[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 150 (2004), Part 11]
[House]
[Pages 15601-15606]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




       REAFFIRMING UNWAVERING COMMITMENT TO TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 462) reaffirming 
unwavering commitment to the Taiwan Relations Act, and for other 
purposes.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 462

       Whereas April 10, 2004, marked the 25th anniversary of the 
     enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3301 et 
     seq.), codifying in law the basis for continued commercial, 
     cultural, and other relations between the United States and 
     Taiwan;
       Whereas it is and will continue to be United States policy 
     to further encourage and expand these extensive commercial, 
     cultural, and other relations between the people of the 
     United States and the people of Taiwan during the next 
     quarter century;
       Whereas since its enactment in 1979 the Taiwan Relations 
     Act has been instrumental in maintaining peace, security, and 
     stability in the Taiwan Strait;
       Whereas when the Taiwan Relations Act was enacted, it 
     affirmed that the decision of the United States to establish 
     diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China was 
     based on the expectation that the future of Taiwan would be 
     determined by peaceful means;
       Whereas the Government of the People's Republic of China 
     refuses to renounce the use of force against Taiwan;
       Whereas the Department of Defense report entitled ``Annual 
     Report on the Military Power of the People's Republic of 
     China,'' dated July 30, 2003, documents that the Government 
     of the People's Republic of China is seeking coercive 
     military options to resolve the Taiwan issue and, as of the 
     date of the report, has deployed approximately 450 short-
     range ballistic missiles against Taiwan and is adding 75 
     missiles per year to this arsenal;
       Whereas the escalating arms buildup of missiles and other 
     offensive weapons by the People's Republic of China in areas 
     adjacent to the Taiwan Strait is a threat to the peace and 
     security of the Western Pacific area;
       Whereas section 3 of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 
     3302) requires that the United States Government will make 
     available defense articles and defense services in such 
     quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a 
     sufficient self-defense capability;
       Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act requires the United States 
     to maintain the capacity to resist any resort to force or 
     other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, 
     or the social or economic system, of the people of Taiwan;
       Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act affirms the preservation 
     and enhancement of the human rights of the people of Taiwan 
     as an objective of the United States;
       Whereas Taiwan serves as a model of democratic reform for 
     the People's Republic of China;
       Whereas Taiwan's 1996 election was the first time in five 
     millennia of recorded Chinese history that a democratically 
     elected president took office;
       Whereas Taiwan's democracy has deepened with a peaceful 
     transfer of power from one political party to another after 
     the presidential election of 2000;
       Whereas the relationship between the United States and 
     Taiwan has deepened with Taiwan's evolution into a full-
     fledged, multi-party democracy that respects human rights and 
     civil liberties;
       Whereas high-level visits between government officials of 
     the United States and Taiwan are not inconsistent with the 
     ``one China policy''; and
       Whereas any attempt to determine Taiwan's future by other 
     than peaceful means and other than with the express consent 
     of the people of Taiwan would be considered of grave concern 
     to the United States: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That--

[[Page 15602]]

       (1) Congress reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the 
     Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3301 et seq.) as the 
     cornerstone of United States relations with Taiwan;
       (2) the military modernization and weapons procurement 
     program of the People's Republic of China is a matter of 
     grave concern, and particularly the current deployment of 
     approximately 500 missiles directed toward Taiwan;
       (3) the President should direct all appropriate United 
     States Government officials to raise these grave concerns 
     regarding military threats to Taiwan with officials of the 
     Government of the People's Republic of China;
       (4) the President and Congress should determine whether the 
     escalating arms buildup, including deployment of offensive 
     weaponry and missiles in areas adjacent to the Taiwan Strait, 
     requires that additional defense articles and services be 
     made available to Taiwan, and the United States Government 
     should encourage the leadership of Taiwan to devote 
     sufficient financial resources to the defense of their 
     island;
       (5) as recommended by the U.S.-China Economic and Security 
     Review Commission, the Department of Defense should provide a 
     comprehensive report on the nature and scope of military 
     sales by the Russian Federation to the People's Republic of 
     China to the Committees on International Relations and Armed 
     Services of the House of Representatives and Committees on 
     Foreign Relations and Armed Services of the Senate;
       (6) the President should encourage further dialogue between 
     democratic Taiwan and the People's Republic of China; and
       (7) the United States Government should not discourage 
     current officials of the Taiwan Government from visiting the 
     United States on the basis that doing so would violate the 
     ``one China policy''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, is either gentleman opposed to the bill?
  Mr. LANTOS. No, Mr. Speaker. I am strongly in support of this 
legislation.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I seek time in opposition.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul) will 
control 20 minutes in opposition.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that my 
time be equally divided with the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Lantos).
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New Jersey?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 462, a 
resolution reaffirming the unwavering support of the Congress for the 
Taiwan Relations Act. This year marks the 25th anniversary of the 
enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act, one of Congress' most important 
and enduring pieces of legislation. Over the past quarter century, the 
Act has served as the foundation of the United States' relationship 
with the people of Taiwan and has ensured the island's security. On 
this anniversary, it is fitting and appropriate for the Congress to 
review the cross-strait issue and reassess the needs of our friends in 
Taiwan.
  In contrast to many other pieces of 25-year-old legislation, the 
Taiwan Relations Act has exceeded expectations. The Act has allowed the 
United States to maintain its close ties with the people of Taiwan 
while actively engaging Asia's rising power, the People's Republic of 
China, on a myriad of fronts, including human rights. In doing so, the 
measure has been important to the maintenance of peace and stability 
across the Taiwan Strait and throughout the entire Western Pacific 
region.
  The Taiwan Relations Act has also played an indirect role in 
promoting democracy in Taiwan by providing the conditions of external 
security that have allowed the people of Taiwan to focus on internal 
reform and democratization.
  In the years since Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979, 
Taiwan has developed into a lively and successful democracy, a tribute 
to the courage and determination of the island's remarkable people. The 
1996 presidential election in Taiwan was the first time in China's 5 
millennia of recorded history that a fully democratically elected 
government assumed office. The election of 2000, which resulted in a 
peaceful transfer of power from one political party to another, 
evidenced a deepening democratic system. Two months ago, Taiwan 
completed its third direct presidential election.
  The U.S. has watched this island nation develop into a mature, 
robust, vibrant democracy that respects human rights and civil 
liberties. Knowledge of our shared values has strengthened the 
commitment of Americans to stand by the people of Taiwan.
  In contrast to Taiwan, Mr. Speaker, the mainland has failed to 
implement meaningful political reform, and the PRC's respect for 
fundamental human rights has deteriorated. Furthermore, the People's 
Republic of China has adopted a more aggressive military posture 
towards Taiwan. Over the past 5 years, the PRC has dramatically 
increased its stockpile of weapons. Today, China has approximately 500 
missiles aimed at Taiwan, a matter of grave concern to the freedom-
loving people of Taiwan and to all of us here in the United States. 
Given China's refusal to renounce the use of force against Taiwan, the 
arms buildup is a threat to peace and security in the Taiwan Strait and 
to the stability of the entire region.
  Changes in cross-strait relations, Mr. Speaker, including 
democratization of Taiwan and an arms buildup by the People's Republic 
of China, requires that the United States continue to strengthen its 
support for the people and the democracy of Taiwan. H. Con. Res. 462 
reinforces America's commitment to help Taiwan defend itself from 
outside coercion and intimidation. Continuing the tradition established 
by the Taiwan Relations Act, H. Con. Res. 462 urges the President and 
the Congress to reevaluate the defense needs of Taiwan and encourages 
the government of Taiwan to devote sufficient financial resources to 
defense of its island.

                              {time}  2015

  The resolution also, Mr. Speaker, encourages greater interaction 
between Taiwan and the U.S. with the goal of strengthening democracy on 
the island. Visits between the officials of the U.S. and Taiwan are not 
inconsistent with the One-China Policy. As such, officials of Taiwan 
should not be discouraged from visiting the United States.
  Mr. Speaker, it is my hope that increasingly warmer cross-strait 
relations will ultimately transcend the need for the Taiwan Relations 
Act, and resolutions such as this one would not be needed. In time, the 
democracy which Taiwan has cultivated can take further root and 
flourish throughout all of China. However, until that day comes, 
resolutions such as this one are necessary to clearly promote peace and 
security in the region and to ensure continuing democracy in Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to start off by saying that I really do not 
have a lot of disagreement with what the chairman has to say, because I 
certainly think we should be friends with Taiwan. I believe our goals 
are very similar. It is just that the approach I have would be quite 
different.
  I happen to believe that we have ignored for too long in this country 
and in this body the foreign policy that was designed by our Founders, 
a foreign policy of nonintervention. I think it is better for us. I 
think it is healthy in all ways, both financially and in that it keeps 
us out of wars, and we are allowed to build friendships with all the 
nations of the world. The politics of nonintervention should be given 
some serious consideration.
  Usually, the argument given me for that is that 200 years ago or 250 
years ago things were different. Today we have had to go through the 
Cold War and communism; and, therefore, we are a powerful Nation and we 
have an empire to protect; and we have this moral obligation to police 
the world and take care of everybody.
  But, Mr. Speaker, my answer to that is somewhat like the notion that 
we no

[[Page 15603]]

longer have to pay attention to the Ten Commandments or the Bill of 
Rights. If principles were correct 200 years ago or 250 years ago, they 
should be correct today. So if a policy of friendship and trade with 
other nations and nonintervention were good 250 years ago, it should be 
good today.
  I certainly think the Taiwan Relations Act qualifies as an entangling 
alliance, and that is what we have been warned about: ``Do not get 
involved in entangling alliances.'' It gets us so involved, we get in 
too deep, and then we end up with a military answer to too many of our 
problems. I think that is what has happened certainly in the last 50 
years.
  I essentially have four objections to what we are doing. One is a 
moral objection. I will not dwell on the first three and I will not 
dwell on this one. But I do not believe one generation of Americans has 
a moral right to obligate another generation, because, in many ways, 
when we make this commitment, this is not just a friendly commitment; 
this is weapons and this is defense.
  Most people interpret the Taiwan Relations Act as a commitment for 
our troops to go in and protect the Taiwanese if the Chinese would ever 
attack. Although it is not explicit in the act, many people interpret 
it that way. But I do not believe that we or a generation 25 years ago 
has the moral right to obligate another generation to such an 
overwhelming commitment, especially if it does not involve an attack on 
our national security. Some say that if Taiwan would be attacked, it 
would be. But, quite frankly, it is a stretch to say that settling that 
dispute over there has something to do with an attack on our national 
security.
  Economics is another issue. We are running out of money; and these 
endless commitments, military commitments and commitments overseas, 
cannot go on forever. Our national debt is going up between $600 
billion and $700 billion a year, so eventually my arguments will win 
out, because we are going to run out of money and this country is going 
to go broke. So there is an economic argument against that.
  Also, looking for guidance in the Constitution. It is very clear that 
the Constitution does not give us this authority to assume 
responsibility for everybody, and to assume the entire responsibility 
for Taiwan is more than I can read into the Constitution.
  But the issue I want to talk about more than those first three is 
really the practical approach to what we are doing. I happen to believe 
that the policy of the One-China Policy does not make a whole lot of 
sense. We want Taiwan to be protected, so we say we have a One-China 
Policy, which occurred in 1982. But in order to say we have a One-China 
Policy, then we immediately give weapons to Taiwan to defend against 
China.
  So this, to me, just does not quite add up. If we put arms in Taiwan, 
why would we not expect the Chinese to put arms in opposition, because 
they are only answering what we are doing? What happened when the 
Soviets went to Cuba? They put arms there. We did not like that. What 
would happen if the Chinese went into Cuba or Mexico? We are not going 
to like that. So I think this part is in conflict with what the 
National Relations Act says, because we are seeking a peaceful 
resolution of this.
  So I would urge my colleagues to be cautious about this. I know this 
will be overwhelmingly passed; but, nevertheless, it is these types of 
commitments, these types of alliances that we make that commit us to 
positions that are hard to back away from. This is why we get into 
these hot wars, these shooting wars, when really I do not think it is 
necessary.
  There is no reason in the world why we cannot have friendship with 
China and with Taiwan. But there is something awfully inconsistent with 
our One-China Policy, when at the same time we are arming part of China 
in order to defend itself. The two just do not coexist.
  Self-determination, I truly believe, is worth looking at. Self-
determination is something that we should champion. Therefore, I am on 
the strong side of Taiwan in determining what they want by self-
determination. But what do we do? Our administration tells them they 
should not have a referendum on whether or not they want to be 
independent and have self-determination. So in one sense we try to help 
them; and, in the other sense, we say do not do it.
  I am just arguing that we do not have to desert Taiwan. We can be 
very supportive of their efforts, and we can do it in a much more 
peaceful way and at least be a lot more consistent.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. PAUL. I yield to the gentleman from California.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend for yielding.
  I just want to correct the impression the gentleman left with his 
observation, which implied that Taiwan is getting economic aid from the 
United States.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I will answer that.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have not yet made my point. Taiwan is 
getting no economic aid from the United States.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, that is correct. I did not 
say that, so the gentleman has implied that; and that is incorrect that 
I said it.
  I do know that it is a potential military base for us, because when I 
was in the Air Force, on more than one occasion I landed on Taiwan. So 
they are certainly a close military ally.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution and urge all of my 
colleagues to do so as well.
  The 25th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act is an exceptional 
opportunity to understand the ongoing and growing relevance of this 
critically important law and to discuss the future relations between 
the United States and Taiwan.
  I want to commend my friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman 
Hyde), and my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Smith), 
for introducing this resolution and for highlighting the important 
matters pending in the U.S.-Taiwan relationship.
  Mr. Speaker, when I first visited Taiwan decades ago, Taiwan's people 
were governed by an authoritarian regime which silenced independent 
media, threw the political opposition in jail, and refused to live by 
internationally recognized human rights.
  Today, Taiwan has become a fully developed democracy, complete with 
hard-fought elections, tight margins of victory, and a prosperous 
economy. This is sort of the American Dream in foreign policy, to look 
at totalitarian, dictatorial societies which are destitute and see them 
develop into democratic, prosperous nations.
  Under the Taiwan Relations Act, Taiwan's GDP has increased ten-fold 
between 1979 and today. Two-way trade between Taiwan and the United 
States has grown from $7 billion to over $65 billion during this 
period. The Taiwan Relations Act has ensured that the United States 
provides Taiwan with sufficient military equipment to defend itself. 
Our Nation even sent aircraft carriers into the Taiwan Strait to make 
it clear that the United States would not abandoned Taiwan to an 
uncertain fate.
  In short, Mr. Speaker, the Taiwan Relations Act has effectively 
provided an institutional framework and a legal basis for a strong 
political security and economic relationship between Taiwan and the 
United States. It has proven to be an enormously flexible and durable 
law which has prevented various administrations from selling out Taiwan 
and its people due to pressure from Mainland China.
  The 25th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act gives us a chance to 
think about new directions in our relationship with Taiwan. We must 
redouble our efforts to build closer ties to Taiwan, while at the same 
time maintaining a mutually productive relationship with the PRC.
  We can have a constructive relationship with Beijing while still 
protecting

[[Page 15604]]

Taiwan's core interests. Beijing must understand that, from an American 
perspective, any settlement between China and Taiwan must be arrived at 
through peaceful means, without coercion, and with the full support of 
the people of Taiwan.
  To ensure that the Taiwanese people are not forced into an unwise 
deal with Beijing, we must continue to support Taiwan's legitimate 
defense needs, and the leadership of Taiwan must devote sufficient 
funds to defending their country. To that end, I strongly support the 
possible sale of the Aegis system to Taiwan and the expansion of high-
level military and political exchanges between our two nations.
  Mr. Speaker, when President Lee Teng-hui wished to give a speech at 
his alma mater, Cornell University, it was my great pleasure and 
privilege to win passage of a resolution demanding that the Department 
of State grant him a visa. We won that battle, and the world kept 
spinning.
  Mr. Speaker, it was a great pleasure for me to host Taiwan's Vice 
President, Annette Lu, during a recent visit to San Francisco. It is my 
fondest hope that Congress will have the honor of greeting both 
President Chen and Vice President Lu in Washington in the foreseeable 
future.
  Mr. Speaker, under the umbrella of the Taiwan Relations Act, the 
United States and Taiwan have brought democracy to 25 million people, 
secured their economic future and protected them from hostile military 
threats.

                              {time}  2030

  This, Mr. Speaker, is an amazing achievement. I strongly support this 
legislation and urge all of my colleagues to do so as well.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Very briefly, let me mention that this last election was marred by 
news revealing that there was an assassination attempt. It has been 
very much in the news in question about the authenticity of this 
assassination. And, actually, the election itself is believed to be 
under a cloud with many people in Taiwan. So to paint too rosy a 
picture on that, I am pleased that they are making progress, but it is 
not quite as rosy as it has been portrayed here.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. 
McCollum).
  Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Speaker, the policy of the United States of America 
was articulately restated today by the Bush administration, and that 
statement is that there is only one China. The one China policy and the 
Taiwan Relations Act have resulted in stability and peace between China 
and Taiwan for more than a generation. This policy has created security 
for our allies, benefited U.S. interests in the region, and allowed for 
unprecedented economic growth in the region, improving the lives of 
millions of people.
  While the Taiwan Relations Act allows for the U.S. to supply military 
assistance to Taiwan to defend itself, this resolution ignores a very 
important component of the U.S. policy that is critical to this debate. 
In light of the rising tensions between China and Taiwan, potentially 
dangerous tensions, Taiwan has a responsibility, in fact, the 
obligation, not to pursue policies that would unilaterally alter its 
current status.
  The Taiwan Relations Act is intended to defend Taiwan, but it must 
not be considered a blank check to commit U.S. forces to defend any 
pursuit of independence by political leaders in Taipei.
  I cannot and I will not support an ambiguous resolution that could 
one day serve as a premise to commit American sons and daughters to 
defend the reckless political actions of Taiwan's leaders. The 
presidential elections earlier this year in Taiwan and the controversy 
regarding how they were conducted should raise very serious concerns in 
this House.
  The future of Taiwan's relationship with the U.S. is dependent upon a 
peaceful and stable Taiwan Strait. This is clear.
  A similar message is absent from this resolution that also must be 
sent to Taiwan's leadership. I will oppose this resolution today 
because it fails to send a message of prudence and responsible behavior 
to both China and Taiwan. That is the foundation of the one China 
policy.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute to 
respond briefly, and I think it needs to be responded to.
  The Taiwan Relations Act made it very clear in section 3 that there 
is no ambiguity about the policy. It is very clear to make available to 
Taiwan such defense articles and defense services in such quantity as 
may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense 
capability.
  Nobody in their right mind or in their wildest dreams would ever 
conceive of Taiwan attacking the mainland. It is all about a credible 
deterrence so that that dialogue between Beijing and Taipei can go 
forward, and that is why I think that this law has been so important in 
helping to maintain that protective cocoon, if you will, so that this 
dialogue again could go forward without an invasion from the People's 
Republic of China.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Once again, I want to make the point about the inconsistency of our 
policy. In 1979, the Taiwan Relations Act was put in place mainly 
because we orchestrated getting them kicked out of the U.N., so we had 
to do something, so we passed this act, and we ended official 
relations. We do not have ambassadors to Taiwan. That is part of this 
absurdity of the one China policy. Yet, at the same time, we feel this 
obligation and this commitment to make sure they have these weapons for 
defense. I mean, it just does not add up.
  All we need is a consistent pattern saying that people have a right 
to self-determination and encourage it and get out of the way. Those 
people over there in Taiwan right now, they are investing in China. The 
natural courses of events will take care of it. We have the South 
Koreans wanting to deal with the North Koreans, and we tend to get in 
the way; and here we have the Taiwanese who are investing, and they 
would like to work some of this out, and too often we get in the way.
  Now, the chairman mentioned a phrase in the resolution in defense of 
his position, but it is one that I am concerned about. It says, in 
section 3, requires the United States Government to make available 
defense articles. We do not have any choice. We make an absolute 
commitment that we are going to put those weapons there, and we are 
looking for trouble. I mean, this is how you start wars, putting 
weapons in there.
  Once again, what if they did that in Cuba? What did we do when Russia 
did it in Cuba? Can we not have any understanding or empathy of what 
happens? And what if they did it in Mexico? We would have no part of 
it.
  So this, to me, just does not make any sense.
  And then in the next phrase, I am also concerned about this, and it 
restates the position in the Taiwan Relations Act, whereas the Taiwan 
Relations Act requires the United States to maintain the capacity to 
resist any resort to force.
  Now, we have to think about that. Most people interpret that as, we 
are on our way, the boys are ready to go. No matter how thinly we are 
spread around the world, the capacity is now currently interpreted 
that, yes, we would come to their aid, and it sounds like people in 
support of this resolution would support that. But that is not the way 
this country is supposed to go to war. And this, to me, is a preamble, 
if there is a skirmish or a fight over there and it is going to be 
bigger because we are there and providing the weapons.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), my distinguished colleague on the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this

[[Page 15605]]

time, and I rise in strong support of this resolution.
  We look at Taiwan today and, as the gentleman from California pointed 
out before, it is a success story. Taiwan is a democracy. Taiwan has an 
economy that is the 16th largest in the world. I come from the premise 
that we should be supportive of countries that are supportive of us, 
and Taiwan has been a good friend of the United States and has shown 
that it is a true democracy.
  I had the honor of meeting with President Chen in New York several 
months ago, and I have always been a great admirer of a country that 
took a system that was autocratic and undemocratic and transformed it 
into a very democratic country.
  Now the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979 was crafted very delicately 
because, yes, we do have a one China policy, but we do not want to 
abandon our friends in Taiwan. Therefore, I believe it is the 
responsibility of our country to ensure that the people of Taiwan have 
the capability not to be overrun by anyone else and to have the 
capability to defend themselves.
  Now, in the resolution, it says that the Department of Defense 
report, our Department of Defense report entitled Annual Report on the 
Military Power of the People's Republic of China dated July 30, 2003, 
documents, and I am reading, that the government of the People's 
Republic of China is seeking coercive military options to resolve the 
Taiwan issue and, as of the date of the report, has deployed 
approximately 450 short-range ballistic missiles against Taiwan and is 
adding 75 missiles per year to this arsenal; whereas the Taiwan 
Relations Act requires the U.S. to maintain the capacity to resist any 
force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security or 
the social or economic system of the people of Taiwan.
  This is what the Taiwan Relations Act commits us to do. It is what we 
should do. It is right. It is proper. We stand with the people of 
Taiwan and their democratic ways, and I am proud to be a part of 
reaffirming the unwavering commitment to the Taiwan Relations Act by 
the United States Congress.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time. We 
yield back the balance of our time, and I urge all of my colleagues to 
support this legislation.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Let me just restate my general position, because my defense is that 
of a foreign policy of nonintervention, sincerely believing it is in 
the best interests of our people and the world that we get less 
involved militaristically.
  Once again, I would like to make the point that if it is a true and 
correct principle because of its age, it is not negated. If it is a 
true principle and worked 200 years ago or 400 years ago, it is still a 
principle today; and it should not be discarded.
  I would like to just close with quoting from the Founders. First, 
very simply, from Jefferson. His advice was, ``Equal and exact justice 
to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; 
peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling 
alliances with none.''
  John Quincy Adams: ``Wherever the standard of freedom and 
independence has been or shall be unfurled, there will her heart, her 
benedictions, and her prayers be. But she goes,'' and ``she'' is 
referring to us, the United States, ``but she goes not abroad in search 
of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and 
independence of all. She is the champion and vindicator only of her 
own. She will commend the general cause by the countenance of her 
voice, and the benignant sympathy of her example.''
  And our first President. He is well-known for his farewell address, 
and in that address he says, ``Harmony, liberal intercourse with all 
nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither 
seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the 
natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means 
the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing.''
  Force gets us nowhere. Persuasion is the answer. Peace and commerce 
is what we should pursue.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SOUDER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the ROC. The Republic 
of China, more commonly known as Taiwan, is a democratic haven perched 
on the edge of Asia and confronted everyday with the scourge of 
communism.
  H. Con. Res. 462 reaffirms an unwavering commitment by the United 
States to the Taiwan Relations Act and to the ROC.
  From the moment the communists overran the Chinese mainland, the 
Republic of China on Taiwan has been threatened with invasion and 
destruction. The dictators in Beijing have sought to isolate Taiwan 
from the rest of the world. They put pressure on Taiwan to be 
subservient to Beijing's diktats. Despite this constant shadow, the 
people of Taiwan have built a vibrant market economy and an equally 
vibrant democracy based on the rule of law.
  As Taiwan has prospered and worked to achieve full democracy, the 
United States has stood shoulder to shoulder with Taiwan against the 
potential onslaught of the so-called ``People's'' Republic of China. 
Unlike in mainland China, the people of Taiwan enjoy many of the 
freedoms that we in the United States also enjoy.
  As mainland China develops economically, it would be easy for the 
United States to focus on Beijing and forget about our longstanding 
ally. This is not and never should be the case. The United States must 
continue to be a partner with Taiwan. We must do what we can to help 
Taiwan maintain its political and economic independence. Although the 
United States does not maintain full diplomatic relations with the ROC, 
our commitment, outlined in the Taiwan Relations Act, has never 
wavered.
  The communist government in Beijing has made it clear time and again 
that it will not back away from its Taiwan policy. Whether it is naval 
exercises in the Taiwan Straits or objecting to Taiwan's membership in 
the World Health Organization, Beijing continues to menace the ROC.
  When you look at a map of Asia, the PRC clearly dwarfs Taiwan. It is 
many, many times bigger geographically and many, many times more 
populated. Any time it chooses, the PRC could overrun Taiwan and end 
the democratic experiment in that country. It is only the backing of 
the United States and the U.S. commitment outlined in the Taiwan 
Relations Act, that has kept the communists at bay.
  As the PRC continues to develop economically and politically, it is 
important that the United States have allies in the region with whom we 
can work vis-a-vis mainland China. Taiwan is such an ally. They share 
our values of democracy and market economics. We must ensure that 
Taiwan remains free to act independently of China. The Taiwan Relations 
Act ensures that they are able to do so.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 
462, reaffirming our unwavering support to the Taiwan Relations Act, 
and the people of the Republic of China or Taiwan.
  For more than two decades, the Taiwan Relations Act has been the 
basis for the U.S.-Taiwan relationship, and a cornerstone of stability 
in Taiwan, and in the Western Pacific. And while the set of 
circumstances that made the Taiwan Relations Act necessary remains a 
regrettable chapter in U.S. history, its presence has helped ensure the 
safety of the people of Taiwan for the last 25 years.
  In stark contrast to his predecessor Jimmy Carter, President Reagan 
worked to improve the mutual friendship and security between Taiwan and 
the United States. A strong voice for freedom and democracy, President 
Reagan sought to provide greater security to the people of Taiwan by 
making a number of assurances to Taiwan. Among other things, President 
Reagan promised not to set a date for ending defensive arms sales to 
Taiwan; not to consult with the unelected leaders of Communist China 
before making any arms sales to Taiwan; not to pressure Taiwan to 
negotiate with Communist China on the issue of reunification; and not 
to abandon the Taiwan Relations Act.
  Over the last 25 years, Taiwan has made a full transition to 
democracy. The Taiwan Relations Act, President Reagan's efforts, and 
most of all the work of the people of Taiwan have helped to make these 
changes a reality.
  Mr. Speaker, the passage of this resolution will send a strong 
message to the leaders of Communist China that America is a partner and 
a friend to Taiwan, and that America has no plans to abandon our 
commitment to the people of Taiwan or their fundamental right to self-
determination.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, we have no further requests

[[Page 15606]]

for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Renzi). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 
462.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of 
those present have voted in the affirmative.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

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