[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 20]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages 28320-28323]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




  COMMENDING PRESIDENT BUSH'S REMARKS AT THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE 
                    NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

                                 ______
                                 

                        HON. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART

                               of florida

                    in the house of representatives

                        Friday, November 7, 2003

  Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commend 
President George W. Bush for his extremely important and inspirational 
remarks at the 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy 
on November 6, 2003.
  The National Endowment for Democracy was formed 20 years ago to 
answer President Ronald Reagan's ground breaking speech before the 
British Parliament in London on June 8, 1982. President Reagan said:

       The objective I propose is quite simple to state: to foster 
     the infrastructure of democracy-the system of a free press, 
     unions, political parties, universities- which allows a 
     people to choose their own way, to develop their own culture, 
     to reconcile their own differences through peaceful means.

  Since its inception at the height of the Cold War, the National 
Endowment for Democracy has been a bipartisan, non-profit organization 
with the singular aim of promoting democracy and freedom throughout the 
world. The National Endowment for Democracy has lived up to its mission 
of ``supporting freedom throughout the world.''
  Yesterday, President George W. Bush renewed America's commitment to 
the cause of freedom with these stirring words:

       The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is 
     the calling of our country. From the Fourteen Points to the 
     Four Freedoms, to the Speech at Westminster, America has put 
     our power at the service of principle. We believe that 
     liberty is the design of nature; we believe that liberty is 
     the direction of history. We believe that human fulfillment 
     and excellence come in the responsible exercise of liberty. 
     And we believe that freedom--the freedom we prize--is not for 
     us alone, it is the right and the capacity of all mankind.

  Mr. Speaker, I applaud President Bush for his vision, steadfast 
commitment and leadership in the advancement of freedom throughout the 
world.
  It is now my distinct priviledge to ask unanimous consent that the 
full text of President Bush's remarks at the 20th anniversary of the 
National Endowment for Democracy be included in the Congressional 
Record at this time.

[[Page 28321]]



  Remarks by President George W. Bush at the 20th Anniversary of the 
                    National Endowment for Democracy

       The President. Thank you all very much. Please be seated. 
     Thanks for the warm welcome, and thanks for inviting me to 
     join you in this 20th anniversary of the National Endowment 
     for Democracy. The staff and directors of this organization 
     have seen a lot of history over the last two decades, you've 
     been a part of that history. By speaking for and standing for 
     freedom, you've lifted the hopes of people around the world, 
     and you've brought great credit to America.
       I appreciate Vin for the short introduction. I'm a man who 
     likes short introductions. And he didn't let me down. But 
     more importantly, I appreciate the invitation. I appreciate 
     the members of Congress who are here, senators from both 
     political parties, members of the House of Representatives 
     from both political parties. I appreciate the ambassadors who 
     are here. I appreciate the guests who have come. I appreciate 
     the bipartisan spirit, the nonpartisan spirit of the National 
     Endowment for Democracy. I'm glad that Republicans and 
     Democrats and independents are working together to advance 
     human liberty.
       The roots of our democracy can be traced to England, and to 
     its Parliament--and so can the roots of this organization. In 
     June of 1982, President Ronald Reagan spoke at Westminster 
     Palace and declared, the turning point had arrived in 
     history. He argued that Soviet communism had failed, 
     precisely because it did not respect its own people--their 
     creativity, their genius and their rights.
       President Reagan said that the day of Soviet tyranny was 
     passing, that freedom had a momentum which would not be 
     halted. He gave this organization its mandate: to add to the 
     momentum of freedom across the world. Your mandate was 
     important 20 years ago; it is equally important today. 
     (Applause.)
       A number of critics were dismissive of that speech by the 
     President. According to one editorial of the time, ``It seems 
     hard to be a sophisticated European and also an admirer of 
     Ronald Reagan.'' (Laughter.) Some observers on both sides of 
     the Atlantic pronounced the speech simplistic and naive, and 
     even dangerous. In fact, Ronald Reagan's words were 
     courageous and optimistic and entirely correct. (Applause.)
       The great democratic movement President Reagan described 
     was already well underway. In the early 1970s, there were 
     about 40 democracies in the world. By the middle of that 
     decade, Portugal and Spain and Greece held free elections. 
     Soon there were new democracies in Latin America, and free 
     institutions were spreading in Korea, in Taiwan, and in East 
     Asia. This very week in 1989, there were protests in East 
     Berlin and in Leipzig. By the end of that year, every 
     communist dictatorship in Central America had collapsed. 
     Within another year, the South African government released 
     Nelson Mandela. Four years later, he was elected president of 
     his country--ascending, like Walesa and Havel, from prisoner 
     of state to head of state.
       As the 20th century ended, there were around 120 
     democracies in the world--and I can assure you more are on 
     the way. (Applause.) Ronald Reagan would be pleased, and he 
     would not be surprised.
       We've witnessed, in little over a generation, the swiftest 
     advance of freedom in the 2,500 year story of democracy. 
     Historians in the future will offer their own explanations 
     for why this happened. Yet we already know some of the 
     reasons they will cite. It is no accident that the rise of so 
     many democracies took place in a time when the world's most 
     influential nation was itself a democracy.
       The United States made military and moral commitments in 
     Europe and Asia, which protected free nations from 
     aggression, and created the conditions in which new 
     democracies could flourish. As we provided security for whole 
     nations, we also provided inspiration for oppressed peoples. 
     In prison camps, in banned union meetings, in clandestine 
     churches, men and women knew that the whole world was not 
     sharing their own nightmare. They knew of at least one 
     place--a bright and hopeful land--where freedom was valued 
     and secure. And they prayed that America would not forget 
     them, or forget the mission to promote liberty around the 
     world.
       Historians will note that in many nations, the advance of 
     markets and free enterprise helped to create a middle class 
     that was confident enough to demand their own rights. They 
     will point to the role of technology in frustrating 
     censorship and central control--and marvel at the power of 
     instant communications to spread the truth, the news, and 
     courage across borders.
       Historians in the future will reflect on an extraordinary, 
     undeniable fact: Over time, free nations grow stronger and 
     dictatorships grow weaker. In the middle of the 20th century, 
     some imagined that the central planning and social 
     regimentation were a shortcut to national strength. In fact, 
     the prosperity, and social vitality and technological 
     progress of a people are directly determined by extent of 
     their liberty. Freedom honors and unleashes human 
     creativity--and creativity determines the strength and wealth 
     of nations. Liberty is both the plan of Heaven for humanity, 
     and the best hope for progress here on Earth.
       The progress of liberty is a powerful trend. Yet, we also 
     know that liberty, if not defended, can be lost. The success 
     of freedom is not determined by some dialectic of history. By 
     definition, the success of freedom rests upon the choices and 
     the courage of free peoples, and upon their willingness to 
     sacrifice. In the trenches of World War I, through a two-
     front war in the 1940s, the difficult battles of Korea and 
     Vietnam, and in missions of rescue and liberation on nearly 
     every continent, Americans have amply displayed our 
     willingness to sacrifice for liberty.
       The sacrifices of Americans have not always been recognized 
     or appreciated, yet they have been worthwhile. Because we and 
     our allies were steadfast, Germany and Japan are democratic 
     nations that no longer threaten the world. A global nuclear 
     standoff with the Soviet Union ended peacefully--as did the 
     Soviet Union. The nations of Europe are moving towards unity, 
     not dividing into armed camps and descending into genocide. 
     Every nation has learned, or should have learned, an 
     important lesson: Freedom is worth fighting for, dying for, 
     and standing for--and the advance of freedom leads to peace. 
     (Applause.)
       And now we must apply that lesson in our own time. We've 
     reached another great turning point--and the resolve we show 
     will shape the next stage of the world democratic movement.
       Our commitment to democracy is tested in countries like 
     Cuba and Burma and North Korea and Zimbabwe--outposts of 
     oppression in our world. The people in these nations live in 
     captivity, and fear and silence. Yet, these regimes cannot 
     hold back freedom forever--and, one day, from prison camps 
     and prison cells, and from exile, the leaders of new 
     democracies will arrive. (Applause.) Communism, and 
     militarism and rule by the capricious and corrupt are the 
     relics of a passing era. And we will stand with these 
     oppressed peoples until the day of their freedom finally 
     arrives. (Applause.)
       Our commitment to democracy is tested in China. That nation 
     now has a sliver, a fragment of liberty. Yet, China's people 
     will eventually want their liberty pure and whole. China has 
     discovered that economic freedom leads to national wealth. 
     China's leaders will also discover that freedom is 
     indivisible--that social and religious freedom is also 
     essential to national greatness and national dignity. 
     Eventually, men and women who are allowed to control their 
     own wealth will insist on controlling their own lives and 
     their own country.
       Our commitment to democracy is also tested in the Middle 
     East, which is my focus today, and must be a focus of 
     American policy for decades to come. In many nations of the 
     Middle East--countries of great strategic importance--
     democracy has not yet taken root. And the questions arise: 
     Are the peoples of the Middle East somehow beyond the reach 
     of liberty? Are millions of men and women and children 
     condemned by history or culture to live in despotism? Are 
     they alone never to know freedom, and never even to have a 
     choice in the matter? I, for one, do not believe it. I 
     believe every person has the ability and the right to be 
     free. (Applause.)
       Some skeptics of democracy assert that the traditions of 
     Islam are inhospitable to the representative government. This 
     ``cultural condescension,'' as Ronald Reagan termed it, has a 
     long history. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, a so-
     called Japan expert asserted that democracy in that former 
     empire would ``never work.'' Another observer declared the 
     prospects for democracy in post-Hitler Germany are, and I 
     quote, ``most uncertain at best''--he made that claim in 
     1957. Seventy-four years ago, The Sunday London Times 
     declared nine-tenths of the population of India to be 
     ``illiterates not caring a fig for politics.'' Yet when 
     Indian democracy was imperiled in the 1970s, the Indian 
     people showed their commitment to liberty in a national 
     referendum that saved their form of government.
       Time after time, observers have questioned whether this 
     country, or that people, or this group, are ``ready'' for 
     democracy--as if freedom were a prize you win for meeting our 
     own Western standards of progress. In fact, the daily work of 
     democracy itself is the path of progress. It teaches 
     cooperation, the free exchange of ideas, and the peaceful 
     resolution of differences. As men and women are showing, from 
     Bangladesh to Botswana, to Mongolia, it is the practice of 
     democracy that makes a nation ready for democracy, and every 
     nation can start on this path.
       It should be clear to all that Islam--the faith of one-
     fifth of humanity--is consistent with democratic rule. 
     Democratic progress is found in many predominantly Muslim 
     countries--in Turkey and Indonesia, and Senegal and Albania, 
     Niger and Sierra Leone. Muslim men and women are good 
     citizens of India and South Africa, of the nations of Western 
     Europe, and of the United States of America.
       More than half of all the Muslims in the world live in 
     freedom under democratically constituted governments. They 
     succeed in democratic societies, not in spite of their faith, 
     but because of it. A religion that demands individual moral 
     accountability, and encourages the encounter of the 
     individual

[[Page 28322]]

     with God, is fully compatible with the rights and 
     responsibilities of self-government.
       Yet there's a great challenge today in the Middle East. In 
     the words of a recent report by Arab scholars, the global 
     wave of democracy has--and I quote--``barely reached the Arab 
     states.'' They continue: ``This freedom deficit undermines 
     human development and is one of the most painful 
     manifestations of lagging political development.'' The 
     freedom deficit they describe has terrible consequences, of 
     the people of the Middle East and for the world. In many 
     Middle Eastern countries, poverty is deep and it is 
     spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling. Whole 
     societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead. These 
     are not the failures of a culture or a religion. These are 
     the failures of political and economic doctrines.
       As the colonial era passed away, the Middle East saw the 
     establishment of many military dictatorships. Some rulers 
     adopted the dogmas of socialism, seized total control of 
     political parties and the media and universities. They allied 
     themselves with the Soviet bloc and with international 
     terrorism. Dictators in Iraq and Syria promised the 
     restoration of national honor, a return to ancient glories. 
     They've left instead a legacy of torture, oppression, misery, 
     and ruin.
       Other men, and groups of men, have gained influence in the 
     Middle East and beyond through an ideology of theocratic 
     terror. Behind their language of religion is the ambition for 
     absolute political power. Ruling cabals like the Taliban show 
     their version of religious piety in public whippings of 
     women, ruthless suppression of any difference or dissent, and 
     support for terrorists who arm and train to murder the 
     innocent. The Taliban promised religious purity and national 
     pride. Instead, by systematically destroying a proud and 
     working society, they left behind suffering and starvation.
       Many Middle Eastern governments now understand that 
     military dictatorship and theocratic rule are a straight, 
     smooth highway to nowhere. But some governments still cling 
     to the old habits of central control. There are governments 
     that still fear and repress independent thought and 
     creativity, and private enterprise--the human qualities that 
     make for a--strong and successful societies. Even when these 
     nations have vast natural resources, they do not respect or 
     develop their greatest resources--the talent and energy of 
     men and women working and living in freedom.
       Instead of dwelling on past wrongs and blaming others, 
     governments in the Middle East need to confront real 
     problems, and serve the true interests of their nations. The 
     good and capable people of the Middle East all deserve 
     responsible leadership. For too long, many people in that 
     region have been victims and subjects--they deserve to be 
     active citizens.
       Governments across the Middle East and North Africa are 
     beginning to see the need for change. Morocco has a diverse 
     new parliament; King Mohammed has urged it to extend the 
     rights to women. Here is how His Majesty explained his 
     reforms to parliament: ``How can society achieve progress 
     while women, who represent half the nation, see their rights 
     violated and suffer as a result of injustice, violence, and 
     marginalization, notwithstanding the dignity and justice 
     granted to them by our glorious religion?'' The King of 
     Morocco is correct: The future of Muslim nations will be 
     better for all with the full participation of women. 
     (Applause.)
       In Bahrain last year, citizens elected their own parliament 
     for the first time in nearly three decades. Oman has extended 
     the vote to all adult citizens; Qatar has a new constitution; 
     Yemen has a multiparty political system; Kuwait has a 
     directly elected national assembly; and Jordan held historic 
     elections this summer. Recent surveys in Arab nations reveal 
     broad support for political pluralism, the rule of law, and 
     free speech. These are the stirrings of Middle Eastern 
     democracy, and they carry the promise of greater change to 
     come.
       As changes come to the Middle Eastern region, those with 
     power should ask themselves: Will they be remembered for 
     resisting reform, or for leading it? In Iran, the demand for 
     democracy is strong and broad, as we saw last month when 
     thousands gathered to welcome home Shirin Ebadi, the winner 
     of the Nobel Peace Prize. The regime in Teheran must heed the 
     democratic demands of the Iranian people, or lose its last 
     claim to legitimacy. (Applause.)
       For the Palestinian people, the only path to independence 
     and dignity and progress is the path of democracy. 
     (Applause.) And the Palestinian leaders who block and 
     undermine democratic reform, and feed hatred and encourage 
     violence are not leaders at all. They're the main obstacles 
     to peace, and to the success of the Palestinian people.
       The Saudi government is taking first steps toward reform, 
     including a plan for gradual introduction of elections. By 
     giving the Saudi people a greater role in their own society, 
     the Saudi government can demonstrate true leadership in the 
     region.
       The great and proud nation of Egypt has shown the way 
     toward peace in the Middle East, and now should show the way 
     toward democracy in the Middle East. (Applause.) Champions of 
     democracy in the region understand that democracy is not 
     perfect, it is not the path to utopia, but it's the only path 
     to national success and dignity.
       As we watch and encourage reforms in the region, we are 
     mindful that modernization is not the same as Westernization. 
     Representative governments in the Middle East will reflect 
     their own cultures. They will not, and should not, look like 
     us. Democratic nations may be constitutional monarchies, 
     federal republics, or parliamentary systems. And working 
     democracies always need time to develop--as did our own. 
     We've taken a 200 year journey toward inclusion and justice--
     and this makes us patient and understanding as other nations 
     are at different stages of this journey.
       There are, however, essential principles common to every 
     successful society, in every culture. Successful societies 
     limit the power of the state and the power of the military--
     so that governments respond to the will of the people, and 
     not the will of an elite. Successful societies protect 
     freedom with the consistent and impartial rule of law, 
     instead of selecting applying--selectively applying the law 
     to punish political opponents. Successful societies allow 
     room for healthy civic institutions--for political parties 
     and labor unions and independent newspapers and broadcast 
     media. Successful societies guarantee religious liberty--the 
     right to serve and honor God without fear of persecution. 
     Successful societies privatize their economies, and secure 
     the rights of property. They prohibit and punish official 
     corruption, and invest in the health and education of their 
     people. They recognize the rights of women. And instead of 
     directing hatred and resentment against others, successful 
     societies appeal to the hopes of their own people. 
     (Applause.)
       These vital principles are being applies in the nations of 
     Afghanistan and Iraq. With the steady leadership of President 
     Karzai, the people of Afghanistan are building a modern and 
     peaceful government. Next month, 500 delegates will convene a 
     national assembly in Kabul to approve a new Afghan 
     constitution. The proposed draft would establish a bicameral 
     parliament, set national elections next year, and recognize 
     Afghanistan's Muslim identity, while protecting the rights of 
     all citizens. Afghanistan faces continuing economic and 
     security challenges--it will face those challenges as a free 
     and stable democracy. (Applause.)
       In Iraq, the Coalition Provisional Authority and the Iraqi 
     Governing Council are also working together to build a 
     democracy--and after three decades of tyranny, this work is 
     not easy. The former dictator ruled by terror and treachery, 
     and left deeply ingrained habits of fear and distrust. 
     Remnants of his regime, joined by foreign terrorists, 
     continue their battle against order and against civilization. 
     Our coalition is responding to recent attacks with precision 
     raids, guided by intelligence provided by the Iraqis, 
     themselves. And we're working closely with Iraqi citizens as 
     they prepare a constitution, as they move toward free 
     elections and take increasing responsibility for their own 
     affairs. As in the defense of Greece in 1947, and later in 
     the Berlin Airlift, the strength and will of free peoples are 
     now being tested before a watching world. And we will meet 
     this test. (Applause.)
       Securing democracy in Iraq is the work of many hands. 
     American and coalition forces are sacrificing for the peace 
     of Iraq and for the security of free nations. Aid workers 
     from many countries are facing danger to help the Iraqi 
     people. The National Endowment for Democracy is promoting 
     women's rights, and training Iraqi journalists, and teaching 
     the skills of political participation. Iraqis, themselves--
     police and borders guards and local officials--are joining in 
     the work and they are sharing in the sacrifice.
       This is a massive and difficult undertaking--it is worth 
     our effort, it is worth our sacrifice, because we know the 
     stakes. The failure of Iraqi democracy would embolden 
     terrorists around the world, increase dangers to the American 
     people, and extinguish the hopes of millions in the region. 
     Iraqi democracy will succeed--and that success will send 
     forth the news, from Damascus to Teheran--that freedom can be 
     the future of every nation. (Applause.) The establishment of 
     a free Iraq at the heart of the Middle East will be a 
     watershed event in the global democratic revolution. 
     (Applause.)
       Sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating 
     the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us 
     safe--because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased 
     at the expense of liberty. As long as the Middle East remains 
     a place where freedom does not flourish, it will remain a 
     place of stagnation, resentment, and violence ready for 
     export. And with the spread of weapons that can bring 
     catastrophic harm to our country and to our friends, it would 
     be reckless to accept the status quo. (Applause.)
       Therefore, the United States has adopted a new policy, a 
     forward strategy of freedom in the Middle East. This strategy 
     requires the same persistence and energy and idealism we have 
     shown before. And it will yield the same results. As in 
     Europe, as in Asia, as in every region of the world, the 
     advance of freedom leads to peace. (Applause.)
       The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is 
     the calling of our country.

[[Page 28323]]

     From the Fourteen Points to the Four Freedoms, to the Speech 
     at Westminster, America has put our power at the service of 
     principle. We believe that liberty is the design of nature; 
     we believe that liberty is the direction of history. We 
     believe that human fulfillment and excellence come in the 
     responsible exercise of liberty. And we believe that 
     freedom--the freedom we prize--is not for us alone, it is the 
     right and the capacity of all mankind. (Applause.)
       Working for the spread of freedom can be hard. Yet, America 
     has accomplished hard tasks before. Our nation is strong; 
     we're strong of heart. And we're not alone. Freedom is 
     finding allies in every country; freedom finds allies in 
     every culture. And as we meet the terror and violence of the 
     world, we can be certain the author of freedom is not 
     indifferent to the fate of freedom.
       With all the tests and all the challenges of our age, this 
     is, above all, the age of liberty. Each of you at this 
     Endowment is fully engaged in the great cause of liberty. And 
     I thank you. May God bless your work. And may God continue to 
     bless America. (Applause.)

                          ____________________