moment that I am the 
person that can give all of the answers to all of the questions, but I 
do feel it is incumbent upon us to talk about some of the things that 
are important and some of the things that could and should be done in 
order to both defend ourselves and advance the cause of liberty and 
freedom throughout the world.
  We must talk about the value of Western Civilization and the 
principles embodied therein. We must begin to explore them in a way 
that perhaps has not happened in a century or more in this country or 
certainly even around the world, in the Western world anyway. Because, 
after all, if we are just simply people who exist in a particular place 
on the planet, that is all, we are just residents of an area with no 
particular philosophy, set of ideas or ideals that are worth our 
allegiance, then the opponents of Western Civilization, the terrorists 
who seek to kill us because we do not see the world in the same way 
they do, they will have an advantage because they know exactly who they 
are, Mr. Speaker. They know the world in which they exist and the world 
that they represent. They have been thoroughly indoctrinated and are 
convinced of the righteousness of their ways.
  It is not just enough to simply juxtapose our civilization against 
theirs. We have to, again, as I say, talk about in America and the rest 
of the Western world, what it is that makes us different and why we 
deserve to defend ourselves, what is it about our society that is worth 
defending. Are there principles? Are there ideas and ideals that we 
should hold on to and defend at all costs?
  I certainly think so. I certainly think the ideas of individual 
liberty, the rule

[[Page 18202]]

of law, the concepts embodied in both the Declaration of Independence, 
the Constitution of the United States and even going back to the Magna 
Carta, I think these things are worthy of our allegiance. I wonder how 
many children in our schools learn them, know about them. I certainly 
do not want our schools to turn into madrasas where children are 
indoctrinated day in and day out with the propaganda of their 
civilization. I want our schools to be true places of learning where 
children are confronted with a series of ideas and facts and then asked 
to incorporate them into what they believe and think, to analyze them, 
become objective observers, and to come to a conclusion, which I think 
would be inescapable that what we have and what we have put forward on 
this Earth in terms of a method of living, a system of living together, 
regardless if we are Muslims or Christians or Jews or Buddhists or 
nothing at all in terms of a religious persuasion; but the fact that we 
can create a society in which all these people can live is, I think, a 
good thing. It is worthy of our talking about. It is worthy of our 
allegiance. That is talking about who we are and what we believe in and 
why it is worthy, and it is a good thing and we need to do that.
  We need to do other things that encourage Islam to look internally 
and to reform itself. There are many people, I read comments by leaders 
in the Islamic faith, Muslim leaders, that suggested that they too had 
come to the conclusion that something was very, very wrong inside their 
religion. Some even called it a corrupted religion. They lamented the 
fact that in recent history, although terrorists had different kinds of 
nationalities and ethnicities, they had one thing in common: they were 
Muslims. And they lamented that fact, and they said there is something 
wrong with this religion. There is something wrong with a religion 
that, in fact, promotes a cult of death. So there is hope that reform 
can come to Islam.
  The third thing we must do and to hope for is to construct a defense 
of our own civilization and of our own country against terrorist 
activities. And, believe me, this is a tough one. This gets us into, I 
guess, a little bit of the battle that went on there or at least the 
discussion that went on here the hour preceding this one about why are 
we in Iraq, was it the right thing to do, was the President motivated 
by all the right reasons or all the wrong reasons? Was Iraq the proper 
thing for us to do, the logical extension of our war against terror? 
Specifically, was it the right thing to do in our war against 
fundamentalist Islam? Because that is really what we are at war with.
  I agree with some of the comments made earlier by some of the folks 
over here that said that terror is not the thing with which we are at 
war. It is simply a tactic. I have said this on this floor many times 
and now for several years, and I am glad to hear it being repeated by 
others because, of course, it is important for us to understand who the 
enemy really is.

                              {time}  2310

  I think our friends on the other side did not go as far as they 
needed to go to actually describe them. It is fundamentalist Islam with 
which we are at war, make no mistake about it. And whether that fervor, 
that Islamic fervor leads you to do things like press for a separation 
from Russia because you want to create an Islamic republic, it is still 
fundamentalist Islam with which the world is at war. Or whether it 
manifests itself as it did here by planes crashing into buildings and 
into the Pentagon and into fields in Pennsylvania, it is fundamentalist 
Islam with which we are at war. Around the world, incidents occur. 
There are motivating factors that combine to create them, but when you 
sort of get to the bottom line, what is the common element? It is 
fundamentalist Islam.
  We are not used to saying things like that here in this body; we are 
certainly not used to saying things like that on the political stump, 
because this is America, and we do not talk about people's religion, 
certainly not in disparaging ways. Among other things, it will probably 
cost us votes. But seriously, it is uncomfortable and it is just not 
done. But we have to do it. It is uncomfortable. I certainly do not 
like having to say these things, but I see absolutely no alternative to 
saying them, because I believe these things are true, and I believe 
most of the world knows them to be true.
  So we have to talk about who we are. We have to hope for reform of 
Islam, and we have to defend ourselves. I do not know of another set of 
alternatives. I do not know of another strategy that we can employ.
  I do not know whether or not the President of the United States was 
thinking about one or all of these things when he led us into the war 
in Iraq. I hope that, in fact, it was part of his strategy. I hope with 
all of my heart that what we are doing in Iraq will advance our cause, 
will weaken our enemy, will somehow force that reformation, or at least 
a movement toward that reformation, and certainly I hope that it helps 
defend us against further attacks.
  I hope the President is right when he says we are fighting them there 
because we do not want to be fighting them here. I hope he is right 
when he suggests that planting the seeds of a democracy in an area of 
the world in which it has never existed will bear fruit. I hope he is 
right. We have set a course. We have taken a vote in this House. We 
have sent men and women off to war. So I hope we were right.
  There was an interesting thing today, my chief of staff called me and 
said, we have this questionnaire from one of the local papers in our 
community and it has to go in today and we want you to answer these 
things. I had not seen it before, so we had to go through them. One 
question I think toward the end was, would I have voted differently 
knowing what I know now. Would I have voted differently about going to 
war in Iraq.
  This was a very interesting question, one that has certainly been in 
my mind many times since embarking upon the course of action that we 
have taken. And I finally, after a lot of discussion, and we had the 
staff come in and we talked about this, and we had sort of, it was 
really kind of an interesting and neat discussion about this, everybody 
sort of venting their feelings and attitudes and ideas. Finally I said, 
the reality is it is too early to tell, because we just do not know 
yet. I mean, I want to believe that what we are doing is the right 
thing to do. I think it is too early to determine whether or not the 
course of action upon which we have set ourselves will lead to all of 
the things that we hope. I believe that it is certainly a noble 
endeavor. I believe that if the goals are accomplished; if, in fact, we 
can change the world because we changed the political environment in 
the Middle East, and there is some hope that that is exactly what has 
happened. I mean, after all, Libya did a complete about-face after we 
went into Iraq. It admitted to a nuclear program leading to nuclear 
weaponry being developed and said, we are not going to do that anymore. 
Although there may have been other reasons for them to do that, the 
fact is that Qadhafi did it and I think, to a large extent, it was as a 
result of what we did in Iraq and what he saw happening in his 
neighbor's land.
  It does not mean that all the dominoes will fall. It certainly does 
not mean that in a month or 2 or a year or 2, we will be able to say 
the troops can come home, but there is that hope out there. It is a 
challenge to us all.
  I wish I could say with an absolute and unequivocal sort of mindset 
that yes, it was the right vote to cast. I cast the vote because I 
believed what I was told: that we faced clear and present danger in the 
existence of Saddam Hussein and his regime. There is certainly a great 
deal of evidence to suggest that it is true; there is also evidence to 
suggest that perhaps it is not, it was not as great a threat to our 
immediate survival as we had anticipated or had been told or thought.
  So, Mr. Speaker, it is not clear-cut. There is no easy way out of 
this. There is no absolute way in which we can, or at least I can make 
a decision here, except to say it is too early to tell. We hope and we 
pray that we have made the right decision. We make these decisions, 
certainly I know I and I am sure

[[Page 18203]]

almost all of my colleagues here made the decision in how to vote after 
thought, a great deal of thought and, for most of us, a great deal of 
prayer, asking for guidance, looking at all of the information 
available, and then doing what we are asked to do here and what we are 
elected to do: cast a vote.
  Now, I hope and I pray that this country will begin to do what I 
suggested earlier needs to be done in terms of extolling the virtues of 
the American creed, of western civilization, and why we all should be 
proud to be part of it. I hope and I pray that Islam will begin to 
reform itself, look internally, and see that the path it is on, if it 
is allowed to be dragged into this quagmire of extremist violence, 
terrorist activities, murdering women and children; if the religion is 
allowed to be dragged into that quagmire, it can never, ever survive in 
the long run. It can create a great deal of damage, but it could never 
survive in the long run, and I hope it will begin to look internally.
  Finally, I hope that we will defend ourselves in every way necessary, 
including the defense of our own borders.

                              {time}  2320

  This is something that, of course, I have taken issue with in terms 
of our own administration and, of course, with the position of the 
other party. Because up to this point in time, neither of these two 
parties and neither of the two candidates for the presidency of the 
United States have indicated a willingness to defend the borders.
  Today's Time magazine comes out with a story that is absolutely 
incredible. I really commend it to anyone and everyone who has an 
interest, and everyone should have an interest. It is called, Who Left 
the Door Open? It starts off talking about the fact that we all go 
through, and today I went through the process, of course, as millions 
of other Americans did, of getting on an airplane, going through the 
security screening system, putting all the luggage through, taking off 
my shoes, going through the system, having my belt checked to make sure 
I was not carrying anything, all the people behind me doing the same 
thing, in front of me doing the same thing, everybody being 
significantly inconvenienced because we want to be safe. We want to try 
to make sure that no one's going to get on a plane and do something 
really horrible, and so we all put up with this frustrating sort of 
experience and annoying, time-consuming process because we believe that 
it is making us more safe.
  In fact, of course, while we are doing all of these things here and 
while at ports of entry throughout the United States people are lined 
up in cars, while we are doing a little better at trying to determine 
who they really are that are coming into this country, we are trying to 
figure out whether the documents are any better. We are providing 
technology to the ports of entry to allow them to do a better job at 
making sure of the people who are coming into the country, as to who 
they are, who they say they are.
  Time magazine, Mr. Speaker, as my colleagues know, is certainly no 
conservative icon. Even Time magazine has now come to the conclusion 
that we have got a big problem with porous borders and with an 
immigration policy that is dangerous, to say the least, in a variety of 
different ways.
  It is a lengthy article. I am astounded, as a matter of fact, at some 
of the things they say, again because it is Time magazine, because one 
just does not expect this kind of a thing from Time magazine.
  U.S. borders, rather than becoming more secure since 9/11, have grown 
even more porous, they say, and the trend has accelerated in the past 
year. It is fair to estimate, based on a Time investigation, not Tom 
Tancredo's point of view here, based on a Time magazine investigation, 
that the number of illegal aliens flooding into the United States this 
year will total 3 million. That is enough to fill 22,000 Boeing 737-700 
airliners or 60 flights every day for a year.
  Washington's failure to control the Nation's borders has a painful 
impact on workers at the bottom of the ladder and increasingly those 
farther up the income scale. The system holds down the pay of American 
workers and rewards the illegals and the businesses that hire them. It 
breeds anger and resentment among citizens who cannot understand why 
illegal aliens often receive government-funded health care, education 
benefits and subsidized housing. In border communities, the masses of 
incoming illegals lay waste to the landscape, create a costly burden 
for agencies trying to keep public order. Moreover, the system makes a 
mockery of the U.S. tradition of encouraging legal immigration.
  It is so true. Today, Mr. Speaker, I had a call from a member of the 
press in Colorado Springs, Colorado, Gazette Telegraph, and she said 
she was working with an individual who was trying to get to stay in the 
United States but was having a very difficult time and had spent a lot 
of money. I said, well, do you mean this person is here illegally? 
Well, it turns out, of course, she is. Of course, yes, that her 
daughter now needs medical treatment and she is afraid if she is 
returned home and this kid is sent to Mexico, she would not be able to 
get the medical treatment, but that the task of getting the papers she 
needs is now very time-consuming and expensive.
  I suggested to her that, of course, the mistake that was made 
originally was coming into the country illegally and that that can only 
be rectified by going home to the country of origin and starting the 
process of coming into this country through the normal channels. The 
reporter for the Gazette Telegraph said to me, well, it is really too 
cumbersome, it is time-consuming, it costs a lot of money. I said, yes, 
of course, it does, that is absolutely true. It is hard to get in. It 
is hard to do it the right way.
  Every Wednesday there is a service for the folks who are being sworn 
in as new citizens, and I tell them every time I go, I say, look, I 
have come to tell you two things: Welcome to the United States, number 
1; number 2, thank you for doing it the right way because, in fact, 
millions of people choose not to do it this way. Every time we give 
them all the benefits that you now are going to get because you have 
done it the right way. It is a mockery of this process. It is an insult 
to everyone who has spent the time and the energy to actually become a 
citizen of this country.
  So when we tell people, whether it is the President of the United 
States, or John Kerry, who tell people that do not worry if you are 
here illegally, we will, in fact, allow you to stay and give you 
amnesty, you are, in fact, spitting in the eye of every single person 
who has done it the right way and of the millions of the people around 
this world who are attempting to do it the right way.
  So I want us to defend our borders, which is part of the defense of 
the Nation, a significant part of that defense. Of the 3 million people 
a year that even Time magazine says come in here illegally, we know 
that a significant percentage, perhaps 300,000 of the 3 million, come 
here from countries other than Mexico. Of the 300,000 who get in 
illegally from other countries, perhaps 100,000 are from countries that 
are identified, by the way, as countries of interest.
  Thousands and thousands more are coming across those borders every 
single year from countries that we identify as being supporters of 
terrorism. They are coming in illegally. Some of them are paying huge, 
huge fees to come into this country illegally. Upwards of $50,000 is 
being paid by people who desire to come into this country under the 
radar, without our knowledge. People from the Middle East and from Asia 
are paying that much money, and you have to ask yourself, why would 
anybody do that? And where would they get the money if they do not have 
it themselves, who would be paying to get them in here? Some pretty 
frightening thoughts come to mind, because I do not think anybody is 
going to pay $50,000 to come into this country to work at the 7-Eleven 
down the street or to pick grapes. I think they have other reasons for 
coming in, and if somebody else pays for them to come in, what are the 
reasons anyone would have to put up such large sums

[[Page 18204]]

of money to sneak people into this country?
  Our borders are porous, and they are porous because we do not have 
the political will to close them. Neither party, neither candidate for 
President, will suggest this for fear of the political retribution that 
would come from interest groups inside their own party.
  But I suggest that either candidate for President would be doing not 
just his country a favor and the right thing but would be doing his own 
candidacy and his own party a favor by talking about the need to secure 
our borders and by actually doing it, which we can do by the way. We 
absolutely can do.

                              {time}  2330

  We have the technology to do it tomorrow. We do not have the 
political will. It is amazing.
  So one part of that three-legged stool they put out there is 
dependent upon our willingness to make hard, hard choices. Well, 
actually, I am sure in every way, to the extent that we have any 
ability to make decisions about any one of those three things, they are 
all tough choices. But in the area of our own national defense, this is 
not a hard choice. This is not a difficult sort of academic question to 
answer.
  What would be the ramifications of closing the border to those people 
coming through without our permission? The ramifications would be we 
would shut down the flow of cheap labor. Hence, we would be confronted 
by a lot of interest groups that would raise hell about it. We would be 
confronted by the Democratic party infrastructure that would say, look, 
these people coming in would eventually become our voters. We cannot 
close down those borders.
  But both of the reasons that are given by individual parties and 
individual candidates, even if they do not express them openly, those 
are the reasons why we do not do it, and those reasons pale in 
significance to the fact that we are ever more vulnerable to an attack 
because of our borders being porous.
  Again, great article. I cannot believe that I am up here talking 
about a truly honest and definitive look at the issue of immigration 
coming out of TIME Magazine, but here it is. ``Who Left the Door 
Open?'' Great, great article. I suggest that everyone get a copy of it. 
And I suggest certainly that our colleagues in this Congress get a 
copy, read it, and take it to heart. Because although there are 
pressure groups that will attack us if we actually do something about 
immigration, the fact is that the citizens of this country, John Q. 
Citizen, and our own children and grandchildren will thank us, because 
it is the right thing to do.

                          ____________________