[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 4]
[House]
[Pages 5210-5211]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                           THE IRAQI CONFLICT

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, to provide for the common defense of our 
Nation is a constitutional duty here in Congress, and we have no 
responsibility more serious than to look after the security of the 
people of America, and to do it in a way that honors and protects the 
men and women who defend our security. We certainly recognize their 
courage, their sacrifice and their patriotism.
  I am concerned that the American-led war upon which we are about to 
launch, followed by an American military occupation, would make 
Americans here at home less secure, not more. With that in mind, I 
would like to refer to a resolution introduced by the gentleman from 
Ohio (Mr. Brown) and cosponsored by a number of others of us. The joint 
resolution has a number of whereas clauses, including that whereas 
Saddam Hussein is a repressive dictator who has demonstrated through 
his own actions, including the invasion of Kuwait and the oppression of 
the Iraqi people, that it is necessary for the international community 
to ensure his conduct is in accordance with international law.
  And whereas on September 12, 2002, President Bush committed the 
United States to ``work with the United Nations Security Council to 
meet our common challenge'', posed by Iraq and to, ``work for the 
necessary resolutions'' while also making clear that, ``the Security 
Council resolutions will be enforced and that the just demands of peace 
and security will be met or action will be unavoidable;'' . . .
  And whereas Congress recognizes the efforts of the President to 
obtain unanimous approval for United Nations Security Council 
resolution 1441 which affords Iraq, ``a final opportunity to comply 
with its disarmament obligations under relevant resolutions of the 
Council.''
  And following various other whereas clauses, we call upon the 
President to report to Congress prior to using U.S. Armed Forces 
against Iraq pursuant to section 3(a) of the Authorization for the Use 
of Military Force, to report on the following:
  1. A determination that further diplomatic and other peaceful means 
will not adequately protect the national security of the United States 
against the threat posed by Iraq. In other words, that war is, indeed, 
a last resort.

[[Page 5211]]

  2. A full accounting of the implications, both positive and negative, 
of initiating military action against Iraq in regard to homeland 
security, the war on terrorism, regional stability in the Middle East, 
the Middle East peace process, and the proliferation of weapons of mass 
destruction. In other words, to understand the implications that an 
invasion of Iraq would have for our other international interests, 
including the combat against terrorism and the regional stability in 
the Middle East.
  3. The steps the United States and its allies will take to ensure 
that any and all weapons of mass destruction and the related knowledge 
base will be safeguarded from dispersal to other rogue states and 
international terrorist organizations. In other words, to see that the 
risk of use of weapons of mass destruction would actually be reduced, 
not increased, by an invasion of Iraq. As an aside, I might comment, 
the serious problem that is created by our lowering the threshold for 
the use of nuclear weapons in that area.
  4. The United States' plan for achieving long-term social, economic 
and political stabilization of a post-conflict Iraq, including a plan 
to provide humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people and to ensure 
respect of their human rights as well as bringing to justice the 
individuals responsible for serious violations of international 
humanitarian and human rights law committed in Iraq.
  5. The nature and extent of the international support for military 
action against Iraq and the impact of military action against Iraq on 
allied support for the broader war on terrorism. In other words, it is 
not just a matter of ``you're either with us or against us'' but how 
does this help us work together to accomplish our goals around the 
world now and in the future.
  6. The steps the United States and its allies will take to protect 
United States soldiers, allied forces and Iraqi civilians from any 
known or suspected environmental hazards, associated with battlefield 
agents.
  7. An estimate of the full costs including humanitarian aid in light 
of possible refugee flows, reconstructing Iraq, and securing political 
stability in the region, and
  8. The anticipated short and long-term effects of military action on 
the economy and the Federal budget.
  We end by saying it is the sense of Congress that the report required 
by subsection (a) should be delivered by the President in the form of a 
public address to a joint session of Congress. I think with this kind 
of report, that is satisfactory on all these points, our men and women 
in uniform will have everything they need to defend the security of the 
American people. Without such a report I must conclude that it is at 
least premature, or more likely contrary to our national interest, the 
fight against terrorism, to our ability to lead the world, to launch a 
military attack against Iraq now.

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