[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 22]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 30986-30989]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                  A PARTNERSHIP COMMITTED TO DEMOCRACY

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. FRANK R. WOLF

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                       Friday, November 21, 2003

  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the President for 
highlighting the longstanding friendship between the United States and 
the United Kingdom in his recent speech delivered at Whitehall Palace 
in London. It is encouraging that this administration is taking a 
strong stand against tyranny, but I

[[Page 30987]]

am further encouraged that we are not forced to travel this road alone. 
The history of the United States and the United Kingdom has been forged 
on the belief that freedom is the natural right of all men. It is the 
role of governments to preserve this right, not hinder it.
  The conflict in Iraq is our joint commitment to promoting democracy 
in the 21st century. Our countries will not idly stand by while 
dictators, hunger, disease, war and corruption ravage human beings 
across the globe. However, the United States and United Kingdom cannot 
combat these evils alone. I therefore support the three pillars set 
forth by the President in combating tyranny. International 
organizations that are equal to the challenges of our world, free 
nations willing to meet evil by force, and a commitment to the 
international spread of democracy.
  I support the President's vision to see peace and stabilization in 
the Middle East. I am hopeful that the world will one day see a secure 
Israel and an independent Palestinian state. The people of Israel and 
Palestine deserve our best efforts in helping them to achieve a future 
that restores peace and dignity to a land rich with history and 
culture. I share the President's passion spreading democracy and commit 
my efforts to help him achieve this end.
  Below is the President's speech:

 [Remarks by the President at Whitehall Palace, Royal Banqueting House-
                   Whitehall Palace, London, England]

   President Bush Discusses Iraq Policy at Whitehall Palace in London

       The President: Thank you very much. Secretary Straw and 
     Secretary Hoon; Admiral Cobbald and Dr. Chipman; 
     distinguished guests: I want to thank you for your very kind 
     welcome that you've given to me and to Laura. I also thank 
     the groups hosting this event--The Royal United Services 
     Institute, and the International Institute for Strategic 
     Studies. We're honored to be in the United Kingdom, and we 
     bring the good wishes of the American people.
       It was pointed out to me that the last noted American to 
     visit London stayed in a glass box dangling over the Thames. 
     (Laughter.) A few might have been happy to provide similar 
     arrangements for me. (Laughter.) I thank Her Majesty the 
     Queen for interceding. (Laughter.) We're honored to be 
     staying at her house.
       Americans traveling to England always observe more 
     similarities to our country than differences. I've been here 
     only a short time, but I've noticed that the tradition of 
     free speech--exercised with enthusiasm--(laughter)--is alive 
     and well here in London. We have that at home, too. They now 
     have that right in Baghdad, as well. (Applause.)
       The people of Great Britain also might see some familiar 
     traits in Americans. We're sometimes faulted for a naive 
     faith that liberty can change the world. If that's an error 
     it began with reading too much John Locke and Adam Smith. 
     Americans have, on occasion, been called moralists who often 
     speak in terms of right and wrong. That zeal has been 
     inspired by examples on this island, by the tireless 
     compassion of Lord Shaftesbury, the righteous courage of 
     Wilberforce, and the firm determination of the Royal Navy 
     over the decades to fight and end the trade in slaves.
       It's rightly said that Americans are a religious people. 
     That's, in part, because the ``Good News'' was translated by 
     Tyndale, preached by Wesley, lived out in the example of 
     William Booth. At times, Americans are even said to have a 
     puritan streak--where might that have come from? (Laughter.) 
     Well, we can start with the Puritans.
       To this fine heritage, Americans have added a few traits of 
     our own: the good influence of our immigrants, the spirit of 
     the frontier. Yet, there remains a bit of England in every 
     American. So much of our national character comes from you, 
     and we're glad for it.
       The fellowship of generations is the cause of common 
     beliefs. We believe in open societies ordered by moral 
     conviction. We believe in private markets, humanized by 
     compassionate government. We believe in economies that reward 
     effort, communities that protect the weak, and the duty of 
     nations to respect the dignity and the rights of all. And 
     whether one learns these ideals in County Durham or in West 
     Texas, they instill mutual respect and they inspire common 
     purpose.
       More than an alliance of security and commerce, the British 
     and American peoples have an alliance of values.
       And, today, this old and tested alliance is very strong. 
     (Applause.)
       The deepest beliefs of our nations set the direction of our 
     foreign policy. We value our own civil rights, so we stand 
     for the human rights of others. We affirm the God-given 
     dignity of every person, so we are moved to action by poverty 
     and oppression and famine and disease. The United States and 
     Great Britain share a mission in the world beyond the balance 
     of power or the simple pursuit of interest. We seek the 
     advance of freedom and the peace that freedom brings. 
     Together our nations are standing and sacrificing for this 
     high goal in a distant land at this very hour. And America 
     honors the idealism and the bravery of the sons and daughters 
     of Britain.
       The last President to stay at Buckingham Palace was an 
     idealist, without question. At a dinner hosted by King George 
     V, in 1918, Woodrow Wilson made a pledge; with typical 
     American understatement, he vowed that right and justice 
     would become the predominant and controlling force in the 
     world.
       President Wilson had come to Europe with his 14 Points for 
     Peace. Many complimented him on his vision; yet some were 
     dubious. Take, for example, the Prime Minister of France. He 
     complained that God, himself, had only 10 commandments. 
     (Laughter.) Sounds familiar. (Laughter.)
       At Wilson's high point of idealism, however, Europe was one 
     short generation from Munich and Auschwitz and the Blitz. 
     Looking back, we see the reasons why. The League of Nations, 
     lacking both credibility and will, collapsed at the first 
     challenge of the dictators. Free nations failed to recognize, 
     much less confront, the aggressive evil in plain sight. And 
     so dictators went about their business, feeding resentments 
     and anti-Semitism, bringing death to innocent people in this 
     city and across the world, and filling the last century with 
     violence and genocide.
       Through world war and cold war, we learned that idealism, 
     if it is to do any good in this world, requires common 
     purpose and national strength, moral courage and patience in 
     difficult tasks. And now our generation has need of these 
     qualities.
       On September the 11th, 2001, terrorists left their mark of 
     murder on my country, and took the lives of 67 British 
     citizens. With the passing of months and years, it is the 
     natural human desire to resume a quiet life and to put that 
     day behind us, as if waking from a dark dream. The hope that 
     danger has passed is comforting, is understanding, and it is 
     false. The attacks that followed--on Bali, Jakarta, 
     Casablanca, Bombay, Mombassa, Najaf, Jerusalem, Riyadh, 
     Baghdad, and Istanbul--were not dreams. They're part of the 
     global campaign by terrorist networks to intimidate and 
     demoralize all who oppose them.
       These terrorists target the innocent, and they kill by the 
     thousands. And they would, if they gain the weapons they 
     seek, kill by the millions and not be finished. The greatest 
     threat of our age is nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons 
     in the hands of terrorists, and the dictators who aid them. 
     The evil is in plain sight. The danger only increases with 
     denial. Great responsibilities fall once again to the great 
     democracies. We will face these threats with open eyes, and 
     we will defeat them. (Applause.)
       The peace and security of free nations now rests on three 
     pillars: First, international organizations must be equal to 
     the challenges facing our world, from lifting up failing 
     states to opposing proliferation.
       Like 11 Presidents before me, I believe in the 
     international institutions and alliances that America helped 
     to form and helps to lead. The United States and Great 
     Britain have labored hard to help make the United Nations 
     what it is supposed to be--an effective instrument of our 
     collective security. In recent months, we've sought and 
     gained three additional resolutions on Iraq--Resolutions 
     1441, 1483 and 1511--precisely because the global danger of 
     terror demands a global response. The United Nations has no 
     more compelling advocate than your Prime Minister, who at 
     every turn has championed its ideals and appealed to its 
     authority. He understands, as well, that the credibility of 
     the U.N. depends on a willingness to keep its word and to act 
     when action is required.
       America and Great Britain have done, and will do, all in 
     their power to prevent the United Nations from solemnly 
     choosing its own irrelevance and inviting the fate of the 
     League of Nations. It's not enough to meet the dangers of the 
     world with resolutions; we must meet those dangers with 
     resolve.
       In this century, as in the last, nations can accomplish 
     more together than apart. For 54 years, America has stood 
     with our partners in NATO, the most effective multilateral 
     institution in history. We're committed to this great 
     democratic alliance, and we believe it must have the will and 
     the capacity to act beyond Europe where threats emerge.
       My nation welcomes the growing unity of Europe, and the 
     world needs America and the European Union to work in common 
     purpose for the advance of security and justice. America is 
     cooperating with four other nations to meet the dangers posed 
     by North Korea. America believes the IAEA must be true to its 
     purpose and hold Iran to its obligations.
       Our first choice, and our constant practice, is to work 
     with other responsible governments. We understand, as well, 
     that the success of multilateralism is not measured by 
     adherence to forms alone, the tidiness of the process, but by 
     the results we achieve to keep our nations secure.
       The second pillar of peace and security in our world is the 
     willingness of free nations, when the last resort arrives, to 
     retain* (sic) aggression and evil by force. There are 
     principled objections to the use of force in every 
     generation, and I credit the good motives behind these views.
       Those in authority, however, are not judged only by good 
     motivations. The people have given us the duty to defend 
     them. And

[[Page 30988]]

     that duty sometimes requires the violent restraint of violent 
     men. In some cases, the measured use of force is all that 
     protects us from a chaotic world ruled by force.
       Most in the peaceful West have no living memory of that 
     kind of world. Yet in some countries, the memories are 
     recent: The victims of ethnic cleansing in the Balkans, those 
     who survived the rapists and the death squads, have few 
     qualms when NATO applied force to help end those crimes. The 
     women of Afghanistan, imprisoned in their homes and beaten in 
     the streets and executed in public spectacles, did not 
     reproach us for routing the Taliban. The inhabitants of 
     Iraq's Baathist hell, with its lavish palaces and its torture 
     chambers, with its massive statues and its mass graves, do 
     not miss their fugitive dictator. They rejoiced at his fall.
       In all these cases, military action was proceeded by 
     diplomatic initiatives and negotiations and ultimatums, and 
     final chances until the final moment. In Iraq, year after 
     year, the dictator was given the chance to account for his 
     weapons programs, and end the nightmare for his people. Now 
     the resolutions he defied have been enforced.
       And who will say that Iraq was better off when Saddam 
     Hussein was strutting and killing, or that the world was 
     safer when he held power? Who doubts that Afghanistan is a 
     more just society and less dangerous without Mullah Omar 
     playing host to terrorists from around the world. And Europe, 
     too, is plainly better off with Milosevic answering for his 
     crimes, instead of committing more.
       It's been said that those who live near a police station 
     find it hard to believe in the triumph of violence, in the 
     same way free peoples might be tempted to take for granted 
     the orderly societies we have come to know. Europe's peaceful 
     unity is one of the great achievements of the last half-
     century. And because European countries now resolve 
     differences through negotiation and consensus, there's 
     sometimes an assumption that the entire world functions in 
     the same way. But let us never forget how Europe's unity was 
     achieved--by allied armies of liberation and NATO armies of 
     defense. And let us never forget, beyond Europe's borders, in 
     a world where oppression and violence are very real, 
     liberation is still a moral goal, and freedom and security 
     still need defenders. (Applause.)
       The third pillar of security is our commitment to the 
     global expansion of democracy, and the hope and progress it 
     brings, as the alternative to instability and to hatred and 
     terror. We cannot rely exclusively on military power to 
     assure our long-term security. Lasting peace is gained as 
     justice and democracy advance.
       In democratic and successful societies, men and women do 
     not swear allegiance to malcontents and murderers; they turn 
     their hearts and labor to building better lives. And 
     democratic governments do not shelter terrorist camps or 
     attack their peaceful neighbors; they honor the aspirations 
     and dignity of their own people. In our conflict with terror 
     and tyranny, we have an unmatched advantage, a power that 
     cannot be resisted, and that is the appeal of freedom to all 
     mankind.
       As global powers, both our nations serve the cause of 
     freedom in many ways, in many places. By promoting 
     development, and fighting famine and AIDS and other diseases, 
     we're fulfilling our moral duties, as well as encouraging 
     stability and building a firmer basis for democratic 
     institutions. By working for justice in Burma, in the Sudan 
     and in Zimbabwe, we give hope to suffering people and improve 
     the chances for stability and progress. By extending the 
     reach of trade we foster prosperity and the habits of 
     liberty. And by advancing freedom in the greater Middle East, 
     we help end a cycle of dictatorship and radicalism that 
     brings millions of people to misery and brings danger to our 
     own people.
       The stakes in that region could not be higher. If the 
     Middle East remains a place where freedom does not flourish, 
     it will remain a place of stagnation and anger and violence 
     for export. And as we saw in the ruins of two towers, no 
     distance on the map will protect our lives and way of life. 
     If the greater Middle East joins the democratic revolution 
     that has reached much of the world, the lives of millions in 
     that region will be bettered, and a trend of conflict and 
     fear will be ended at its source.
       The movement of history will not come about quickly. 
     Because of our own democratic development--the fact that it 
     was gradual and, at times, turbulent--we must be patient with 
     others. And the Middle East countries have some distance to 
     travel.
       Arab scholars speak of a freedom deficit that has separated 
     whole nations from the progress of our time. The essentials 
     of social and material progress--limited government, equal 
     justice under law, religious and economic liberty, political 
     participation, free press, and respect for the rights of 
     women--have been scarce across the region. Yet that has begun 
     to change. In an arc of reform from Morocco to Jordan to 
     Qatar, we are seeing elections and new protections for women 
     and the stirring of political pluralism. Many governments are 
     realizing that theocracy and dictatorship do not lead to 
     national greatness; they end in national ruin. They are 
     finding, as others will find, that national progress and 
     dignity are achieved when governments are just and people are 
     free.
       The democratic progress we've seen in the Middle East was 
     not imposed from abroad, and neither will the greater 
     progress we hope to see. Freedom, by definition, must be 
     chosen, and defended by those who choose it. Our part, as 
     free nations, is to ally ourselves with reform, wherever it 
     occurs.
       Perhaps-the most helpful change we can make is to change in 
     our own thinking. In the West, there's been a certain 
     skepticism about the capacity or even the desire of Middle 
     Eastern peoples for self-government. We're told that Islam is 
     somehow inconsistent with a democratic culture. Yet more than 
     half of the world's Muslims are today contributing citizens 
     in democratic societies. It is suggested that the poor, in 
     their daily struggles, care little for self-government. Yet 
     the poor, especially, need the power of democracy to defend 
     themselves against corrupt elites.
       Peoples of the Middle East share a high civilization, a 
     religion of personal responsibility, and a need for freedom 
     as deep as our own. It is not realism to suppose that one-
     fifth of humanity is unsuited to liberty; it is pessimism and 
     condescension, and we should have none of it. (Applause.)
       We must shake off decades of failed policy in the Middle 
     East. Your nation and mine, in the past, have been willing to 
     make a bargain, to tolerate oppression for the sake of 
     stability. Longstanding ties often led us to overlook the 
     faults of local elites. Yet this bargain did not bring 
     stability or make us safe. It merely bought time, while 
     problems festered and ideologies of violence took hold.
       As recent history has shown, we cannot turn a blind eye to 
     oppression just because the oppression is not in our own 
     backyard. No longer should we think tyranny is benign because 
     it is temporarily convenient. Tyranny is never benign to its 
     victims, and our great democracies should oppose tyranny 
     wherever it is found. (Applause.)
       Now we're pursuing a different course, a forward strategy 
     of freedom in the Middle East. We will consistently challenge 
     the enemies of reform and confront the allies of terror. We 
     will expect a higher standard from our friends in the region, 
     and we will meet our responsibilities in Afghanistan and in 
     Iraq by finishing the work of democracy we have begun.
       There were good-faith disagreements in your country and 
     mine over the course and timing of military action in Iraq. 
     Whatever has come before, we now have only two options: to 
     keep our word, or to break our word. The failure of democracy 
     in Iraq would throw its people back into misery and turn that 
     country over to terrorists who wish to destroy us. Yet 
     democracy will succeed in Iraq, because our will is firm, our 
     word is good, and the Iraqi people will not surrender their 
     freedom. (Applause.)
       Since the liberation of Iraq, we have seen changes that 
     could hardly have been imagined a year ago. A new Iraqi 
     police force protects the people, instead of bullying them. 
     More than 150 Iraqi newspapers are now in circulation, 
     printing what they choose, not what they're ordered. Schools 
     are open with textbooks free of propaganda. Hospitals are 
     functioning and are well-supplied. Iraq has a new currency, 
     the first battalion of a new army, representative local 
     governments, and a Governing Council with an aggressive 
     timetable for national sovereignty. This is substantial 
     progress. And much of it has proceeded faster than similar 
     efforts in Germany and Japan after World War II.
       Yet the violence we are seeing in Iraq today is serious. 
     And it comes from Baathist holdouts and Jihadists from other 
     countries, and terrorists drawn to the prospect of innocent 
     bloodshed. It is the nature of terrorism and the cruelty of a 
     few to try to bring grief in the loss to many. The armed 
     forces of both our countries have taken losses, felt deeply 
     by our citizens. Some families now live with a burden of 
     great sorrow. We cannot take the pain away. But these 
     families can know they are not alone. We pray for their 
     strength; we pray for their comfort; and we will never forget 
     the courage of the ones they loved.
       The terrorists have a purpose, a strategy to their cruelty. 
     They view the rise of democracy in Iraq as a powerful threat 
     to their ambitions. In this, they are correct. They believe 
     their acts of terror against our coalition, against 
     international aid workers and against innocent Iraqis, will 
     make us recoil and retreat. In this, they are mistaken. 
     (Applause.)
       We did not charge hundreds of miles into the heart of Iraq 
     and pay a bitter cost of casualties, and liberate 25 million 
     people, only to retreat before a band of thugs and assassins. 
     (Applause.) We will help the Iraqi people establish a 
     peaceful and democratic country in the heart of the Middle 
     East. And by doing so, we will defend our people from danger.
       The forward strategy of freedom must also apply to the 
     Arab-Israeli conflict. It's a difficult period in a part of 
     the world that has known many. Yet, our commitment remains 
     firm. We seek justice and dignity. We seek a viable, 
     independent state for the Palestinian people, who have been 
     betrayed by others for too long. (Applause.) We seek security 
     and recognition for the state of Israel, which has lived in 
     the shadow of random death for too

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     long. (Applause.) These are worthy goals in themselves, and 
     by reaching them we will also remove an occasion and excuse 
     for hatred and violence in the broader Middle East.
       Achieving peace in the Holy Land is not just a matter of 
     the shape of a border. As we work on the details of peace, we 
     must look to the heart of the matter, which is the need for a 
     viable Palestinian democracy. Peace will not be achieved by 
     Palestinian rulers who intimidate opposition, who tolerate 
     and profit from corruption and maintain their ties to 
     terrorist groups. These are the methods of the old elites, 
     who time and again had put their own self-interest above the 
     interest of the people they claim to serve. The long-
     suffering Palestinian people deserve better. They deserve 
     true leaders, capable of creating and governing a Palestinian 
     state.
       Even after the setbacks and frustrations of recent months, 
     goodwill and hard effort can bring about a Palestinian state 
     and a secure Israel. Those who would lead a new Palestine 
     should adopt peaceful means to achieve the rights of their 
     people and create the reformed institutions of a stable 
     democracy.
       Israel should freeze settlement construction, dismantle 
     unauthorized outposts, end the daily humiliation of the 
     Palestinian people, and not prejudice final negotiations with 
     the placements of walls and fences.
       Arab states should end incitement in their own media, cut 
     off public and private funding for terrorism, and establish 
     normal relations with Israel.
       Leaders in Europe should withdraw all favor and support 
     from any Palestinian ruler who fails his people and betrays 
     their cause. And Europe's leaders--and all leaders--should 
     strongly oppose anti-Semitism, which poisons public debates 
     over the future of the Middle East. (Applause.)
       Ladies and gentlemen, we have great objectives before us 
     that make our Atlantic alliance as vital as it has ever been. 
     We will encourage the strength and effectiveness of 
     international institutions. We will use force when necessary 
     in the defense of freedom. And we will raise up an ideal of 
     democracy in every part of the world. On these three pillars 
     we will build the peace and security of all free nations in a 
     time of danger.
       So much good has come from our alliance of conviction and 
     might. So much now depends on the strength of this alliance 
     as we go forward. America has always found strong partners in 
     London, leaders of good judgment and blunt counsel and 
     backbone when times are tough. And I have found all those 
     qualities in your current Prime Minister, who has my respect 
     and my deepest thanks. (Applause.)
       The ties between our nations, however, are deeper than the 
     relationship between leaders. These ties endure because they 
     are formed by the experience and responsibilities and 
     adversity we have shared. And in the memory of our peoples, 
     there will always be one experience, one central event when 
     the seal was fixed on the friendship between Britain and the 
     United States: The arrival in Great Britain of more than 1.5 
     million American soldiers and airmen in the 1940s was a 
     turning point in the Second World War. For many Britons, it 
     was a first close look at Americans, other than in the 
     movies. Some of you here today may still remember the 
     ``friendly invasion.'' Our lads, they took some getting used 
     to. There was even a saying about what many of them were up 
     to--in addition to be ``overpaid and over here.'' (Laughter.)
       At a reunion in North London some years ago, an American 
     pilot who had settled in England after his military service, 
     said, ``Well, I'm still over here, and probably overpaid. So 
     two out of three isn't bad.'' (Laughter.)
       In that time of war, the English people did get used to the 
     Americans. They welcomed soldiers and fliers into their 
     villages and homes, and took to calling them, ``our boys.'' 
     About 70,000 of those boys did their part to affirm our 
     special relationship. They returned home with English brides.
       Americans gained a certain image of Britain, as well. We 
     saw an island threatened on every side, a leader who did not 
     waver, and a country of the firmest character. And that has 
     not changed. The British people are the sort of partners you 
     want when serious work needs doing. The men and women of this 
     Kingdom are kind and steadfast and generous and brave. And 
     America is fortunate to call this country our closest friend 
     in the world.
       May God bless you all. (Applause.)

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