[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 4]
[Senate]
[Pages 5565-5566]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                                  IRAQ

  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, on this day in the halls of the United 
Nations Security Council and in the distant lands of the Middle East, 
the United States is making a stand for the causes of freedom and 
democracy, for order and peace.
  The President and the Congress have made clear that we will no longer 
tolerate Saddam Hussein's production or possession of weapons of mass 
destruction. Further, it is our solemn belief that the people of Iraq 
deserve to live in freedom. They have suffered long enough under the 
tyranny and the oppression of the day.
  As is so often the case, challenging the status quo is not easy even 
if that status quo is a dictator pursuing and possessing weapons of 
mass destruction that are explicitly prohibited by the United Nations 
Security Council.
  We are fast approaching that moment of reckoning with Saddam Hussein. 
If he were to voluntarily disarm, it would be welcomed. But he will 
not. If he flees his country, the chances for peace are much better. 
But he will never flee unless he is absolutely convinced that there are 
no other options for his survival.
  If individuals within Saddam's regime rise up and overthrow him, 
there will be an opportunity for a new beginning in Iraq. But none will 
take this brave step if they doubt the fortitude of the United States 
and the international community.
  Let there be no mistake about our Nation's purpose in confronting 
Iraq. Saddam Hussein's regime poses a clear threat to the security of 
the United States, its friends and its allies. And it is a threat that 
we must address, and we must address now.
  Recall that in 1991 we were concerned Saddam would use weapons of 
mass destruction to further his expansionist desires in the Middle 
East. Now, a decade later, we live with the reality--the reality--that 
terrorists may acquire and use such weapons on our soil.
  I have no doubts that terrorists seek such weapons to use against 
this Nation. I am equally certain that Saddam Hussein possesses such 
weapons and would provide them to terrorists, if he has not already. 
And it is this nexus of a tyrannical dictator, those weapons of mass 
destruction, and terrorists who seek to inflict harm--grievous harm--
upon the American people that compels us to act now.
  The Senate--this body--and the House of Representatives voted 
overwhelmingly last fall to authorize the President to use force, if 
necessary, against Iraq if Saddam Hussein did not disarm. In those 
votes, the Congress stated unambiguously that the United States will 
not tolerate the pursuit and possession of weapons of mass destruction 
by Saddam Hussein.
  Nothing has fundamentally changed. I guess one could say the possible 
exception to that statement would be we have even further evidence, 
because of the passage of time, that Saddam Hussein will not 
voluntarily disarm.
  Last fall, to reaffirm the broad international commitment to disarm 
Iraq, President Bush successfully pursued a United Nations resolution 
that offered Saddam Hussein a final chance to meet the demands of the 
world community or face the consequences. Saddam has missed his final 
chance.
  Now we are told the United States must pursue a second resolution 
before Iraq can be disarmed. The United Nations Security Council, on 17 
separate occasions, over a 12-year period, demanded the disarmament of 
Iraq. For the record, this will not be a second resolution, but this 
will be an 18th resolution over this 12-year period. Nothing in history 
has been made more meaningful by repeating it 18 different times.
  In the end, it is not a multilateral approach our opponents seek--for 
the United States is already joined by a multitude of others who share 
our commitment to disarm Saddam. No, it is the false comfort of 
unanimity to which they aspire. When everyone is responsible, no one is 
accountable.
  My friends, the hour has arrived for democratically elected leaders 
to stand up and be counted. Will the free world tolerate Saddam 
Hussein's continued brutality, his possession of weapons of mass 
destruction, and his continued defiance of the international community, 
or will we act to stop it now?
  To those who would suggest we are acting in isolation to confront 
Saddam's evil, I remind you we are not alone in the conviction. In the 
past month, the leaders of 18 European countries have publicly endorsed 
the U.S. call for final action, including force, if necessary, to 
disarm Saddam Hussein.
  Over two dozen countries are providing basing for our troops, access 
for our aircraft, and material support in preparation for a possible 
conflict with Iraq. And if it comes to that, with allies such as the 
United Kingdom, Australia, Spain, Italy, Denmark, as well as many of 
the new democracies of Eastern Europe all on our side, we will not 
carry this burden alone.
  America is at its strongest when it is standing in common cause with 
our friends and allies. The inverse, of course, is that America's 
allies are at their strongest when they are standing with the United 
States.
  To those leaders who have spoken out with us against the threat posed 
by Saddam Hussein, I commend your courage. As America has risen to 
challenge the threats posed and supported by Saddam Hussein, you chose 
to stand by her side. And such loyalty and such leadership will not 
soon be forgotten.
  Some of our erstwhile allies would be well advised to recall their 
own freedom was regained by such courage and conviction. I remind them 
their own liberation in World War II was a less popular undertaking 
than a possible war in Iraq.
  What about popular opinion at the time? If one goes back and looks at 
surveys and polls from the time, in October 1939, when asked whether 
the U.S. should enter the war in Europe, only 16.8 percent of Americans 
responded yes. And 17.2 percent said yes in December 1939. In July 
1940, 26.9 percent said yes.
  After winning reelection in 1940, President Roosevelt tried to move 
public opinion toward greater U.S. involvement, while offering 
significant material support to the allied war effort. Yet asked again 
in January of 1941 whether they would support a declaration of war, 
only 14 percent of the American people responded yes.
  And as late as October 1941, President Roosevelt commented that 70 
percent of Americans wanted us to stay out of the war in Europe.
  Sadly, at that time, many around the world recoiled at the thought of 
confronting Nazi Germany head on. After all, it was Europe's war, not 
ours, and Hitler was killing foreign Jews, not Americans. Many leaders 
of the day demanded we look after America first.

[[Page 5566]]

They called for our country to stay within its borders, protected by 
the false security of two oceans. But then, as now--on December 7, 
1941, and September 11, 2001--we were reminded that America is most 
vulnerable to attack when it is in retreat.
  President Roosevelt demonstrated then, as President Bush does today, 
that the essential measure of a world leader is not in his ability to 
chase public opinion--no--but, rather, his courage to make the country 
safer by leading public opinion.
  President Bush deserves much credit for confronting the grave and 
growing threat posed by the mad pursuit of a ruthless tyrant for the 
world's most deadly weapons. The President is right when he says that 
neither more time nor more inspections will stop Saddam.
  The consequences of war with Iraq cannot be certain and those 
feelings of uncertainty we felt as the issues surrounding Iraq and the 
future have been discussed on the floor today. But our goals and our 
motives must be understood for what they are. We seek to defend our own 
people. We seek the liberation of the Iraqi people. We seek the 
foundation of a democratic government in Baghdad, and we seek the 
spread of peace in the Middle East. These are worthy goals of a great 
nation, and they are goals worth fighting for.

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