[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 5]
[Senate]
[Page 6790]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                             ZORAN DJINDJIC

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the cold-blooded assassination of Serbian 
Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic is a tragedy not only for Serbia, but for 
the other former Yugoslav republics whose futures are so closely 
linked. I knew and admired Prime Minister Djindjic from our meetings in 
Washington, and I want to express my deepest sympathy to his family and 
to the Serbian people.
  Zoran Djindjic was a charismatic and courageous leader who recognized 
that Serbia's best hope, after years of nationalist-inspired ethnic 
hatred and war destroyed Yugoslavia and caused the deaths of hundreds 
of thousands of innocent people, was to follow the path of democracy 
and the rule of law. This was not an easy choice, as it required 
confronting the forces of corruption and evil which, despite the 
overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic, have sought to preserve the status 
quo.
  It was Prime Minister Djindjic who, at considerable personal risk, 
obtained Milosevic's arrest, after President Kostunica refused to 
cooperate with the Hague tribunal. Turning over Milosevic was a key 
step, but Mr. Djindjic understood that it was only the first step 
toward a formal break with the failed policies of the past.
  For the past 3 years, the Congress has provided substantial aid to 
support economic and political reform in Serbia. However, we have also 
made clear in legislation and in discussions with Serb officials, that 
continued cooperation with the Hague prosecutor is essential for 
continued United States aid to Serbia. There were times in our 
discussions when Serb officials complained bitterly that the United 
States and the Hague prosecutor were pressuring them too hard to 
apprehend and transfer suspected war criminals. In fact, they did so 
even before the arrest of Milosevic. We responded that while we did not 
expect them to apprehend all the indictees in Serbia overnight, the 
United States cannot provide millions of dollars in aid unconditionally 
to a government that harbors indicted war criminals.
  Since the arrest of Milosevic, the Serb Government's cooperation with 
the Hague tribunal has been sporadic. Mr. Djindjic wanted to move 
faster, while Mr. Kostunica stood in the way. While some indictees have 
been turned over, 18 remain at liberty and access to witnesses and 
documents necessary to the prosecution of these cases has been 
unsatisfactory. Moreover, there has often been no cooperation until 
just weeks or days before the deadline in U.S. law for the cutoff of 
aid.
  I mention this because immediately after Prime Minister Djindjic was 
gunned down some Serb officials blamed his assassination on the 
pressure exerted on Serbia by the United States and the war crimes 
prosecutor. I understand that reaction. It is convenient to blame 
others rather than to acknowledge the difficult but essential task at 
hand--to remove from the security forces those Milosevic loyalists 
involved with and protecting organized crime figures and war crimes 
suspects. But I believe that had the Serb Government moved faster, and 
more aggressively--as Prime Minister Djindjic urged for the benefit of 
the Serbian people and the survival of democracy--to arrest those who 
made no secret of their efforts to thwart reform, this tragedy might 
have been avoided.
  Zoran Djindjic's death has kindled an outpouring of sympathy. 
Millions of Serbs have taken to the streets to express their support 
for the policies he fought for. Let us hope that just as millions of 
Serbs joined together three years ago to oust Milosevic from power, 
Zoran Djindjic's death will be the catalyst for a renewed and 
unrelenting effort to destroy the remaining vestiges of the Milosevic 
era. The United States stands ready to strongly support that effort. 
There is no alternative, if Serbia is to take its place in today's 
democratic Europe.

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