[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 6]
[Senate]
[Pages 7736-7746]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                        DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I know there are a group of us who wish 
to speak about Senator Moynihan. I think that would be the next order 
of business, and so I will proceed.
  Let me say that yesterday all of us were caused great sorrow when we 
heard the terrible news that Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, a giant 
among us, had passed from our midst. While the sadness is still there, 
today I rise to pay tribute to Pat Moynihan and to the extraordinary 
life that he led.
  It can rarely be said about someone that they changed the world and 
made it a better place just with their ideas. Senator Moynihan was such 
an individual. He was a font of ideas. He was not afraid to utter them 
and he uttered them in such a way that people listened, paid attention, 
and changed the way they lived for the better.

[[Page 7737]]

  Pat Moynihan was a friend to me, a mentor. I first met him when I 
attended his course at Harvard while I was a student and he was a 
professor. Throughout the many years, he extended me so many kindnesses 
I can't even count them. But beyond the personal--and every one of us 
has our personal stories about Pat--is what he did for all of us. He 
was known in the Senate as a unique individual, as a person of ideas in 
a body that, frankly, has always needed more of them. He was the kind 
of Senator that the Founding Fathers, as they look down on this body, 
would look at and smile and say: That's the kind of person we wanted to 
serve in the Senate.
  I think the Washington Post editorial said it very well today. It 
said:

       He pursued with distinction enough careers for half a dozen 
     men of lesser talents and imagination--politician, 
     Presidential adviser, diplomat, author, professor and public 
     intellectual.

  As someone who is barely managing to pursue only one of those many 
careers, I can't help but observe that, as you look around, there are 
no more Pat Moynihans in part because of the man--Pat Moynihan's 
vision, erudition, intellect, dazzling wit, and moral conviction were 
second to none--and in part because of the times. Pat Moynihan was one 
of the preeminent public intellectuals in a time when such figures and 
their ideas could command the Nation's attention in a way that I fear 
is now all but gone from American life. I hope and pray that is not 
true.
  But we mourn his passing. We mourn the passing of his time from the 
national stage and from this beloved institution that he loved so well 
and served so well in for 24 years, the Senate.
  In the coming days, many will pay tribute to Pat Moynihan's 
leadership and vision on so many ideas where his mark on policy and his 
mark on individuals are well known. There are children born in this 
country and in foreign countries whose lives are better, who will live 
better lives because Pat Moynihan lived and worked on this Earth.
  His leadership in Social Security, in welfare reform, in poverty, in 
tax policy, in trade, in education, in immigration, in foreign policy, 
and most recently in government secrecy--any one of those would have 
been enough to be a capstone of an ordinary Senator's career. But Pat 
did them all.
  Adam Clymer of the New York Times chronicled Pat's career and life 
movingly and brilliantly today. I ask unanimous consent his piece be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                [From the New York Times, Mar. 27, 2003]

     Daniel Patrick Moynihan Is Dead; Senator From Academia Was 76

                            (By Adam Clymer)

       Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the Harvard professor and four-
     term United States senator from New York who brought a 
     scholar's eye for data to politics and a politician's sense 
     of the real world to academia, died yesterday at Washington, 
     D.C. He was 76.
       The cause, a spokesman for the family said, was 
     complications of a ruptured appendix, which was removed on 
     March 11 at the hospital, where he remained.
       Mr. Moynihan was always more a man of ideas than of 
     legislation or partisan combat. Yet he was enough of a 
     politician to win re-election easily--and enough of a 
     maverick with close Republican friends to be an occasional 
     irritant to his Democratic party leaders. Before the Senate, 
     his political home from 1977 to 2001, he served two 
     Democratic presidents and two Republicans, finishing his 
     career in the executive branch as President Richard M. 
     Nixon's ambassador to India and President Gerald R. Ford's 
     ambassador to the United Nations.
       For more than 40 years, in and out of government, he became 
     known for being among the first to identify new problems and 
     propose novel, if not easy, solutions, most famously in auto 
     safety and mass transportation; urban decay and the corrosive 
     effects of racism; and the preservation and development of 
     architecturally distinctive federal buildings.
       He was a man known for the grand gesture as well as the bon 
     mot, and his style sometimes got more attention than his 
     prescience, displayed notably in 1980 when he labeled the 
     Soviet Union ``in decline.'' Among his last great causes were 
     strengthening Social Security and attacking government 
     secrecy.
       In the halls of academe and the corridors of power, he was 
     known for seizing ideas and connections before others 
     noticed. In 1963, for example, he was the co-author of 
     ``Beyond the Melting Pot,'' which shattered the idea that 
     ethnic identities inevitably wear off in the United States. 
     Then, on the day that November when President Kennedy was 
     shot in Dallas, he told every official he could find that the 
     federal government must take custody of Lee Harvey Oswald to 
     keep him alive to learn about the killing. No one listened.
       Friends also observed the intense sense of history he 
     connected to immediate events. Bob Packwood, the former 
     Republican senator from Oregon, recalled his Democratic 
     friend's response in 1993 when a reporter on the White House 
     lawn asked what he thought of the signing of the Israeli-
     Palestinian agreement to share the West Bank. ``Well, I think 
     it's the end of World War I,'' he said, alluding to the 
     mandates that proposed Middle Eastern boundaries in 1920.
       Erudite, opinionated and favoring, in season, tweed or 
     seersucker, Mr. Moynihan conveyed an academic personality 
     through a chirpy manner of speech, with occasional pauses 
     between syllables. More than most senators, he could get 
     colleagues to listen to his speeches, though not necessarily 
     to follow his recommendations. He had a knack for the 
     striking phrase, but unease at the controversy it often 
     caused. When other senators used August recesses to travel or 
     raise money for re-election, he spent most of them in an 1854 
     schoolhouse on his farm in Pindars Corners in Delaware 
     County, about 65 miles west of Albany. He was writing books, 
     9 as a senator, 18 in all.
       Mr. Moynihan was less an original researcher than a bold, 
     often brilliant synthesizer whose works compelled furious 
     debate and further research. In 1965, his foremost work, 
     ``The Negro Family: The Case for National Action,'' 
     identified the breakup of black families as a major 
     impediment to black advancement. Though savaged by many 
     liberal academics at the time, it is now generally regarded 
     as ``an important and prophetic document,'' in the words of 
     Prof. William Julius Wilson of Harvard.
       Five years later, his memo to President Nixon on race 
     relations caused another uproar. Citing the raw feelings 
     provoked by the battles of the civil rights era, Mr. Moynihan 
     suggested a period of rhetorical calm--``benign neglect'' he 
     called it--a proposal widely misinterpreted as a call to 
     abandon federal programs to improve the lives of black 
     families.
       Nonetheless, he could also be an effective legislator. In 
     his first term he teamed with Jacob K. Javits, his Republican 
     colleague, to pass legislation guaranteeing $2 billion worth 
     of New York City obligations at a time when the city faced 
     bankruptcy. In a brief turn leading the Environment and 
     Public Works Committee in 1991 and 1992 he successfully 
     pushed to shift highway financing toward mass transit--and 
     get New York $5 billion in retroactive reimbursement for 
     building the New York State Thruway before the federal 
     government began the Interstate Highway System.
       Although Mr. Moynihan's junior colleague for 18 years, 
     Alfonse M. D'Amato, became known as Senator Pothole for his 
     pork-barrel efforts of New York, Mr. Moynihan held his own in 
     that department.


                     monument of bricks and marble

       Long before he came to the Senate, and until he left, he 
     was building a monument of bricks and marble by making 
     Washington's Pennsylvania Avenue, a dingy street where he 
     came to work for President John F. Kennedy in 1961, into the 
     grand avenue that George Washington foresaw for the boulevard 
     that connects the Capitol and the White House. Nearly 40 
     years of his effort filled the avenue with new buildings on 
     its north side, including the apartment houses where he 
     lived, restored buildings on the south, and cafes and a sense 
     of life all along.
       Wherever he went, Mr. Moynihan explored interesting 
     buildings and worked to preserve architectural distinction, 
     from converting the main post office in Manhattan into the 
     new Pennsylvania Station, to the Customs House at Battery 
     Park and all around Washington. Last year, over lunch and a 
     martini at Washington's Hotel Monaco, an 1842 Robert Mills 
     building that was once the city's main post office, he 
     recalled how he had helped rescue it from decline into a 
     shooting gallery for drugs.
       Daniel Patrick Moynihan was born in Tulsa, Okla., on March 
     16, 1927, the son of an itinerant, hard-drinking newspaperman 
     who moved the family to New York later that year to take a 
     job writing advertising copy. They lived comfortably in the 
     city and suburbs until 1937 when his father, John Moynihan, 
     left the family and left it in poverty.
       Mr. Moynihan's childhood has been pseudo-glamorized by 
     references to an upbringing in Hell's Kitchen, which in fact 
     he encountered after his mother bought a bar there when he 
     was 20. But there was enough hardship and instability in his 
     early life so that when he later wrote of ``social 
     pathology,'' he knew what he was talking about.
       Mr. Moynihan's mother, Margaret Moynihan, moved the family, 
     including a brother, Michael, and a sister, Ellen, into a 
     succession of Manhattan apartments, and Pat

[[Page 7738]]

     shined shoes in Times Square. In 1943 he graduated first in 
     his class at Benjamin Franklin High School in East Harlem. He 
     also graduated to work as a stevedore at Piers 48 and 49 on 
     West 11th Street.
       He went to City College for a year, enlisted in the Navy, 
     and was trained as an officer at Middlebury College and at 
     Tufts University. Discharged the next spring, he went to work 
     that summer tending bar for his mother, then got his B.A. at 
     Tufts in 1948 and an M.A. at the Fletcher School of Law and 
     Diplomacy at Tufts in 1949.
       In 1950 he went to the London School of Economics on a 
     Fulbright Scholarship, and he lived well on it, the G.I. bill 
     and later a job at an Air Force base. He started wearing a 
     bowler hat. He had a tailor and a bootmaker and traveled 
     widely, including a visit to Moynihan cousins in County 
     Kerry, Ireland.
       Work on his dissertation did not consume him. In ``Pat,'' 
     his 1979 biography, Doug Schoen described a 1952 visit by two 
     former Middlebury colleagues: ``Impressed at first with his 
     elaborate file cabinet full of index cards, they found that 
     most of the cards were recipes for drinks rather than notes 
     on the International Labor Organization.''
       Mr. Moynihan came home in 1953 and went to work in the 
     mayoral campaign of Robert F. Wagner. He went on to write 
     speeches for W. Averell Harriman's successful campaign for 
     governor in 1954, joined his administration in Albany and 
     rose to become his chief aide. It was there he learned about 
     traffic safety, which he described in a 1959 article in The 
     Reporter as a public health problem requiring federal action 
     to make automobile design safer.


                         a semi-modest proposal

       Another former campaign worker who came to Albany was 
     Elizabeth Brennan. Her desk and his were in the same room, 
     and they grew friendly. Rather suddenly in early 1955, when 
     they had never dated, Mr. Moynihan did not formally propose 
     but simply told her he was going to marry her.
       They married in May 1955, and she often said she married 
     him because he was the funniest man she ever met.
       His wife survives him, as do their three children: Timothy, 
     Maura and John, and two grandchildren.
       While he was an enthusiastic supporter of John F. Kennedy, 
     work at Syracuse University on a book about the Harriman 
     administration and his Ph.D. kept his role in the campaign 
     sporadic. But Liz Brennan Moynihan organized the campaign 
     efforts in the Syracuse area.
       His Ph.D. in international relations finally complete, he 
     left Syracuse in 1961 for Washington and the Labor 
     Department, rising to assistant secretary. One early research 
     assignment on office space for the scattered department gave 
     him an opportunity to assert guiding architectural principles 
     that have endured and produced striking courthouses: that 
     federal buildings ``must provide visual testimony to the 
     dignity, enterprise, vigor and stability of the American 
     government.'' That same report enabled him to raise the 
     Pennsylvania Avenue issue, and he was at work on development 
     plans on Nov. 22, 1963, when the word came that the president 
     had been shot in Dallas.
       Beyond his failed efforts to protect Mr. Oswald, Mr. 
     Moynihan marked that grim assassination weekend with a widely 
     remembered remark about the death of the president he barely 
     knew but idolized and eagerly followed.
       On Sunday, Nov. 24, he said in a television interview: ``I 
     don't think there's any point in being Irish if you don't 
     know that the world is going to break your heart eventually. 
     I guess we thought we had a little more time.'' He added 
     softly, ``So did he.''
       His first book, written jointly with Nathan Glazer, had 
     come out earlier that year. ``Beyond the Melting Pot'' looked 
     at the different ethnic groups of New York City and scoffed 
     at ``the notion that the intense and unprecedented mixture of 
     ethnic and religious groups in American life was soon to 
     blend into a homogeneous end product.'' Ethnicity persisted, 
     they argued.
       That concept won praise from the era's leading historian of 
     immigration, Harvard's Oscar Handlin, who called it a ``point 
     of departure'' in studies of immigrants. But in a foretaste 
     of academic criticism in years to come, he said their 
     methodology was sometimes ``flimsy.''
       ``The Negro Family: The Case for National Action,'' a paper 
     he wrote at the Labor Department early in 1965, argued that 
     despite the Johnson administrations's success in passing 
     civil rights, laws, statutes could not ensure equality after 
     three centuries of deprivation. He said the disintegration of 
     black families had reached a point of ``social pathology.'' 
     He wrote: ``The principal challenge of the next phase of the 
     Negro revolution is to make certain that equality of results 
     will now follow. If we do not, there will be no social peace 
     in the United States for generations.''
       He cited black unemployment, welfare and illegitimacy 
     rates. His emphasis on families headed by women led him to be 
     accused of blaming the victims for their predicament, but in 
     fact he wrote clearly, ``It was by destroying the Negro 
     family under slavery that white America broke the will of the 
     Negro people.'' Now, he wrote, the federal government must 
     adopt policies especially in education and employment, 
     ``designed to have the effect, directly or indirectly, of 
     enhancing the stability and resources of the Negro American 
     family.''
       He left the administration in 1965 as liberals denounced 
     his paper, and then ran for president of the New York City 
     Council. He lost badly in the Democratic primary, but went on 
     to Wesleyan University and, in 1966, to Harvard as director 
     of the Joint Center for Urban Studies and a tenured professor 
     in the Graduate School of Education.
       He spoke out against disorder, in urban slums and on select 
     campuses. Speaking to Americans for Democratic Action in 
     1967, he made it clear he though liberal pieties would not 
     solve black problems.
       And in a passage that came to the eye of the Republican 
     presidential candidate Richard M. Nixon, he said liberals 
     must ``see more clearly that their essential interest is in 
     the stability of the social order'' and ``make alliances with 
     conservatives who share that concern.'' When Nixon was 
     elected, Mr. Moynihan made his alliance. He joined the White 
     House staff as assistant to the president for urban affairs.
       That startled his friends, and his wife refused to move to 
     Washington. Mr. Moynihan, who never developed, even after 
     Watergate, the searing contempt for Mr. Nixon that animated 
     so many contemporary Democrats, explained that when the 
     president of the United States asks, a good citizen agrees to 
     help. Another biographer, Godfrey Hodgson, says that while 
     Mr. Moynihan never stopped thinking of himself as a liberal 
     Democrat, he shared the president's resentment of orthodox 
     liberalism.
       While his advice to the president to end the war in Vietnam 
     stayed private, there were two ideas for which his time in 
     the Nixon White House was known.
       In 1970 he wrote to the president on race relations, 
     arguing that the issue had been rubbed raw by ``hysterics, 
     paranoids and boodlers'' on all sides. Now, he wrote, race 
     relations could profit from a period of ``benign neglect'' in 
     which rhetoric, at least, was toned down. In a return of the 
     reaction to his paper on the Negro family, when this paper 
     was leaked it was treated as if Mr. Moynihan wanted to 
     neglect blacks.
       He may have invited that interpretation by his quaintly 
     glib language, but in fact Mr. Moynihan was pushing an idea 
     that might have been of vast help to poor blacks, and whites. 
     That other idea for which he was known, the Family Assistance 
     Plan, sought to provide guaranteed income to the unemployed 
     and supplements to the working poor, and together to stop 
     fathers from leaving home so their families could qualify for 
     welfare. The president made a speech for the program, sent it 
     to Capitol Hill and let it die.
       Afterward, though he remained on good terms with Mr. Nixon, 
     Mr. Moynihan went back to Harvard in 1970. Resentment over 
     his White House service chilled his welcome back in 
     Cambridge. His interests shifted to foreign affairs--perhaps 
     because the charges of racism left him no audience for 
     domestic policy, and made him welcome an appointment as 
     ambassador to India, where he negotiated a deal to end 
     India's huge food aid debt to the United States. He returned 
     to Harvard to protect his tenure in 1975, but moved that year 
     to the United Nations as United States ambassador.
       There he answered the United States' third world critics 
     bluntly, often contemptuously.
       In his brief tenure he called Idi Amin, the president of 
     Uganda, a ``racist murderer,'' and denounced the General 
     Assembly for passing a resolution equating Zionism with 
     racism: ``the abomination of anti-Semitism has been given the 
     appearance of international sanction.'' After eight months of 
     struggles with Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, who 
     wanted a less confrontational approach, he resigned in 
     February 1976.
       That made him available for a run for the Democratic 
     nomination for the Senate, and he edged out the very liberal 
     Representative Bella Abzug in the primary before winning the 
     general election easily over the incumbent, James L. Buckley, 
     the Republican-Conservative candidate. With his wife in 
     charge of each campaign, he won three landslide re-elections.
       He set one high goal--a seat on the Finance Committee as a 
     freshman--and reached it, along with a seat on the 
     Intelligence Committee. Early in office he joined Gov. Hugh 
     L. Carey, Speaker Thomas P. O'Neill Jr. and Senator Edward M. 
     Kennedy of Massachusetts in a St. Patrick's Day appeal to 
     Irish-Americans to stop sending money to arm the Irish 
     Republican Army, whom he privately described as ``a bunch of 
     murderous thugs.''
       Every year he produced an analysis of federal taxes and 
     federal aid, known as ``the fisc,'' which showed that New 
     York was getting regularly shortchanged by Washington. He 
     worked to reduce that imbalance, both through Medicaid 
     funding on the finance Committee and public works on the 
     Environment and Public Works Committee.
       And his colleagues always knew he was around. Every day of 
     the 2,454-day captivity of Terry Anderson, the Associated 
     Press reporter captured by 1985 by the Hezbollah in Lebanon, 
     he would go to the Senate floor to

[[Page 7739]]

     remind his colleagues, in a sentence, just how many days it 
     had been.


                       Quarreled With White House

       After loyally serving four presidents, he quarreled with 
     those in the White House while he was in the Senate. When he 
     arrived in 1977, he found President Carter too soft in 
     dealing with the Soviet Union and indifferent to its evil 
     nature.
       But he quickly came to believe that the Soviet Union was 
     crumbling. In Newsweek in 1979 he focused on its ethnic 
     tensions. In January 1980, he told the Senate: ``The Soviet 
     Union is a seriously troubled, even sick society. The indices 
     of economic stagnation and even decline are extraordinary. 
     The indices of social disorder--social pathology is not too 
     strong a term--are even more so.'' He added. ``The defining 
     event of the decade might well be the breakup of the Soviet 
     empire.''
       It was against that changed perception that he was sharply 
     critical of vast increases in military spending, which, 
     combined with the Reagan tax cuts, produced deficits that he 
     charged were intended to starve domestic spending. He called 
     a 1983 Reagan proposal for cutting Social Security benefits a 
     ``breach of faith'' with the elderly, and worked out a rescue 
     package that kept the program solvent for at least a decade 
     into the 21st century.
       He also scorned the 1983 invasion of Grenada, the 1984 
     mining of harbors in Nicaragua and the 1989 invasion of 
     Panama as violations of international law, and voted against 
     authorizing President George H. W. Bush to make war against 
     Iraq. It was not enough, he wrote in his book ``On the Law of 
     Nations'' in 1990, for the United States to be strong enough 
     to get away with such actions. The American legacy of 
     international legal norms of state behavior, he wrote, is ``a 
     legacy not to be frittered away.''
       But probably his worst relations with a president came when 
     Bill Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton sought passage of 
     national health insurance.
       Certainly, the failure of health care legislation was not 
     primarily Mr. Moynihan's responsibility, but he had become 
     chairman of the Finance Committee in 1993, and health care 
     fell within its jurisdiction. He said the administration 
     should take on welfare reform legislation first, and carped 
     on television about their health plan, quickly fixing on the 
     role of teaching hospitals as the biggest issue in health 
     care. But otherwise he waited for Mr. Packwood and Senator 
     Bob Dole of Kansas, the Republican leader, to propose a 
     compromise. Mr. Dole had decided all-out opposition was the 
     better course for his party, and they never did.
       Mr. Moynihan's career in the Senate was marked not by 
     legislative milestones but by ideas. Even so, Senator 
     Kennedy, the legislative lion, once described him in 1993 as 
     an exemplar ``of what the Founding Fathers thought the Senate 
     would be about,'' because of the New Yorker's breadth of 
     interests, ``having read history, and thought about it, and 
     being opinionated.''

  Mr. SCHUMER. As a fellow New Yorker, I am going to speak of Pat 
Moynihan as a builder. He was known as a thinker, but we forget he was 
also a builder, a builder of bricks and mortar, somebody who taught us 
in New York and the country to think grandly of public works once 
again. Those who knew Moynihan best say that is where his heart truly 
lay.
  The week after I won election for the Senate, Pat Moynihan called me 
into his office. He told me he would announce he wasn't going to run 
again. He said: I am going to bequeath to you a gift. I am going to 
recommend that my staffer Polly Trottenberg work for you. Well I took 
his advice and hired her to be my Legislative Director and she has been 
with me ever since. He did many nice things for me. That was certainly 
one of them.
  Because she worked so long and well for him, I asked Polly today what 
Pat Moynihan had regarded as his greatest accomplishment and she said 
something that surprised me. But when you think about it, it should not 
be surprising. It was how he reclaimed Pennsylvania Avenue in this city 
and made it big and grand and beautiful again and how he lived out the 
rest of his days there with his wonderful wife Liz.
  Pat Moynihan not only taught us to think grandly about public works 
on the national scale, he also taught us to cherish our cities, to make 
them lively and beautiful, and none so more than his two beloved 
cities, New York and Washington.
  His groundbreaking work on Federal transportation policy remains 
without equal. Pat Moynihan is the father of ISTEA, the Intermodal 
Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991, the most important piece 
of transportation legislation since President Eisenhower's Federal 
Highway Act of 1956.
  Pat Moynihan, as a social scientist, urban planner, and old-fashioned 
New York politician, helped change the course of American 
transportation, weaning us from our highways-only approach that had 
destroyed so many urban neighbors.
  Instead, ISTEA encouraged so many communities to invest in other 
modes, such as transit, rail, and even bipeds. I ride a bike every 
Saturday around New York. It is another small way I thank Pat Moynihan.
  He provided citizens with far greater say in what types of projects 
would be built in their communities. ISTEA was especially important to 
New York. It enabled the State to restore some of our most important 
but neglected public works, such as the magnificent Brooklyn Bridge as 
well as dream new dreams like I-86 across the southern tier, and the 
Second Avenue subway.
  His passion and dedication to public architecture is well known and 
dates from his days as a young aide to President Kennedy who, right 
before his death, tasked Moynihan with restoring Pennsylvania Avenue 
here in Washington. Moynihan succeeded brilliantly in his task, with 
the final piece of Pennsylvania Avenue, the Ronald Reagan Building and 
International Trade Center, unveiled a few years ago and instantly 
hailed as one of the best new buildings to grace the Capital.
  Of course, Senator Moynihan was also a leading force for architecture 
in New York. He was responsible for building a beautiful Federal 
courthouse at 500 Pearl Street in Lower Manhattan, which we were proud 
to name after him. Completed in 1994, the Daniel Patrick Moynihan 
Federal Courthouse embodies the same spirit as his previous 
architectural endeavors, an extraordinary work of art inside and 
outside.
  He was responsible for the restoration of the spectacular Beaux-Arts 
Customs House at Bowling Green and for recognizing what a treasure we 
have in Governors Island.
  He is beloved in Buffalo, at the other end of our State, for 
reawakening the city's appreciation for its architectural heritage, 
which includes Frank Lloyd Wright houses and the Prudential Building, 
one of the best known early skyscrapers by the architect Louis H. 
Sullivan, a building which Moynihan helped restore and then chose as 
his Buffalo office.
  Moynihan has also spurred a powerful and passionate popular movement, 
which is gaining strength as he leaves us, in Buffalo to build a new 
signature Peace Bridge over the Niagara River.
  His last project--one that I regret he didn't live to see completed--
was his beloved Pennsylvania Station. In 1963, Pat Moynihan was one a 
group of prescient New Yorkers who protested the tragic razing of our 
city's spectacular Penn Station--a glorious public building designed by 
the Nation's premier architectural firm of the time, McKim, Mead & 
White.
  It was Pat Moynihan who recognized years ago that across the street 
from what is now a sad basement terminal that functions--barely--as New 
York City's train station, sits the James A. Farley Post Office 
Building, built by the same architects in much the same grand design as 
the old Penn Station. Pat Moynihan recognized that since the very same 
railroad tracks that run under the current Penn Station also run 
beneath the Farley Building, we could use the Farley Building to once 
again create a train station worthy of our grand city.
  He then did the impossible: He persuaded New York City, New York 
State, the U.S. Postal Service, the U.S. Department of Transportation, 
Amtrak, congressional appropriators, and President Clinton himself, to 
commit to making this project succeed. And I can tell you, I don't 
think President Clinton even knew what hit him.
  Herbert Muschamp, the noted New York Times architecture critic, 
praised the new Penn Station design, which brilliantly fuses the 
classical elements of the Farley Building with a dramatic, light-filled 
concourse, when he wrote:

       In an era better known for the decrepitude of its 
     infrastructure than for inspiring new visions of the city's 
     future, the plan comes as proof that New York can still 
     undertake major public works. This is the most important 
     transportation project undertaken in New York City in several 
     generations.


[[Page 7740]]


  We have Pat Moynihan to thank for that and so many other things.
  The epitaph given to Sir Christopher Wren, designer of St. Paul's 
Cathedral in London, is an equally fitting epitaph for Senator Daniel 
Patrick Moynihan: ``Si Monumentum Requiris Circumspice''--``If you 
would see this man's monument, look around.''
  And not only look at the buildings, look at people, look at highways, 
look at Government projects and programs--all of which Pat Moynihan had 
a tremendous effect on.
  I join with every New Yorker and every American in mourning Pat 
Moynihan's passing but celebrating his extraordinary life, his 
extraordinary career, celebrating the extraordinary man himself.
  I give my heartfelt condolences to his family--Liz and Timothy and 
Maura and John and his grandchilden, Michael Patrick and Zora--and 
count myself among the many others who will miss him dearly.
  Mr. President, I will end with a prayer. It is my hope, it is my 
prayer, that God grant us a few more Pat Moynihans in this Senate, in 
this country, in this world.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New York.
  Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I join my colleague in expressing our 
sense of loss at the passing of a man whom we knew, we admired, we 
respected, we enjoyed.
  Yesterday, we lost more than ``The Gentleman from New York.'' We lost 
one of the great minds of America's 20th century. He devoted more than 
50 years of his life to public service in order to build a better 
world. For Senator Moynihan, his service to his country and to the 
State he loved was more than his career. It was his calling.
  For 24 years, New Yorkers had the benefit of his intellect and his 
dedication on the floor of this Senate. Whenever he headed to the 
Senate floor to speak, he kept the people of New York close to his 
heart. And he came armed with three signature items: his horn-rim 
glasses, a bow tie, and a great idea.
  No one believed more in the power of restoration than Senator 
Moynihan: Restoration of our cities as economic and cultural centers; 
restoration of our historic buildings as public places of pride; 
restoration of the family, when given the proper tools to mend decades 
of despair; restoration of our Government to better serve its people.
  It was Senator Moynihan who helped restore our sense of hope with his 
ability to look at an abandoned building, a neglected neighborhood, or 
an empty school, and see not only what it could become but how to make 
it so.
  He could ``see around corners,'' to quote his Irish heritage. I 
always loved that phrase when applied to Pat Moynihan because it so 
aptly described his unique ability to foresee how we might address a 
difficult problem. Time after time, he could see our Nation's next 
pressing challenge--and its solution-- even when it was decades away 
from our own national conscience.
  His soul was anchored in the New Deal, but it was his ability to 
enhance the social contract to meet the challenges of the 20th and 21st 
century that transformed the lives of millions of New Yorkers and 
Americans.
  Whether it was Social Security, Medicare, education, health care, the 
environment, fighting poverty, or historic preservation, every issue 
illustrated what Senator Moynihan did best: He used the power of an 
idea as an engine for change. He was an architect of hope.
  It was Senator Moynihan who was able to articulate that poverty in an 
urban setting was just as isolating and devastating as in a rural 
setting. This helped launch the war on poverty and the idea that we now 
know as the earned income tax credit.
  It was Senator Moynihan who realized that States such as New York and 
others across the Northeast contributed more in taxes than we received 
back from the Federal Government. This prompted what he called the FISC 
Report, and his fight, which I carry on, to get New York its fair 
share.
  It was Senator Moynihan who looked at our historic places--from 
Pennsylvania Avenue right here in Washington, DC, to Penn Station in 
New York City--and saw how saving these great monuments to the past 
held meaning and purpose for our future.
  It was Senator Moynihan, as chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, 
who helped write the 1993 Budget Act, pass the Economic Act, and the 
Deficit Reduction Act, that set the foundation for the prosperity of 
the 1990s, lifted 7 million Americans out of poverty, and sent a clear 
message that the Federal Government did its best work when it did it 
responsibly, living within a budget. Unlike what we have just seen here 
on the floor over the last several days, Senator Moynihan understood 
that a Government which lived within its means made real choices, not 
false choices, and then putting it on a credit card for our children to 
have to pay.
  It was Senator Moynihan who, in addition to all of these domestic 
accomplishments, forged a new era of foreign policy for America with 
his work as Ambassador to India, and with his eloquence on behalf of 
the United States, speaking up during a contentious time as Ambassador 
to the United Nations.
  On a personal note, it was Senator Moynihan who welcomed me to his 
farm in Pindars Corners on a picture-perfect July day in 1999 and 
offered his support and encouragement, sending me on my way with a 
gesture of profound kindness that I will never forget.
  A few months ago, Senator Moynihan came to see me in my office. It is 
the office he was in for so many years. He sat with me, and we talked 
about the issues confronting this Senate. I asked his advice. I told 
him I wanted to have a chance to talk with him further about so many of 
the challenges that are facing us. Unfortunately, that was not to be. 
His illness prevented him from coming back to the Senate and from 
helping other Senators one last time.
  Today, we are all thinking of him and his family. We extend our 
condolences, and our gratitude for the life he lived, the example he 
set, and the countless contributions he made.
  Senator Moynihan once said, in a very Irish way:

       Well, knowledge is sorrow really.

  He was right. The knowledge that he no longer walks among us brings 
sorrow to every New Yorker and American. He grew up in Hell's Kitchen, 
but he brought a bit of heaven to the Senate. We are grateful for his 
being amongst us; his looking around those corners, seeing further than 
any of us could on our own.
  Our thoughts and prayers go out to his wonderful wife Liz, his 
children, his grandchildren. We wish them strength, and we want them to 
know that Pat Moynihan was a blessing, a blessing to the Senate, a 
blessing to New York, and a blessing to America.
  I thank the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.
  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, let me first of all commend both of our 
colleagues from New York, Senators Schumer and Clinton, for their very 
eloquent remarks about our former colleague and dear friend, Pat 
Moynihan. I know not only the Moynihan family but the people of New 
York and others around this great country who have had the privilege of 
knowing and spending time with Pat Moynihan deeply appreciate their 
comments and their words. I join in expressing my deep sense of loss of 
a towering figure of American life, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, 
whom we all know passed away yesterday. My heart certainly goes out to 
Senator Moynihan's family at this most difficult time, his remarkable 
wife Liz and their three children, Timothy, Maura, and John, as well as 
the entire Moynihan family.
  All of us, every single American, even those who may never have heard 
his name or are unaware of his contribution, lost a member of the 
family in a sense with the death of Pat Moynihan. That is because for 
more than half a century, Pat Moynihan served the American people as a 
soldier, a teacher, as an author, an assistant to four American 
Presidents, an Ambassador to India and the United Nations and, of 
course, a Member of this Chamber for 24 years, from 1976 to the year 
2000.
  Pat Moynihan, to those of us who knew him so well, was an 
intellectual

[[Page 7741]]

giant who never lost sight of what makes America tick, in its most 
fundamental way our nation's people and our nation's families. He had a 
deep appreciation and abiding of America's families as the backbone of 
our nation's social and economic structure that has provided us with 
stability and growth and success for more than two centuries.
  And he was, of course, an unparalleled leader in pointing out 
weaknesses in America's families and ways in which we might strengthen 
them.
  Generations of Americans, many of whom will never have known or 
possibly even have heard of Pat Moynihan, will reap the benefits of 
this most compassionate and thoughtful leader among leaders.
  A true American success story by any calculation, Pat Moynihan rose 
from the rough neighborhood of New York City's Hell's Kitchen to become 
one of America's leading intellectuals. He earned a bachelor's degree, 
two masters degrees, a law degree, and a PhD as well as teaching 
appointments at Harvard, MIT, and Syracuse University.
  Pat Moynihan was much more than simply a man of letters. He, above 
all else, combined his intellectual capacity with a strong sense of 
action; of getting things done.
  Pat Moynihan brought life to the notion that ideas serve as the 
engine of democracy. Many of the most thoughtful and progressive 
legislative programs that have improved the lives of his beloved New 
York and all around our Nation and across the globe for the past 40 
years originated in the brilliant mind of Pat Moynihan. From protecting 
underprivileged children, to passionately defending the Social Security 
system, to questioning America's role in the world at pivotal moments 
in our history, Pat Moynihan's intellectual agility was only matched by 
his desire to make America a better nation, a fairer nation, and a more 
successful one.
  The description ``renaissance figure'' is too liberally applied to 
people who don't deserve it, in my view. That is not the case with Pat 
Moynihan. He truly was a renaissance figure, a person who could breeze 
easily and expertly from issue to issue. He would expound upon what is 
needed to improve mass transit systems nationwide one moment, explain 
what is needed to achieve excellence in our public education system in 
the next, and finish off with his latest idea to bring majesty to the 
architecture along Pennsylvania Avenue, all in a very seamless way.
  I have heard the remarks of many of our colleagues and others over 
the last 24 hours in sharing their grief over the loss of our friend. 
As I have read and heard these remarks, in newspapers and public 
accounts, it struck me that the words describing Pat Moynihan that are 
being most repeated over and over again are courageous, compassionate, 
principled, thoughtful, brilliant, and the like.
  Few individuals have been so universally revered by so many here in 
Washington and across the Nation for their determination to make a 
difference in helping to steer our Nation in the right direction over a 
half century. That is because for decades Pat Moynihan embodied the 
highest ideals and values of our Nation since its founding. This was 
recognized by Democratic Presidents and Republican ones alike. He 
served for both of them, and he served well. It was recognized by every 
one of his Senate colleagues, regardless of party or ideology, who had 
the great fortune to have worked with him in this Chamber.
  Frederick Douglass once said:

       The life of a nation is secure only while the nation is 
     honest, truthful, and virtuous.

  For 40 years Pat Moynihan lent those characteristics to the heart of 
the U.S. Government. Pat Moynihan's death leaves a void in this 
Chamber, and in this country, that will not soon, if ever, be filled
  I would like to think that there will be more Pat Moynihan's coming 
down the pike, to serve in this Chamber, and in other important 
capacities nationwide. I would like to think that there will be more 
individuals with the style, and wit, and substance of Pat Moynihan to 
help guide our nation through the multitude of complex issues we 
confront now and into the future.
  I would like to think so, but the truth is Pat Moynihan was one of a 
kind. We will have to make due without him. I only count my blessings 
that I had a chance to serve with him in the United States Senate, and 
to have been able to call him a friend.
  I conclude my remarks by expressing my deep sense of loss to Liz and 
the rest of the Moynihan family. This country has lost a remarkable 
individual, a person who made significant contributions to the health 
and well-being of this Nation. But to those of us who had the joy of 
serving with this delightful man from Ireland, we have lost a wonderful 
friend, someone we will miss with a great sense of loss for the rest of 
our lives.
  I express my gratitude and those of my family to the Moynihan family, 
the people of New York, and to our colleagues and staffs and others who 
worked with him during those four decades of public service.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, today is a very sad day for America and for 
those of us who served in the United States Senate with one of its most 
visionary and accomplished members, a great man, a great American, 
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York, who died yesterday.
  It stretches the mind just to think of all of the important positions 
that Pat Moynihan held, including Cabinet or sub-Cabinet posts under 
four Presidents: John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and 
Gerald Ford. He served as Ambassador to India in the 1970s and then as 
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations. He came to the United States 
Senate in 1977 already a scholar, author and public official of great 
distinction and renown. In the 24 years he spent here, he only greatly 
expanded his enormous reputation and body of work. Pat Moynihan was a 
Senator's Senator. Over the years, he earned the respect of every 
Member of the Senate--and we all learned a great deal from him.
  Pat Moynihan was a person who showed tremendous vision throughout his 
life. He showed foresight about the importance of a strong family and 
about the importance of strong communities in America. He raised the 
critical importance of these basic values and concerns about the 
deterioration of these family values, long before others. He showed 
great foresight about our Constitution. One of the highlights for me in 
my service in the Senate was joining Senator Moynihan and Senator 
Robert Byrd in fighting successfully against the line item veto as a 
violation of our Constitution. And, he showed great foresight about the 
world and the role of the United States in international affairs. His 
work at the United Nations and in the Senate, as a former chairman of 
the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, and as chairman of the 
Finance Committee was marked by his perceptive, analytical, and worldly 
view on trade, foreign policy, and intelligence matters. Long before 
others, Senator Moynihan was speaking of the economic and ultimately 
military weaknesses of the Soviet Union and predicting its collapse--at 
a time when most of the American intelligence community was 
overestimating its strength.
  It is virtually impossible to list all of Pat Moynihan's 
accomplishments in the U.S. Senate. Among the most lasting, however, 
will be his efforts on behalf of architectural excellence in the 
Nation's Capital. He was a crucial force behind the return to greatness 
of the Pennsylvania Avenue corridor between the U.S. Capitol and the 
White House, the restoration of Washington's beautiful, elegant, and 
historic Union Station, and the construction of the Thurgood Marshall 
Judiciary Building here on Capitol Hill.
  And Pat could pack a punch, wielding his sharp sense of humor as a 
devastating weapon as when, in 1981, when the plastic covering used to 
protect the workers on the then-new Hart Senate Office Building was 
removed. No fan of the lack of architectural merit of the Senate's 
newest office building, he suggested that the plastic be immediately 
put back. He commented, ``Even in a democracy, there are things it is 
as

[[Page 7742]]

well the people do not know about their Government.''
  The author or editor of eighteen books, Senator Moynihan was at the 
forefront of the national debate on issues ranging from welfare reform, 
to tax policy to international relations. His most recent book, written 
in 1998, ``Secrecy: The American Experience'' expands on the report of 
the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy of which 
he was the Chairman. This is a fascinating and provocative review of 
the history of the development of secrecy in the government since World 
War I and argument for an ``era of openness.''
  At home in New York, in a State which is known for its rough and 
tumble politics, he demonstrated leadership again and again, exercising 
the power of intellect and the ability to rise above the fray. That has 
been a wonderful contribution not just to New York but to all of 
America.
  The ``Almanac of American Politics'' once noted ``Daniel Patrick 
Moynihan [was] the nation's best thinker among politicians since 
Lincoln and its best politician among thinkers since Jefferson.'' Pat 
made a huge contribution to this body and its reputation. I will never 
forgot him.
  His wife, Liz, his children, grandchildren and the entire Moynihan 
family are in our hearts and our prayers today. Daniel Patrick 
Moynihan's memory will continue to serve as an inspiration to us all in 
the Senate family--as he was in life--to better serve the country that 
he loved so much.
  Mr. HOLLINGS. Mr. President, so many Senators have spoken so 
eloquently about the loss of Senator Moynihan; but no one has been 
listened to in their speeches like they listened to our friend in the 
bow tie with the staccato delivery. Standing in this Chamber, he would 
overwhelm with his original thoughts, including overwhelming this 
Senator who had the good fortune to listen to his ideas for all 24 of 
his years here.
  The saddest part about losing our friend is we lose him when we need 
him most.
  He was the authority on Social Security, just when we need someone to 
stand up and expose the numbers that these voodoo tax cuts are taking 
out of the Social Security trust funds. He was the United Nations 
Ambassador who spoke bluntly, just when we need a guy with an opinion 
to straighten out those people up in New York. He was the architect who 
turned Pennsylvania Avenue into a grand boulevard, just when we need 
someone to figure out how to protect against terrorism and not undo the 
beauty he brought to this city.
  Right to the point: he was from the world of intellect, not from the 
nonsense poll watchers. This Senator will miss the gregarious big man 
with the biggest of the big ideas, who nevertheless got things done in 
this Chamber.
  My wife Peatsy joins me in extending our deepest sympathy to his 
wonderful wife Elizabeth and their family.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Massachusetts.
  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, our dear colleague, Pat Moynihan, was a 
true giant in the Senate, and his loss is deeply felt by all of us who 
knew him and admired him. He was a brilliant statesman and legislator, 
and he was also a wonderful friend to all the Kennedys throughout his 
extraordinary career in the public life of the nation.
  Forty-two years ago, President Kennedy enlisted many of the finest 
minds of his generation to serve in the New Frontier. Among the 
outstanding young men and women who answered his call was the brilliant 
young Irishman who became a special assistant to Jack's Secretary of 
Labor--and then an Assistant Secretary of Labor himself--Daniel Patrick 
Moynihan. On that snowy Inauguration Day in January 1961, the torch was 
passed to that new generation of Americans, and Pat Moynihan helped to 
hold it high in all the years that followed.
  Pat leaves an outstanding legacy of extraordinary public service and 
brilliant intellectual achievement that all of us are proud of, and 
that President Kennedy would have been proud of, too.
  Throughout his remarkable career, Pat was on the front lines on the 
great social, political, and cultural challenges of the day. To know 
him was to love him--the remarkable intellect, the exceptional clarity 
of his thinking--the abiding Irish wit that impressed and enthralled us 
all so often. We were not alone. Pat's qualities and achievements 
captivated, educated, and inspired an entire generation of Americans.
  All of us in Congress and around the Nation learned a great deal from 
Pat, and we will miss him dearly. His wisdom and experience contributed 
immensely to the progress our country has made on a wide variety of 
issues. We loved the professor in him.
  It was not unusual for Senators on both sides of the aisle to come to 
the Senate floor to hear Pat speak--Senators sitting like students in a 
class, trying to understand a complex issue we were struggling with.
  The whole Senate loved and respected Pat. As he often said, ``If you 
don't have 30 years to devote to social policy, don't get involved.'' 
He dedicated his brilliant mind and his beautiful Irish heart to that 
challenge, and America is a stronger and better and fairer nation today 
because of his contributions. With his great insight, and wisdom, he 
skillfully questioned the way things worked, constantly searching for 
new and better ways to enable all Americans to achieve their dreams.
  In the 24 years Pat served with us in the Senate, he was the 
architect of many of the Nation's most progressive initiatives to help 
our fellow citizens, especially those in need. He left his mark on 
virtually every major piece of domestic policy legislation enacted by 
Congress.
  He had a central role in shaping the debate on welfare reform, and he 
was a visionary when it came to protecting and strengthening Medicare 
and Social Security. He spearheaded the major transportation 
legislation that provides indispensable support for highways throughout 
the country and for mass transit in our cities.
  An important part of Pat's legacy is the restoration of Pennsylvania 
Avenue, which my friend and colleague, Senator Schumer, referenced--the 
nation's principal thoroughfare. The key to that dream was the 
preservation of Lafayette Park, right across from the White House. 
Jackie Kennedy Onassis put forward the vision that she and Pat shared 
to preserve that famous national square and the townhouses that 
surround it, which are such a vital part of our history and our 
architectural heritage.
  Throughout his career, Pat worked brilliantly, effectively, 
tirelessly, and with great political skill, to promote the highest 
values of public service. And in doing so, he earned well-deserved 
renown and respect from all of us in Congress on both sides of the 
aisle, from Republican and Democratic administrations alike, from 
political thinkers, foreign policy experts, and leaders of other 
nations as well.
  In a world of increasing specialization, there was no limit to his 
interest or his intellect or his ability. In so many ways, he was the 
living embodiment of what our Founding Fathers had in mind when they 
created the United States Senate. And he did it all without ever losing 
his common touch, because he cared so deeply about the millions of 
citizens he served so well, the people of New York.
  One of my own happiest associations with Pat was our work together to 
end the violence in Northern Ireland and bring peace to that beautiful 
land of our ancestors. Pat and I worked closely with Tip O'Neill and 
Hugh Carey on that issue, and they called us the ``Four Horsemen.''
  Pat believed very deeply in that cause and in all the other great 
causes he did so much to advance during his long and brilliant career. 
Whether serving in the Navy or as professor, adviser to Presidents, 
Ambassador, or Senator, Pat brought out the best in everyone he 
touched, and his mark on earth will be remembered forever.
  At another dark time in our history, after President Kennedy was 
taken from us, Pat said, ``I don't think there's any point in being 
Irish if you don't know that the world is going to break your heart 
eventually.'' Pat's loss breaks all our hearts today, and we know we 
will never forget him. We

[[Page 7743]]

never forgot the lilt of his Irish laughter that stole our hearts away.
  My heart goes out to Liz and the entire Moynihan family. We will miss 
Pat very much, and we will do our best to carry on his incomparable 
work to make our country and our world a better place.
  Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I spoke briefly last night of the sorrow 
we all felt on hearing that our former colleague, Daniel Patrick 
Moynihan, passed away. This afternoon, I join with Senators Schumer, 
Clinton, Kennedy, Dodd, and others to return to the floor to say a bit 
more for the record about this truly remarkable man and about how much 
the Senate and the Nation will miss him.
  Opening this morning's newspapers at a time when news of the war in 
Iraq seems to eclipse all else, I found it fitting that Daniel Patrick 
Moynihan was--as he was so often during his long public career--once 
again front page news. Newspapers across the nation--and indeed, around 
the world--are filled today with accounts of Senator Moynihan's life 
and work.
  What has been written in just the short time since his death 
yesterday afternoon reminds us how extraordinary Pat Moynihan really 
was.
  The New York times--the newspaper Senator Moynihan read religiously 
every day, from cover to cover, we are told--reported that he ``brought 
a scholar's eye for data to politics and a politician's sense of the 
real world to academia.''
  The Washington Post noted that he ``pursued with distinction enough 
careers for half a dozen men of lesser talents and imagination: 
politician, presidential adviser, diplomat, author, professor, public 
intellectual.''
  In talking about Senator Moynihan with colleagues and friends last 
night and today, it strikes me that everyone seems to come back to one 
idea: People like Pat Moynihan simply do not come along every day.
  I said yesterday that he seemed larger than life. He was also, truly, 
one of a kind. Senator Moynihan's myriad public accomplishments are 
being--and will no doubt continue to be--well documented.
  Today, I want to add to what has been said in the press and on this 
floor some of the less-frequently mentioned things that made Pat 
special to those of us who had the privilege to know him and work with 
him.
  Pat Moynihan enlivened the Senate. He did so in many ways, but there 
are three in particular that come to mind for me today.
  First was the way he applied his encyclopedic mind to the 
deliberations of the Senate. In our Democratic caucus meetings, in 
committee hearings, and here on the floor, he elevated our discourse. 
He would make a point, and drive it home, by drawing on his sweeping 
knowledge of history, literature, poetry, and the arts. He could quote 
from hundreds of sources--from memory.
  Listening to Pat speak extemporaneously, you might be treated to 
verbatim quotes from Disraeli or Churchill, Yeats or Robert Frost, 
Dylan Thomas, Evelyn Waugh, Arthur Conan Doyle, or Shakespeare. He 
always had just the right quote to support his argument, and he always 
quoted accurately.
  I once read that the staff of the Shakespeare Theater here--where Pat 
was a frequent patron--often noticed him silently mouthing the words of 
the play--as the actors spoke them.
  A second gift of Pat's that we all treasured was his ready sense of 
humor. It was a puckish, mischievous wit, and it never failed to 
surprise and amuse us.
  I remember when the Hart Senate Office Building was completed. Pat 
was never an admirer of the architecture of the Hart Senate Office 
Building. In fact, he thought it was downright ugly. When the building 
was finished and the construction tarp was taken down, Pat introduced a 
resolution saying the tarp should be put back up.
  Pat also knew how to use his wit to disarm. He was famously blunt and 
direct with the press. But he also knew how to use humor to avoid 
questions he preferred not to answer.
  Nearly every week, he invited the New York press corps into his 
office in the Russell Building for coffee and to answer questions. If 
he chose to, he could crack a hilarious joke and have the press in 
stitches. By the time they got through laughing, they had forgotten the 
question altogether.
  Finally, Pat Moynihan was a fierce Senate institutionalist--a quality 
that endeared him to me, to Senator Byrd, and to so many of us.
  Pat Moynihan loved and revered this institution--much as he loved and 
revered public service.
  His respect for the Senate showed itself in many ways, from his stout 
defense of Senate powers and prerogatives to his keen interest in the 
architectural preservation of the Capitol Building and its environs.
  Pat had a sentimental side, as many of us do, when it came to this 
building.
  On special occasions, he loved to present friends with a gift of 
sandstone bookends made from the old East Front of the Capitol. With 
each presentation of those treasured stones, Pat loved to tell an 
elaborate story about the political intrigue surrounding the extension 
of the East Front in the 1950s.
  These are just a few of the special things that come to mind as we 
reflect on the unique life and legacy of our friend and former 
colleague.
  I said last night that in losing Pat Moynihan, New York and the 
Nation have lost a giant. And, as Winston Churchill once said of 
another great patriot, we shall not see his like again.
  On behalf of the entire United States Senate, I again extend 
sincerest condolences to Pat's beloved wife and partner, Liz, to their 
children, Tim, John, and Maura, and to their grandchildren, Zora and 
Michael Patrick.
  We thank them for sharing so much of their husband, father and 
grandfather with us. Our thoughts and prayers are with them at this 
hour.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
  Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I rise today to join my colleagues to mourn 
the passing of and express respect and admiration for the service of 
our former colleague, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, whom we recently lost.
  Before I came to this body, I had heard a great deal about Pat 
Moynihan. Who had not? If you followed Government, if you were 
interested in policy, Pat Moynihan probably said something that was 
very important. He was way ahead of his time on some issues. On other 
issues, I disagreed with him rather strongly, but you knew if Pat 
Moynihan spoke, it was going to be worth listening to. If you did not 
agree with him, you were going to have to work hard to counter it.
  I had some disagreements with the distinguished Senator from New 
York. As a matter of fact, in the 1992 highway bill, I had a 
spectacular confrontation with him. We disagreed over a courthouse that 
was included in the highway bill. Thereafter, we became very good 
friends, and I think as a result of our rather tumultuous getting 
acquainted, I had the opportunity to spend a good bit of time with him.
  We were neighbors in an area of the Capitol where we both had 
workspaces. I spent a number of evenings enjoying a discussion with him 
as we watched the debates on the floor of the Senate. His ability to 
discuss and have insightful observations about so many subjects was 
truly impressive. If I ever met a Renaissance man, it was Pat Moynihan.
  I will give one example. Everybody knows the great role he played in 
revitalizing Pennsylvania Avenue and the leadership he provided. He was 
a great student of architecture. One of the projects we worked on in 
Missouri was saving the Wainwright Building, the first steel-framed 
skyscraper designed

[[Page 7744]]

by Louis Sullivan. I mentioned it to him one day. He proceeded to give 
me a short course in architecture and the role of Louis Sullivan and 
his draftsman, Frank Lloyd Wright, which went far beyond the knowledge 
I had of the building in St. Louis. As a student of architecture, as a 
student who appreciated the benefits architecture brings to the quality 
of life, he was absolutely without peer.
  There were many other issues, and I know my colleagues will have many 
thoughts to share about him, but I wanted to rise to say to those he 
leaves behind that he was truly an outstanding servant, one whose 
friendship and whose insights and experiences I personally will always 
hold dear. I know this body is far richer for his presence and his 
service.
  I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana.
  Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I also rise to join with my colleagues on 
the passing of Pat Moynihan. Where does one start when a friend and 
colleague leaves us?
  When Senator Moynihan retired from the Senate, where he served our 
country and his State so well, he really did not leave us. Now in this, 
his last transition, he will not leave us. He left so much of himself 
with us. His words will remain with us for years to come.
  I did not join the Senate until 1989. Being on the opposite side of 
the aisle--I was one who had not earned his spurs yet--I did not have 
the opportunity to get to know him until we went on a trip together to 
the Persian Gulf during Desert Shield in 1990. I can say my life has 
been richly blessed serving with a lot of men and women who have since 
retired from this body. He was one of those people.
  That was a great trip to the Persian Gulf. We spent a lot of hours in 
flight and spent a lot of hours in conversation, which was truly 
enlightening to this Senator from a rural State such as Montana. Our 
relationship grew from that point, and I realized what a marvelous man 
he really was.
  He was a man true to his faith and principles. His intellect stood 
him apart from most men I have ever known, but he coupled that 
intellect with good old-fashioned common sense and deep wisdom.
  The subject matter of the conversation did not make any difference. 
He could relate to anyone on a common ground. The ability to 
communicate with anybody who is not blessed with the same amount of 
institutional information or knowledge of any issue that may confront 
policymakers on a daily basis is a wonderful talent. He was one I held 
in high esteem, as he was one of the most intelligent men I have ever 
known.
  It is unusual to find a person of that caliber to be blessed with a 
great sense of humor, and to put it on our level. He was quick, and his 
humor would sneak up on you. A man of his own style, very comfortable 
with himself, his presentations on the floor, in committee, or in 
public were strictly Pat Moynihan. We shall miss his voice on the floor 
of the Senate for several reasons, and printed words cannot describe 
that distinct sound.
  I notice my friend from West Virginia is in the Chamber. Senator 
Moynihan sat only two seats behind Senator Byrd.
  We can hear him today say: Mr. President, may we have order.
  That was distinctly a call we all knew, understood, and respected. I 
shall miss him. I shall never forget him. Whatever accolades he may 
receive, he earned every one.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President:

       There is a Catskill eagle in some souls that can alike dive 
     down into the blackest gorges and soar out of them again and 
     become invisible in the sunny spaces. And even if he forever 
     flies within the gorge, that gorge is in the mountains; so 
     that even in his lowest swoop, the mountain eagle is still 
     higher than other birds upon the plain, even though they 
     soar.
  I was saddened to learn last night of the death of one of the most 
educated, most versatile, and most gifted persons ever to bless this 
Chamber, and one of my favorites, our former colleague, Senator Daniel 
Patrick Moynihan.
  With doctorate and law degrees from the Fletcher School of Law and 
Diplomacy, he was a Fulbright scholar and the author of a number of 
sometimes controversial, but important, books. He held academic 
positions at several of our country's most prestigious universities, 
including Syracuse, Harvard, and MIT.
  Unable to settle into an academic life, Pat Moynihan went on to serve 
in high positions in the administrations of Presidents John F. Kennedy, 
Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Gerald Ford--making him the first 
and only person to serve in the Cabinet or subcabinets of four 
successive administrations. His Government work included serving as the 
American Ambassador to India and as the United States Permanent 
Representative to the United Nations.
  Even with this background, and these accomplishments, Daniel Patrick 
Moynihan still refused to rest. In fact, his greatest work, I might 
even go so far as to say his destiny, was still ahead. In 1976, he was 
elected to the first of four terms in the United States Senate.
  I was then the Democratic whip. I knew I was going to be the next 
Senate majority leader, so I welcomed Pat Moynihan to the Senate and 
assured him I would do my best to see that he got appointed to the 
Senate Finance Committee. That is where he wanted to go.
  So it was in this chamber that the talents, the skills, and the 
powerful intellect of this philosopher-statesman shined the brightest.
  It was more than his outstanding work as a Senator from a large and 
powerful State.
  It was more than his outstanding work as chairman of the Senate 
Environment and Public Works Committee and as chairman of the Senate 
Finance Committee.
  It was that he was a visionary with the strongest sense of the 
pragmatic, an idealist with the most profound grasp of what was 
practical, an internationalist who always put our country first. With 
his keen and profound historical perspective and his incredible breadth 
of knowledge ranging from taxes to international law, he had the 
uncanny ability to make us confront issues that needed to be 
confronted, and to cut to the core of a problem and then help us to 
solve it.
  A person and a Senator not only of high intellectual quality, but 
also high intellectual honesty, Senator Moynihan took on the 
complicated and politically sensitive issues, like Social Security, 
health care, and welfare reform, with passion and compassion; he took 
on these mighty subjects with determination and foresight and with 
unflinching integrity.
  I have never forgotten, and will never forget, our valiant fight 
together to challenge and defeat the line-item veto. I wish he were 
here now. This was one of his many struggles to preserve and to protect 
our constitutional system. We need more Pat Moynihans who would take an 
unflinching stand for the Constitution and this institution. He truly 
believed in our Constitution just as he truly believed in the mission 
as well as the traditions, the rules, and the folkways of the United 
States Senate. He knew that the American Government is not the monster 
that demagogues fear and like to portray but a positive, creative force 
in American life that has helped all Americans to enjoy better, safer, 
and more productive lives.
  Senator Moynihan retired from the Senate in the year 2000. But he was 
one of those Senators who was so much a part of this institution that 
he has never really left it. I still look over at his seat and sit in 
my own and turn it in that direction and listen to him. I can hear him; 
I can still see him. Yes, just like I still see Richard B. Russell who 
sat at this seat and who departed this life on January 21, 1971; like I 
can still see Everett Dirksen, that flamboyant Republican orator and 
leader; as I can see Lister Hill of Alabama, and the other great 
lawmakers with whom I have had the privilege and the honor of serving.
  I look over there and see his unruly hair, his crooked bow tie, his 
glasses that always seemed about to fall off his

[[Page 7745]]

face, and that unforgettable Irish twinkle in his eyes.
  But I have missed his incredible grasp of the issues. I have missed 
his intellectual vigor, and his incisive wit and wisdom. In these 
difficult and trying times, I, and the Senate, have sorely missed his 
innate sense of fairness, and his unbounded and unqualified 
determination to do the right thing regardless of political party or 
political consequences. As I said when he retired from the Senate, 
``His conscience is his compass. . . . Senator Moynihan states facts, 
the cold, hard truths that many others in high places refuse to face 
and that some are unable to see.''
  Senator Moynihan lived the lifetime of ten mortals. An author, 
ambassador, a college professor, an outstanding public servant, and a 
great United States Senator, he accomplished so much. He leaves an 
indelible mark on this country. His legacy is intact. His was a 
creative and successful life. And, he was blessed with a wonderful and 
gracious wife, Elizabeth. My wife, Erma, and I extend our deepest and 
heartfelt condolences to Pat's entire family.
  I close my remarks by reciting the immortal words of Josiah Gilbert 
Holland:

     God give us men!
     A time like this demands strong minds,
     great hearts, true faith, and ready hands.
     Men whom the lust of office does not kill;
     Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy;
     Men who possess opinions and a will;
     Men who have honor; men who will not lie.

     Men who can stand before a demagogue
     And brave his treacherous flatteries without winking.

     Tall men, sun-crowned;
     Who live above the fog,
     In public duty and in private thinking.
     For while the rabble with its thumbworn creeds,
     Its large professions and its little deeds,
     mingles in selfish strife,
     Lo! Freedom weeps!

     Wrong rules the land and waiting justice sleeps.
     God give us men!

     Men who serve not for selfish booty;
     But real men, courageous, who flinch not at duty.
     Men of dependable character;
     Men of sterling worth;
     Then wrongs will be redressed, and right will rule the earth.
     God Give us Men!

  Mr. President, those of us who knew Daniel Patrick Moynihan, 
especially those of us who served with him here in the Senate, will 
remember his ``strong mind,'' his ``great heart,'' his ``true faith,'' 
and his ``ready hands.'' We will remember him as a man of ``dependable 
character'' and ``sterling worth.''
  Thank you, God, for giving us Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan.
  I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning 
business for 10 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today to join my colleagues in 
offering a tribute to the late distinguished Senator Patrick Moynihan, 
a role model, an inspiration, a friend, and my fellow Senator. I can 
only hope that with my poor speaking skills, in comparison certainly to 
his, I can do justice to his many virtues and innumerable contributions 
he made to this Nation. I know today many of my colleagues are lauding 
him for his principled stands, even if it meant feeling exiled in 
Siberia. He many times fought the lonely and oftentimes frustrating 
fight, but he knew what was right and that sustained him through the 
years of criticism and controversy and, ultimately, was normally proven 
right. He was a great role model.
  In fact, when I first met the Senator from New York, one of the 
things that came to my mind was what the German poet, Johann Wolfgang 
von Goethe, once said:

       Talents are best nurtured in solitude; character is best 
     formed in the stormy billows of the world.

  He also said:

       He who is firm and resolute in will, molds the world to 
     himself.

  I can't think of anybody to which this statement applies better than 
to Senator Moynihan. He has always been willing to stand upon his 
principles, in solitude if necessary, to weather the stormy billows of 
the world, to truly mold the world to himself.
  He has been someone who has been the epitome of being firm and 
resolute in will, no matter the criticism, the controversy or the 
circumstances.
  In fact, when he first wrote his report to President Johnson, for 
example, 40 years ago, highlighting the rising out-of-wedlock 
birthrates that were taking place in the country, he felt that this 
threatened the stability of the family, particularly minority families, 
one of the building blocks of our society. He was roundly attacked at 
that time. Rather than seeing this report rightly as a chilling 
foreboding of problems to come, people chose to turn a blind eye to the 
truth upon which he so correctly shed light. Now we have reached a 
stage where the out-of-wedlock birthrates in all the communities in our 
country have reached dangerous proportions, and everyone is in 
agreement about exactly how dangerous this is.
  How many times we have heard, ``Patrick Moynihan was right.'' How 
many times should we have had to hear it said? Senator Moynihan always 
understood the overriding importance of the truth, of ensuring that 
there is substance behind one's politics and not just words. He showed 
this time and time again.
  For example, one of the most important chapters of our Nation's story 
of human freedom and dignity is the history and legacy of the African-
American march towards freedom, legal equality, and full participation 
in American society. Senator Moynihan understood the importance of this 
history, which is why in the 102d Congress he championed the effort to 
create a National African American Museum, a vital project upon which 
Congressman Lewis and I now have spent several years working and which 
we hope to get to completion.
  With Senator Moynihan's leadership, at that time the museum idea 
successfully passed the Senate but, unfortunately, did not pass the 
House and to this day we picked up his mantle and are still working on 
it.
  Senator Moynihan understood why it was so critical to honor this 
history, truly the history of not just African Americans but of our 
Nation. His commitment was key to the first efforts.
  As I seek to move forward the legislation to create the museum, I am 
honored that I am now carrying on the work he began in this body. It 
certainly makes for very big shoes to fill, but I am only hopeful that 
in his memory I may do just efforts justice.
  Billy Graham once said:

       Courage is contagious. When a brave man takes a stand the 
     spine of others are often stiffened.

  This was always true when we associated with Senator Moynihan. 
Somehow, people seemed to stand a little taller, act more resolute. 
They even argued better. No one could ever out-argue Senator Moynihan, 
but somehow the challenge of having such a talented opponent made one's 
own skills sharper.
  There is so much more to my friend, though, than what is so obviously 
and publicly known. For example, so many of us here experienced his 
wonderful and robust sense of humor, something I wish everyone could 
have had the pleasure of participating in seeing. Senator Moynihan was 
all of this and much, much more.
  He was often described as the great statesman of the Senate, a breed 
that seems more and more difficult to find in politics. He was always a 
steadfast defender of American principles. He was also someone who 
brought dignity, character, and humor to this body. He has been and 
always will be the role model of the true statesman.
  In the Second Epistle to Timothy, Paul writes:

       I have fought the good fight, I finished the course, I have 
     kept the faith.

  Senator Moynihan certainly did so. All of us here and across the 
Nation have benefited.

[[Page 7746]]

  Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a 
quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Chambliss). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, as we bring to a close what has been a very 
productive week over the last 4 days here in the Senate, we have had 
ups and downs and a lot of very productive debate. Many sad events have 
been talked about on the floor, and many happy events have actually 
been talked about on the floor, with the range from the death of Daniel 
Patrick Moynihan, an icon who has spoken so many times from this floor 
to the American people--indeed, to the world--to the many comments made 
in morning business over the course of this week paying tribute to our 
men and women, our soldiers overseas; a resolution today commending the 
coalition of allies who support the United States and our British 
friends in the efforts that are underway as I speak today; all the way 
to a budget that is a culmination, in many ways, of weeks and weeks of 
work as we have defined the priorities of this body in spending the 
taxpayers' dollars for the foreseeable future--a first step, the 
culmination of a lot of debate and discussion as we go through our 
conference with the House over the next several weeks.
  We had a lot of ups and a lot of downs but a lot of progress, and we 
are doing the Nation's business at the same time we are paying respect 
to the incidents that are playing out before us in the international 
and domestic realm. Last night I had the opportunity of introducing the 
resolution, along with Senator Daschle, paying respects to Senator 
Moynihan and, as I mentioned in my opening comments today, once again, 
the great legacy that he leaves all of us.
  I would like to pay one final tribute to him, and read just a few 
paragraphs from the commencement speech he gave at Harvard in 2002, 
which has previously been printed in the Record.
  The commencement speech at Harvard, 2002, is entitled ``Civilization 
Need Not Die'' by Daniel Patrick Moynihan:
       Last February, some 60 academics of the widest range of 
     political persuasion and religious belief, a number from here 
     at Harvard, including Huntington, published a manifesto: 
     ``What We're Fighting For: A Letter from America.''
       It has attracted some attention here; perhaps more abroad, 
     which was our purpose. Our references are wide, Socrates, St. 
     Augustine, Franciscus de Victoria, John Paul II, Martin 
     Luther King, Jr., Alexander Solzhenitsyn, the Universal 
     Declaration of Human Rights.
       We affirmed ``five fundamental truths that pertain to all 
     people without distinction,'' beginning ``all human beings 
     are born free and equal in dignity and rights.''
       We allow for our own shortcomings as a nation, sins, 
     arrogance, failings. But we assert we are no less bound by 
     moral obligation. And finally, . . . reason and careful moral 
     reflection . . . teach us that there are times when the first 
     and most important reply to evil is to stop it.
       But there is more. Forty-seven years ago, on this occasion, 
     General George C. Marshall summoned our nation to restore the 
     countries whose mad regimes had brought the world such 
     horror. It was an act of statesmanship and vision without 
     equal in history. History summons us once more in different 
     ways, but with even greater urgency. Civilization need not 
     die. At this moment, only the United States can save it. As 
     we fight the war against evil, we must also wage peace, 
     guided by the lesson of the Marshall Plan--vision and 
     generosity can help make the world a safer place.

  Those are the words of Daniel Patrick Moynihan, again, in 2002. They 
reflect very much the global thinking, the compassion, the integrity, 
the foresight of this great icon in this body.

                          ____________________