[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 4]
[House]
[Pages 5365-5366]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




            U.S.-FRENCH RELATIONS IN LIGHT OF IRAQI CONFLICT

  Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, in the current international debate on 
Iraq, I have the very clear impression that the United States and 
France are talking past each other and not listening to each other. 
More particularly, that the United States is not listening to the very 
nuanced views expressed by the French. My assessment of the dialogue is 
that President Chirac and President Bush are in accord on the objective 
of disarming Iraq of weapons of mass destruction and the capability to 
deliver such weapons. The Bush administration, however, has concluded 
that the only way to achieve this objective is through military action. 
In contrast, the French and many other U.S. allies and friendly 
observers favor continued diplomacy in the firm belief that a vigorous, 
intensive weapons inspection program will attain the disarmament 
objective.
  It would be useful for the Bush administration to think more 
constructively about France's contributions to international dialogue 
and its distinguished record of multilateral peacekeeping as well as 
military intervention when justified.
  A few highlights would be instructive: France was a valuable partner 
for the United States during the Gulf War in 1991, deploying 10,000 
troops and 100 aircraft in Operation Desert Storm. From 1991 through 
1995, France was an active ally to secure the peace in Bosnia. During 
this important peacekeeping mission, 70 French soldiers were killed and 
more than 600 wounded. In 1999, France deployed the greatest number of 
aircraft and flew the largest number of sorties of any combatant in 
Operation Allied Force in Kosovo. France today is contributing the 
largest contingent of peacekeepers in the Balkans, more than any other 
nation, including our own.
  After September 11, French troops participated in Operation Enduring 
Freedom in Afghanistan where France continues to place its troops in 
harm's way to provide security in that critical region. French 
President Chirac was the first foreign leader to pay his respects to 
the United States in person following the September 11 attacks. This is 
a very significant record of valuable contributions that France has 
made where and when needed to combat terror and secure peace.
  Our foreign policy would be better served by respecting the 
historical reality of the U.S.-French relationship. We need to listen 
to the wise counsel of this longstanding friend of America which has 
learned how to deal with the Islamic terrorist threat from its own 
painful experience in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco and the large 
Arabic-Islamic population among its own citizenry.
  Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record a New York Times op-ed piece on 
this very subject.

                    A Warning on Iraq, From a Friend

                        (By Jean-David Levitte)

       Washington.--Reading the papers from both sides of the 
     Atlantic, I sometimes wonder whether the impending war is not 
     between France and the United States. I would like to 
     strongly reaffirm what, in the heart of the French people, is 
     a longstanding reality: the friendship between France and 
     America began in the early days of your fight for 
     independence and has endured throughout the centuries.
       America rescued my country twice in the last century--
     something we will never forget. Today we stand side by side 
     in many parts of the world, including Afghanistan. France is 
     the largest contributor of troops to NATO operations. Our 
     friendship is a treasure, and it must be maintained, 
     protected, enhanced.

[[Page 5366]]

       However, the polls are clear: 78 percent of French people 
     oppose a military intervention in Iraq. Polls are similar in 
     most other countries, including in Eastern Europe. European 
     governments may be divided over the use of force in Iraq, but 
     public opinion is united.
       There are, in my view, three reasons the mood is so 
     cautious. The first relates to our assessment of what is far 
     and away the biggest threat to world peace and stability: Al 
     Qaeda.
       French intelligence is clear that not since the Algerian 
     war 40 years ago has my country been under such an immediate 
     threat. Last May, 11 French citizens were killed in a suicide 
     bombing in Karachi, Pakistan. In the fall a French tanker was 
     attacked by Al Qaeda off Yemen. And in December, near Paris, 
     we arrested several suspects who were suspected of close 
     links to Al Qaeda and of planning terrorist attacks in 
     France.
       Terrorist suspects have also been arrested elsewhere in 
     Europe--in Britain, Spain and Italy--belonging to groups 
     connected with networks active in Afghanistan, Chechyna, 
     Algeria and Bosnia. Yet we haven't seen any evidence of a 
     direct link between the Iraqi regime and Al Qaeda.
       A second reason for the reluctance of the French people is 
     that Iraq is not viewed as an immediate threat. Thanks to the 
     determination of President Bush and the international 
     community--and to the inspections that destroyed more 
     armaments between 1991 and 1998 than did the Persian Gulf war 
     itself, and which have now been reinforced with stronger 
     means and bigger teams--Saddam Hussein is in a box. And the 
     box has been closed with the inspectors in it.
       Europeans consider North Korea a greater threat. Imagine 
     what a sense of security we all would feel if, as in Iraq, 
     100 inspectors were proceeding with unimpeded inspections 
     throughout North Korea, including the president's palaces.
       A third reason for the cautious mood relates to the 
     consequences of a war in Iraq. We see Iraq as a very complex 
     country, with many different ethnic groups, a tradition of 
     violence and no experience of democracy. You can't create 
     democracy with bombs--in Iraq; it would require time, a 
     strong presence and a strong commitment.
       We also worry about the region--considering that no peace 
     process is at work for the moment in the Middle East, that 
     none of the great powers seem able to foster one, and that a 
     war in Iraq could result in more frustration and bitterness 
     in the Arab and Muslim worlds.
       People in France and more broadly in Europe fear that a 
     military intervention could fuel extremism and encourage 
     Qaeda recruitment. A war could weaken the indispensable 
     international coalition against terrorism and worsen the 
     threat of Islamic terrorism.
       The inspections should be pursued and strengthened, and 
     Saddam Hussein must be made to cooperate actively. War must 
     remain the very last option.

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