[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 13]
[Senate]
[Pages 17023-17026]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                 DARFUR

  Mr. BROWNBACK. I thank the Chair. Mr. President, I appreciate the 
majority leader identifying the successes and what we need to be 
working on. I also appreciate the first part of his speech when he 
talked about the Sudan, which is something I wish to address for my 
colleagues.
  The House of Representatives has just passed 422 to 0--they rarely do 
things quite in that fashion--a resolution calling what is taking place 
in Sudan genocide--genocide, the killing of a group of people purposely 
by a government, by a group.
  I do not think we have ever done that before in the middle of a 
genocide as it is taking place. We have always adopted a resolution 
afterward, and once the genocide has occurred, we have said: That is 
terrible; that should not have happened; and, oh, by the way, it was 
genocide. They have taken a bold step, the right step, the proper step 
for the first time to say, while we are in the middle of this crisis, 
let's call it genocide now, put pressure on the international community 
to act and address it.
  I say to my colleagues tonight, we have virtually the identical 
resolution in front of this body that we are seeking to move through by 
unanimous consent. I hope they will consider it and let it through. At 
this point in time in our sessions, people hold up everything: I am not 
going to let anything get on through here. I plead with my colleagues, 
people who are watching, who are monitoring the Chamber, if you are 
considering that on this resolution, please pull it off and please let 
this one pass on through so both the House and the Senate can speak 
with clarity and call the situation in western Sudan, this Darfur 
region, genocide, and stop the killing.
  While the world debates, people die in Darfur, and that is what is 
taking place today. I was there about 3 weeks ago and 30,000 had died 
already. Over 300 villages had been burned out, and about a million 
people were in refugee camps in western Sudan and Chad. The people were 
in horrific condition and in a very fragile state. They were willing to 
return to their villages if security could return to the region, but an 
armed Arab militia was strong through the region, called the Janjaweed, 
which are men on horses and camels in some cases, with guns. They go in 
and burn out villages, shooting and killing the men, raping the women, 
and driving people into refugee camps.
  These are deplorable conditions which, if they are not eased, if the 
situation does not improve, our own Agency for International 
Development projects that at a minimum 300,000 will die. We are at 
30,000 now. We project 300,000 will die if everything goes well from 
this point forward, and it could go up from there. That is where we are 
right now: 30,000 dead, projecting 300,000 in the next 6 to 9 months, 
and it could go above that very easily.
  We have a chance, we really have a moment, that we can actually get 
it right before they die. It was just a couple of months 10 years ago 
that in Rwanda we saw 800,000 people die. We said after that, ``never 
again.'' Well, now we have 30,000 and we are headed to 300,000. Are we 
going to look back on this one and say, ``never again,'' or are we 
going to get in on this one now and say, ``no, let us stop it''?
  It is a fairly simple solution, putting pressure on the international 
community, putting pressure on the African Union, to bring in troops to 
stabilize this area. It cannot be done by the Government of Khartoum. 
They have dirty hands. They have armed the Arab militias that are going 
into the region. It cannot be done by the Arab militias. They are 
killing the African villagers in this region. They are doing ethnic 
cleansing and raping the women.
  We interviewed a number of different women who had been raped. All of 
them said that their rapist said to them: We want to create lighter 
skinned babies. In that region, the paternity determines the ethnicity 
of the child.
  We cannot let this one keep going when we know it is happening and we 
have a way to stop it. I plead with my colleagues, just look at this. 
Let this one move on through, then both the House and the Senate will 
have spoken and called it genocide. We will put pressure on the 
international community to act, put pressure on Kofi Annan at the U.N., 
put pressure on the African Union to address this situation before the 
numbers keep mounting. We can do this.
  I will show briefly to my colleagues new pictures Congressman Frank 
Wolf and I took, as I say, about 3 weeks ago when we were in the 
region. This is a typical burned-out village that we saw. We drove by a 
number of these. These are some of the leaders of the group who are 
trying to come back to the village. The raids all happened very 
similarly. Bombers came in, supplied by the Sudanese Government. 
Helicopters--I will show a picture of one of those in just a little 
bit--supported by the Sudanese Government would come in in an air 
attack. Then the Janjaweed, the Arab militias, would come back on 
camels, horseback, guns blazing, burn the various houses, kill the men, 
rape the women, pillage, plunder, and steal. As we can see from this 
picture, this is a sparse and difficult climate in which to live. They 
drive people out of their villages, away from their wells, and people 
die.
  This next picture is one of the helicopters used in these raids. It 
has guns mounted on the front. This is old Soviet equipment, yet it 
works very well in this region when the people they are going against 
are unarmed altogether. They will go in on these runs. We saw this 
particular helicopter within 100 yards of a Sudanese Government 
outpost, within 50 yards of a Janjaweed encampment.

[[Page 17024]]

  So when the Sudanese Government is saying, Well, it is the Janjaweed 
that is doing it and we are going to try to disarm them, we are going 
to control them, they are arming them, this is just them doing 
something they have done in the south for years, where they arm a 
militia so they can have some deniability that it is their hands, but 
in fact it is clearly them who are conducting this.
  The next picture I want to show is a woman who has been shot. She is 
an amputee. We visited with her. We can see where her leg was shot and 
amputated.
  This final picture is chilling. We went into three different refugee 
camps. Fortunately, children are children everywhere, and they will 
lighten up. They will be lively. They have smiles on their faces. In 
one of the camps they were doing an art project to encourage kids to 
make different things out of clay or actually out of mud. They were 
doing the soldiers on horses who had attacked them with guns. They made 
these little mud figures showing what had taken place. We also have 
drawings that were brought back, drawn by the children, of villages 
being burned. There is nothing quite like seeing the world through the 
eyes of a child. It is a very dangerous world and a deadly world these 
children have seen.
  I have a trip report, and I ask unanimous consent that it be printed 
in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

     Trip Report--Senator Sam Brownback and Congressman Frank Wolf.


                darfur, western sudan--june 27-29, 2004

       It was just 10 years ago--in 1994--when the world stood by 
     and watched as more than 800,000 ethnic Tutsis were 
     systematically murdered in Rwanda by rival extremist Hutus.
       When the killing finally ended after 100 days--and the 
     horrific images of what had taken place were broadcast around 
     the globe--world leaders acknowledged it was genocide, 
     apologized for failing to intervene, and vowed ``never 
     again.''
       That pledge from the international community is being put 
     to the test today in western Sudan, where an estimated 30,000 
     black African Muslims have been murdered and more than 1 
     million have been driven from their tribal lands and forced 
     to live in one of 129 refugee camps scattered across the 
     western provinces of Darfur. More than 160,000 have fled 
     across the border to Chad.
       The United Nations Convention on the Prevention and 
     Punishment of the Crime of Genocide describes genocide as 
     acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, 
     national, ethnic, racial or religious groups, such as: 
     Killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or 
     mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting 
     on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about 
     physical destruction in whole or in part; Imposing measures 
     intended to prevent births within the group, or forcibly 
     transferring children of the group to another group.
       Having recently spent 3 days and 2 nights (June 27-29) in 
     Darfur, we believe what is happening there may very well meet 
     this test.
       During our trip we visited 5 refugee camps: Abu Shouk; 
     Tawilah; Krinding; Sisi, and Mornay--all sprawling tent 
     cities jam-packed with thousands of displaced families and 
     fast becoming breeding grounds for disease and sickness.
       We drove past dozens of pillaged villages and walked 
     through what was left of four that were burned to the ground.
       We heard countless stories about rape, murder and plunder.
       We even watched the barbarous men who are carrying out 
     these attacks--Arab militiamen called Janjaweed--sitting 
     astride camels and horses just a short distance from where 
     young and old have sought what they had hoped would be a safe 
     harbor.
       Janjaweed is roughly translated in Arabic as ``wild men on 
     horses with G-3 guns'' Ruthless, brutal killers, the 
     Janjaweed have instigated a reign of terror on Darfur--a 
     region about the size of Texas--for more than a year. They 
     kill men. They rape women. They abduct children. They torch 
     villages. They dump human corpses and animal carcasses in 
     wells to contaminate the water. Their mandate is essentially 
     doing whatever necessary to force the black African Muslims 
     from their land to never return.
       It is clearly the intent of Janjaweed to purge the region 
     of darker-skinned Africans, in particular members of the Fur, 
     Zaghawa, and Massaleit tribes.


                           janjaweed mandate

       From where does this mandate come? The Government of Sudan 
     disavows supporting the Janjaweed. Some officials in Khartoum 
     even deny the existence of a humanitarian crisis in the 
     region. Yet the facts prove otherwise. We witnessed the 
     destruction. We heard horrific accounts of violence and 
     intimidation. We talked to rape victims. We saw the scars on 
     men who had been shot. We watched mothers cradle their sick 
     and dying babies, hoping against all odds that their children 
     would survive. We saw armed Janjaweed waiting to prey on 
     innocent victims along the perimeter of refugee camps.
       To hear the vivid, heartrending descriptions of the attacks 
     it is clear the Janjaweed have the support--and the 
     approval--of the Government of Sudan to operate with 
     impunity. The same stories were repeated at every camp we 
     visited. The raids would happen early in the morning. First 
     comes the low rumble of a Soviet-made Antonov plane--flown by 
     Sudanese pilots--to bomb the village. Next come helicopter 
     gunships--again, flown by Sudanese pilots--to strafe the 
     village with the huge machine guns mounted on each side. 
     Sometimes the helicopters would land and unload supplies for 
     the Janjaweed. They would then be reloaded with booty 
     confiscated from a village. One man told us he saw cows being 
     loaded onto one helicopter. Moments later, the Janjaweed, 
     some clad in military uniforms, would come galloping in on 
     horseback and camels to finish the job by killing, raping, 
     stealing and plundering.
       Walking through the burned out villages we could tell the 
     people living there had little or no time to react. They left 
     everything they owned--lanterns, cookware, water jugs, 
     pottery, plows--and ran for their lives. There was not even 
     time to stop and bury their dead.
       The Janjaweed made certain that there would be nothing left 
     for the villagers to come home to. Huts were torched. 
     Donkeys, goats and cows were stolen, slaughtered or dumped 
     into wells to poison the water. Grain containers were 
     destroyed. In one village we saw where the Janjaweed even 
     burned the mosque.
       Only the lucky ones--mostly women and children--made it out 
     alive.


                            ethnic cleansing

       What is happening in Darfur is rooted in ethnic cleansing. 
     Religion has nothing to do with what has unfolded over the 
     last year.
       No black African is safe in Darfur. Security is non-
     existent. The Janjaweed are everywhere. Outside the camps. 
     Inside the camps. They walk freely through the marketplace in 
     Geneina, a town in far western Darfur, with guns slung over 
     their shoulders. One shopkeeper, we were told, was shot in 
     the head by a Janjaweed because he wasn't willing to lower 
     the price of a watermelon.
       Government of Sudan military and security forces also are 
     omnipresent. At each of the places we visited we were either 
     trailed or escorted by a mixture of military regulars, police 
     forces and government ``minders.'' There have been reports 
     that the government has been folding the Janjaweed into its 
     regular forces as a way to disguise and protect them. At two 
     of the camps we visited, we were told the government had 
     inserted spies to report on what was said or to threaten 
     those who talked. We were told the ``minders'' repeatedly 
     scolded refugees and told them in Arabic to shut up. Yet, 
     even with these threats, refugees in every camp we visited 
     were eager to tell their stories.
       It should be understood that the Janjaweed are not 
     ``taking'' the land from the black Muslim farmers they are 
     terrorizing. The Janjaweed, whose historical roots are part 
     of the region's roving nomads who have battled with the 
     African farmers for generations, are employing a government-
     supported scorched earth policy to drive them out of the 
     region--and perhaps to extinction. It also was clear that 
     only villages inhabited by black Africans were being 
     targeted. Arab villages sitting just next to African ones 
     miles from the nearest towns have been left unscathed.
       On our first day in the region, we met with local 
     Government of Sudan officials in the town of El Fasher, a 
     two-hour plane ride west of Khartoum. They blame the crisis 
     in the region on two black African rebel groups--the Sudan 
     Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement 
     (JEM)--who started an uprising in February 2003 over what 
     they regarded as unjust treatment by the government in their 
     struggle over land and resources with Arab countrymen. The 
     rebel forces actually held El Fasher for a short period last 
     year. A cease-fire was agreed to in April 2004 between the 
     rebel groups and the Government of Sudan, but the Janjaweed 
     have continued to carry out attacks with the support and 
     approval of Khartoum.
       While local government officials in El Fasher were adamant 
     in saying there is no connection between the Government of 
     Sudan and the Janjaweed, whom they called ``armed bandits,'' 
     the militiamen we saw did not look like skilled pilots who 
     could fly planes or helicopters.
       We also were told the Janjaweed are well armed and well 
     supplied. If they are traditional nomads, how are they 
     getting modern automatic weapons, and, more importantly, from 
     whom? They also are said to have satellite phones, an 
     astonishing fact considering most of the people in the far 
     western provinces of Darfur have probably never even seen or 
     walked on a paved road.
       The impunity under which the Janjaweed operate was most 
     telling as we approached

[[Page 17025]]

     the airport in Geneina on our last day in the region for our 
     flight back to Khartoum. In plain sight was an encampment of 
     Janjaweed within shouting distance of a contingent of 
     Government of Sudan regulars. No more than 200 yards 
     separated the two groups. Sitting on the tarmac were two 
     helicopter gunships and a Soviet-made Antonov plane.


                          HUMANITARIAN CRISIS

       The situation in Darfur is being described as the worst 
     humanitarian crisis in the world today. We agree. But sadly, 
     and with a great sense of urgency, things are only going to 
     worsen. Some say that even under the best of circumstances, 
     as many as 300,000 Darfuris forced from their homes are 
     expected to die from malnutrition and diarrhea or diseases 
     such as malaria and cholera in the coming months. Measles 
     have already spread through Abu Shouk, a large refugee camp 
     outside El Fasher.
       According to some predictions, the death toll could reach 
     as high as 1 million by next year. The Darfuri farmers have 
     missed another planting season and will now be dependent on 
     grain and other food stuffs provided by the international 
     community for at least another year. The impending rainy 
     season presents its own set of problems, making roads 
     impassable for food deliveries and the likelihood of disease 
     dramatically increasing with the heavy rains.
       The potential for a crisis of catastrophic proportions is 
     very real, especially since none of the villagers we talked 
     to at the refugee camps believed they will be able to go back 
     to their homes anytime soon. Having been brutally terrorized 
     by the Janjaweed and fearing for their lives, they do not 
     believe Government of Sudan officials who say it is safe to 
     return to their villages. We heard stories of some families 
     who went back to their villages only to return to the camps a 
     week later for fear of being attacked again.
       The attacks have traumatized thousands of young children. 
     In an effort to cope with what they have endured, programs 
     have been established in the camps to help the young boys and 
     girls deal with their psychological scars. Part of the 
     program encourages them to draw pictures of what they have 
     seen. The crayon drawings are chilling. Huts on fire, red 
     flames shooting through the roof. Planes and helicopters 
     flying overhead shooting bullets. Dead bodies. Depictions, 
     perhaps, of their mother or father.
       We also saw a group of children who had made clay figures 
     of men on camels and horseback attacking villages. There is 
     no way to measure the impact of these atrocities on the 
     thousands of children living in these camps. Their lives are 
     forever scarred.


                      DIFFICULT LIFE IN IDP CAMPS

       Abu Shouk was the first of five IDP (Internally Displaced 
     People) camps we visited. More than 40,000 people live in 
     this sprawling tent city, created in April after El Fasher 
     was overrun with homeless families. Methodically laid out 
     with water stations, a health clinic, a supplemental feeding 
     station and crude latrines, it is being hailed as a ``model'' 
     by humanitarian relief workers in the region.
       However, aid workers at Abu Shouk are deeply distressed. 
     They observe that malnutrition and child mortality rates at 
     this ``model'' camp have reached alarming levels. They fear 
     what may be happening at the other camps, especially in the 
     more remote areas of Darfur that have not been reached by 
     humanitarian groups.
       Life in the camps is difficult. Crude shelters made from 
     straw and sticks and covered with plastic sheeting stretch as 
     far as the eye can see. Families arriving at the camps--
     almost all after walking for days in the hot sun from their 
     now abandon villages--are given only a tarp, a water jug, 
     cookware and a small amount of grain.
       The sanitary conditions are wretched. The sandy conditions 
     make building latrines difficult. At Mornay, the largest of 
     the IDP camps in Darfur with more than 70,000 inhabitants, it 
     was hard not to step in either human or animal feces as we 
     walked. In a few weeks, when the heavy rains begin, excrement 
     will flow across the entire camp. Mortality from diarrhea, 
     which we were told represents one-third of the deaths in the 
     camps, will only increase.
       To their credit, all the non-governmental organizations 
     (NGOs) that have been allowed to operate in Darfur have 
     done--and continue to do--a tremendous job under extremely 
     trying circumstances. The Government of Sudan has repeatedly 
     thrown up roadblocks to bringing in aid. It has denied or 
     slowed visa processing for relief workers. It has kept aid 
     vehicles locked up in customs for weeks at a time. It has 
     blocked relief groups from bringing in radios. It has limited 
     access to certain regions of the country. All this has made 
     getting medicine, food and other humanitarian supplies, like 
     plastic sheeting and water jugs, an uphill battle. While the 
     Government of Sudan plays its games, people are dying as 
     needed aid sits on tarmacs.
       As we approached the Mornay camp on the last day of our 3-
     day trip, we were stopped by Government of Sudan soldiers and 
     security officers. They followed us throughout the camp, 
     watching with whom we talked. Amazingly, their presence did 
     not inhibit the refugees from recanting the horrors from 
     which they escaped and, for some--mostly women--continue to 
     endure.
       The men said while they feel somewhat secure inside the 
     confines of the camps, they dare not venture outside for fear 
     of being shot or killed by the Janjaweed. They showed us 
     scars on their arms and legs of the gunshot wounds they 
     received while escaping from their villages. They are 
     despondent over the fact that they are unable to provide food 
     for their families because they cannot farm their fields. 
     They expressed utter sadness and outrage about their wives 
     and daughters who venture outside the borders of the camp to 
     collect firewood and straw, knowing the fate that awaits them 
     at the hands of the Janjaweed. Life and death decisions are 
     made every day: send the men out and risk death or send the 
     women out and risk rape.
       Rape is clearly another weapon being used by the Janjaweed. 
     Rapes, we were told, happen almost daily to the women who 
     venture outside the confines of the camps in search of 
     firewood and straw. They leave very early in the morning, 
     hoping to evade their tormentors before they awake. With the 
     camps swelling in size and nearby resources dwindling, they 
     often walk several miles. The farther the women go from the 
     camp, the greater the risk of being attacked by the 
     Janjaweed. As we approached Mornay, we saw a number of 
     Janjaweed resting with their camels and horses along the 
     perimeter of the camp, easily within walking distance.
       We heard the horrific story of 4 young girls--two of whom 
     were sisters--who had been raped just days before we arrived. 
     They had left the camp to collect straw to feed the family's 
     donkey when they were attacked. They said their attackers 
     told them they were slaves and that their skin was too dark. 
     As they were being raped, they said the Janjaweed told them 
     they were hoping to make more lighter-skinned babies.
       One of the 4 women assaulted, too shy to tell her story in 
     front of men, privately told a female journalist traveling 
     with us that if anyone were to find out she had been raped, 
     she would never be able to marry.
       We were told that some of the rape victims were being 
     branded on their back and arms by the Janjaweed, permanently 
     labeling the women. We heard the chilling account of the rape 
     of a 9-year-old girl.
       We also received a letter during our trip from a group of 
     women who were raped. To protect them from further attacks, 
     we purposely do not mention where they are from or list their 
     names. The translation is heartbreaking:
       ``Messrs. Members of the U.S. Congress
       ``Peace and the mercy and the blessings of God be upon you.
       ``We thank you for your help and for standing by the weak 
     of the world, wherever they are found. We welcome you to the 
     . . . region, which was devastated by the Janjaweed, or what 
     is referred to as the government `horse- and camel-men,' on 
     Friday . . . 2004, when they caused havoc by killing and 
     burning and committing plunder and rape. This was carried out 
     with the help of the government, which used the . . . region 
     as an airport and supplied the Janjaweed with munitions and 
     supplies. So we, the raped woman of the . . . region, would 
     like to explain to you what has happened and God is our best 
     witness.
       ``We are 44 raped women. As a result of that savagery, some 
     of us became pregnant, some have aborted, some took out their 
     wombs and some are still receiving medical treatment. 
     Hereunder, we list the names of the raped women and state 
     that we have high hopes in you and the international 
     community to stand by us and not to forsake us to this 
     tyrannical, brutal and racist regime, which wants to 
     eliminate us racially, bearing in mind that 90 percent of our 
     sisters at . . . are widows.
       ``[Above] are the names of some of the women raped in the . 
     . . region. Some of these individuals are now at . . ., some 
     are at Towilah and some are at Abu Shouk camps. Everything we 
     said is the absolute truth. These girls were raped in front 
     of our fathers and husbands.
       ``We hope that you and the international community will 
     continue to preserve the balance of the peoples and nations.
       ``Thank you.
       ``From: The raped women at . . .''
       These rape victims have nowhere to turn. Even if they 
     report the attacks to the police, they know nothing will 
     happen. The police, the military and the Janjaweed all appear 
     to be acting in coordination.


                       DIRE SITUATION IS MAN-MADE

       The situation in Darfur is dire, and from what we could 
     see, it is entirely man-made. These people who had managed to 
     survive even the severest droughts and famines during the 
     course of their long history are now in mortal danger of 
     being wiped out simply because of the darker shade of their 
     skin color.
       The first step in resolving this crisis is disarming the 
     Janjaweed. It must be done swiftly and universally. If not, 
     the Janjaweed will just bury their weapons in the sand, wait 
     for the pressure from the international community to lift, 
     then reinitiate their reign of terror.
       A system of justice overseen by outside monitors must also 
     be implemented. The

[[Page 17026]]

     heinous, murderous acts carried out by the Janjaweed cannot 
     go unpunished. War crimes and crimes against humanity clearly 
     have been--and continue to be--committed. Those responsible 
     must be brought to justice.
       Over the course of 3 days, we saw the worst of man's 
     inhumanity to man, but we also saw the best of what it means 
     to be human: mothers waiting patiently for hours in the hot 
     sun so that they could try to save their babies; NGO aid 
     workers and volunteer doctors feeding and caring for the sick 
     and the dying, and the courage and bravery of men, women and 
     children eager to talk to us so that we would know their 
     story.
       The world made a promise in 1994 to never again allow the 
     systematic destruction of a people or race. ``Never again''--
     words said, too, after the Holocaust. In Darfur, the 
     international community has a chance to stop history from 
     repeating itself. It also has a chance to end this nightmare 
     for those who have found a way to survive. If the 
     international community fails to act, the next cycle of this 
     crisis will begin. The destiny facing the people of Darfur 
     will be death from hunger or disease.
       When will the death of innocent men, women and children--
     who want nothing more in this world than to be left alone to 
     farm their land and provide for their families--be too much 
     for the conscience of the international community to bear?
       We sat with the victims. We heard their mind-numbing 
     stories. We saw their tears. Now the world has seen the 
     pictures and heard the stories. We cannot say we did not know 
     when history judges the year 2004 in Darfur.


                            RECOMMENDATIONS

     The Government of Sudan
       The Government of Sudan should immediately implement key 
     provisions of the April 8, cease-fire agreement, including: 
     the cessation of attacks against civilians; disarming the 
     Janjaweed, and removing all barriers to the admittance of 
     international aid into Darfur. There should be a strict 
     timetable holding the Government of Sudan accountable for 
     implementing these provisions.
       The Government of Sudan should renew a dialogue with the 
     Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement 
     to discuss the political, economic and social roots of the 
     crisis.
     The African Union
       Additional cease-fire observers should be deployed and 
     violations of the cease-fire reported immediately. The 
     current number of 270 observers is inadequate to monitor the 
     activity of an area the size of Texas.
     The United States
       The United States should publicly identify those 
     responsible for the atrocities occurring in Darfur, including 
     officials and other individuals of the Government of Sudan, 
     as well as Janjaweed militia commanders, and impose targeted 
     sanctions that include travel bans and the freezing of 
     assets.
       The president should instruct the U.S. representative to 
     the United Nations to seek an official investigation and hold 
     accountable officials of the Government of Sudan and 
     government-supported militia groups responsible for the 
     atrocities in Darfur.
     The United Nations
       The United Nations should pass a strong Security Council 
     resolution condemning the Government of Sudan. It should call 
     for: an immediate end to the attacks; the immediate disarming 
     of the Janjaweed; the immediate protection of civilians by 
     beginning a review of the security of refugees in Darfur; the 
     determination of the feasibility of sending in U.N. 
     protection forces; an immediate review of bringing legal 
     action against those responsible for the policies of ethnic 
     cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur, 
     and the imposition of targeted sanctions that include travel 
     bans and the freezing of assets.
       The United Nations should immediately deploy human rights 
     monitors to Darfur.
       The protection of civilians and access to humanitarian aid 
     should be a primary concern; the Security Council must be 
     prepared to establish a no fly zone if the cease-fire 
     continues to be violated.
       The United Nations together with other organizations should 
     continue to coordinate a relief strategy for getting aid into 
     those regions of Darfur that have yet to receive humanitarian 
     assistance. Alternative routes and means of delivering aid 
     should be considered if the Government of Sudan continues to 
     impede deliveries.
       The United Nations should take immediate steps to seek the 
     removal of Sudan from the United Nations Commission on Human 
     Rights.
       The United Nations should set a deadline for the Government 
     of Sudan to comply with all obligations under the ceasefire 
     and prepare contingency plans in the event those deadlines 
     are not met.
       We would like to thank everyone involved in organizing, 
     coordinating and implementing our trip. Representatives from 
     the State Department, USAID and the NGOs both in Washington 
     and Sudan deserve special thanks.
       We would also like to thank Sean Woo, general counsel to 
     Sen. Brownback (R-KS), and Dan Scandling, chief of staff to 
     Rep. Wolf (R-VA), for accompanying us on the trip. They 
     played a critical role in writing this report and took all 
     the photographs. In addition, we would like to thank Janet 
     Shaffron, legislative director, and Samantha Stockman, 
     foreign affairs legislative assistant, to Rep. Wolf, and 
     Brian Hart, communications director, and Josh Carter, 
     legislative aide, of Sen. Brownback, for editing the report. 
     Colin Samples, an intern in Rep. Wolf's office, did the 
     design and layout.
       We also want to extend our thanks to Secretary of State 
     Colin Powell and U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan for 
     visiting the region. Their personal involvement in working to 
     resolve this crisis is critically important.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. The hour is late, but I simply ask my colleagues that 
we pass this by unanimous consent and then both Houses will have 
spoken. This is a situation of Muslim-on-Muslim violence. If people are 
worried about different religions, this is not the case. It is ethnic. 
It is Arab-on-African violence.
  Osama bin Laden had been in Sudan for 5 years, 1991 to 1996. This is 
where he started organizing violent groups. He did it first in Sudan. 
The government there has been very efficient in carrying forth what 
Osama had taught them.
  Finally, we can make a difference in Sudan and, by extension, all of 
Africa, but we really need to act now. We are going to be out the whole 
month of August. By that period of time, thousands more will die. I 
realize this is a resolution, so it can be said, well, it does not do 
that much, but it does put pressure on the international community. It 
will be the first time we spoke ahead of the full genocide taking place 
where we actually maybe can stop it and save some lives instead of 
lamenting afterwards that we should have done something. The 
administration has really done an overall very good job on this issue 
in pushing and pressing it, but let's not stop there. Let's keep moving 
and let's try to get something done.
  I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                          ____________________