[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 18]
[House]
[Pages 25310-25314]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




    PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.J. RES. 73, FURTHER CONTINUING 
                    APPROPRIATIONS, FISCAL YEAR 2004

  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I 
call up House Resolution 407 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 407

       Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it 
     shall be in order without intervention of any point of order 
     to consider in the House the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 73) 
     making further continuing appropriations for the fiscal year 
     2004, and for other purposes. The joint resolution shall be 
     considered as read for amendment. The previous question shall 
     be considered as ordered on the joint resolution to final 
     passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of 
     debate on the joint resolution equally divided and controlled 
     by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee 
     on Appropriations; and (2) one motion to recommit.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. 
Linder) is recognized for 1 hour.
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the 
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost), pending 
which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration 
of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 407 is a closed rule providing for 
the consideration of H.J. Res. 73, which is a continuing resolution 
that makes further appropriations for fiscal year 2004. The rule 
provides for 1 hour of debate in the House, equally divided and 
controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee 
on Appropriations. The rule waives all points of order against 
consideration of the joint resolution, and provides for one motion to 
recommit.
  Mr. Speaker, this joint resolution provides an additional week of 
funding for government agencies because the fiscal year 2004 
appropriations bills have not yet been enacted into law. Specifically, 
this resolution extends until November 7, 2003, the provisions of the 
previous continuing appropriations resolution that were to expire on 
October 31, 2003. In addition, this resolution conjoins the six fiscal 
year 2004 appropriations bills that have passed the House, but have not 
yet been considered by the other body.
  Mr. Speaker, we are approaching the completion of the first session 
of this 108th Congress, and I urge my colleagues to join me in 
supporting this rule so we may proceed to the consideration of the 
underlying continuing resolution. While the House has passed each of 
the appropriations bills, it is clear that there are issues left to 
resolve in the other body that will require additional time to complete 
the work on the remaining appropriations bills. I am hopeful that the 
continuing resolution covered by this rule will give us the time we 
need to complete the appropriations process in a thoughtful and orderly 
manner.
  The rule was approved by the Committee on Rules yesterday, and I urge 
my colleagues to support it so we may proceed with general date and 
consideration of the joint resolution. The House hopes to complete the 
appropriations process as soon as possible, and this resolution will 
provide the time to resolve the issues that remain outstanding.

[[Page 25311]]

  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the new deficit numbers came out yesterday, and they 
confirm what we already know: this Republican government has given 
America the biggest government deficit in our history, nearly $400 
billion in fiscal year 2003, the year just concluded, plus an 
additional $500 billion deficit in fiscal year 2004, the year we just 
started, according to the Bush administration.
  Mark my words, these Republican deficits will end up raising taxes, 
and worse, raising our children's taxes. The Republican leaders are 
going to do everything in their power to hide their abominable record 
of fiscal mismanagement.
  Just listen to the Bush administration's Treasury Secretary in 
today's New York Times. He predicts that this jobless recovery will 
somehow magically add 2 million new jobs before next year's elections. 
He is saying this economy, which has lost nearly 3 million jobs since 
President Bush took office, the worse job records since Herbert Hoover 
and the Great Depression, is now going to create 200,000 new jobs a 
month. Perhaps the Bush administration still believes in Santa Claus, 
and perhaps they really believe that 2 million jobs will magically 
appear under the election Christmas tree next year; but the American 
people know a snow job when they see one. And make no mistake, they are 
seeing one today on the House floor.
  Mr. Speaker, this so-called continuing resolution is a procedural 
shell game to hide Republican mismanagement of the government. This is 
not trick or treat, Mr. Speaker, just tricks. This entire process today 
makes clear that this is a Republican government that refuses to do its 
job, at the same time that too many hard-working Americans are still 
suffering from the Republican recession. While millions cannot find any 
jobs, Republicans refuse to do the job that they have and that 
taxpayers pay them to do.
  As my Republican friend on the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Goss), once said about another continuing resolution, 
``Congress is failing to fulfill its obligations in a timely and 
responsible way, choosing to fall back on one CR after another instead 
of putting in the time to do our jobs.'' Or as he said another time, 
``a continuing resolution erodes the credibility of the Congress.''

                              {time}  1030

  After misleading the American people for too long, neither this 
Republican Congress nor this Republican administration has much 
credibility to erode anymore. And as for ``putting in the time to do 
our jobs,'' this Republican Congress hardly even bothers anymore. This 
House has not put in a full week's worth of work in months. And this 
week we are not even going to be here for 24 hours. It has gotten so 
bad that this resolution is the only so-called substantive legislation 
before the House this week, and everyone knows that it will not 
actually do anything. It is just a procedural shell which they will use 
to hide from the taxpayers the massive omnibus spending bill that they 
are going to sneak through this House later this year. And mark my 
words, when this resolution comes back to the House in its massive and 
bloated form, you will not even recognize it.
  My friends in the majority will tell you that the House did its work. 
They will tell you that the other body caused the problem they are 
addressing today with this shell game. Mr. Speaker, they want Americans 
to forget one simple truth. The Republican Party controls the Senate 
just like it controls the House, just like it controls the White House 
and the entire executive branch. And Republicans refuse to use that 
power for the people still suffering from the second Bush recession and 
the third Republican recession in the past 20 years. For example, some 
1.4 million Americans have been unemployed so long in this economy that 
they have exhausted their unemployment insurance. After the end of this 
year, Americans who lose their jobs, people like the nearly 3 million 
jobs lost since President Bush took office, will not be able to enroll 
in unemployment insurance. But Republicans refuse to help them before 
this Congress closes up shop for the year. Some will say that 
Republicans are simply incompetent, that they cannot figure out how to 
run the government. That would be bad enough. But I do not think it 
gives the Republican Party the credit it deserves, because this 
Republican government can be ruthlessly effective when its priorities 
are involved. Unfortunately for the American people, the priorities of 
this Republican government are largely limited to the political 
priorities of the Republican Party.
  Mr. Speaker, time and again Republican leaders have proven their 
willingness to use their power over the government to get more power 
for the Republican Party. As the Washington Post suggested last week, 
Republicans are creating an almost Soviet-style system. They treat the 
people's government as just another arm of the Republican Party.
  Republican leaders have moved heaven and earth to protect big 
corporate tax dodgers, but they will not give military and working 
families the same tax credit that they gave to the wealthiest. Just 
last week, House Republican leaders twisted enough arms to block a 
Democratic pay raise for the military which would have given soldiers 
in Iraq and Afghanistan a $1,500 bonus, but they cannot be bothered to 
do anything about high health care costs. And earlier this year Tom 
DeLay's office used Federal resources to track down his legislative 
opposition in Texas, and even urged the FBI to arrest the Democratic 
State legislators who dared to stand up to him. But now House 
Republican leaders will not use the Federal resources of the Congress 
to help the millions of Americans who need unemployment insurance in 
the midst of President Bush's jobless recovery.
  Mr. Speaker, this is not a government of the people, by the people 
and for the people. It is a government of the Republican Party, by the 
Republican Party and for the Republican Party. And if the Republican 
Party wants this Republican government to raise the debt tax on 
Americans, while at the same time shortchanging education and veterans' 
health care, then they should at least have the courage to be honest 
with the public about it.
  So I urge my colleagues to oppose this rule. Do not help the 
Republican leaders keep Americans in the dark this year.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, let me share with my colleagues my initial thoughts as I 
was beginning to read the continuing resolution that was on the floor 
of the House. I read it with disbelief. I was reading and thought maybe 
that there had been a misprint. And so I come to oppose this rule, 
because I happen to come from the school of thought that this House and 
this body, this Congress, has to do its work on behalf of the American 
people.
  I join in acknowledging that we are now facing the largest deficit 
that we have had in the last decade, or at least in the last 5 years 
since we were able to undermine that deficit in 1993 with House 
Democrats, not one single Republican vote, on that budget resolution 
that provided us in the spring of 2001 with a $5.3 trillion projected 
surplus over the next 10 years. That, of course, has gone to heck in a 
handbasket because we do not have that surplus anymore. What we have is 
the $400 billion deficit of 2003 and now projected $500 billion deficit 
in 2004. But what we also have is an $87 billion supplemental that is 
still sitting on the table and we have no way of paying for it. This 
resolution wants us to put in place, as standing bills, five House 
bills without any consultation with the other body and any conference.

[[Page 25312]]

  How do we know, for example, that we have put in more money for NASA 
safety dollars after the Columbia 7 tragedy? Have we put any money for 
food security in the foreign operations bill when we have given 
millions of dollars to the countries that are facing famine like 
Ethiopia to feed them, but we have given no money to provide them with 
the opportunity for irrigation and food science, agricultural science 
so they can learn to feed themselves, as opposed to giving them only 
moneys to help feed them during this famine? Do we have any hope for a 
good Medicare bill that is now in conference? Is there any debate on 
that where we are now raising the cost of Medicare for our seniors and 
leaving many seniors aside? Is our appropriations process going to be 
able to address the question of how we fund Medicare? None of that is 
taken into account in this continuing resolution. It is a blind eye, if 
you will, a blind-sided effort to come to this floor and blindside us 
with smoke and mirrors by telling us to vote for a continuing 
resolution that will not work. And then for them to say that we are 
going to make these bills, Commerce-Justice, Foreign Ops, VA-HUD, the 
bills that we will ultimately pass is ludicrous, is outrageous, they 
know it will never happen. And then the real question is, how are we 
going to pay for all of this?
  I would ask my colleagues to vote against this rule and vote against 
this continuing resolution.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), a member of the Committee on Rules.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, every year this House has a responsibility to pass the 
13 appropriations bills that fund the activities of the Federal 
Government. Once the House passes those bills, the United States Senate 
is supposed to pass them. After that, the House and the Senate get 
together on a conference committee to resolve the differences between 
the two versions. Those final bills are passed and then sent to the 
President for his signature. This is all supposed to happen before the 
fiscal year ends on September 30.
  I think it is important to review this material from the perspective 
of a ninth grade civics class because the Republican leadership seems 
to have forgotten it. Despite the fact that they control the House, 
they control the Senate, they control the White House, they even 
control the courts, they cannot seem to get their act together and do 
the people's work. So we are forced once again to pass a continuing 
resolution.
  It used to be that the Republicans blamed President Clinton for all 
the delays in legislation. They really got good at blaming him for 
everything. In fact, I think they kind of miss him. I know I do because 
the economy was so good and the budget was in surplus. Now, the economy 
under their leadership is lousy, and we have record deficits. In fact, 
we have the largest deficit in the history of the United States of 
America. Then the Republicans used to blame the Democratic Senate for 
everything. That excuse is gone now, too. We are here for one simple 
reason. The majority of this House has failed. They did not do their 
job. They do not want to do their job. And the American people deserve 
to know that. And what is really amazing is that the House is in 
session for a day and a half this week. It is Tuesday and this is the 
last day of business scheduled for the week. I am not sure about other 
parts of the country, Mr. Speaker, but in Massachusetts, a workweek is 
generally 5 days and sometimes it is longer, given that in this 
economy, people have to work sometimes two or three jobs. I doubt that 
firefighters or steelworkers or teachers or accountants in my district 
could skip work on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday and expect to get a 
full paycheck.
  The American people deserve a Congress that functions, that does the 
job given to it by the Constitution and they are not getting it. We all 
know what is going to happen in the next few weeks. We are going to see 
some huge, omnibus bill that a few people in a back room have worked 
out over pizza and cigars and be told that it is a fait accompli, take 
it or leave it, all because the leadership cannot or will not do their 
jobs. They did not do their job on the Iraq supplemental because we 
were not allowed to debate and vote on amendments, amendments that 
would have paid for the package, as opposed to adding $87 billion to 
the national credit card burdening our children and our grandchildren 
with debt.
  This continuing resolution represents failure and not progress. But 
failure, Mr. Speaker, has become business as usual around here. Mr. 
Speaker, we are supposed to be a deliberative body. We are supposed to 
debate issues. We are supposed to amend bills to make them better to 
represent the concerns of our constituents. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, 
we have a leadership in this House that does not believe in democracy, 
that does not believe in open debate, that does not believe in the 
deliberative process. We have a Committee on Rules that kind of acts 
like the State of California. It does not believe in debate. The fact 
of the matter is under the Constitution, this is supposed to be a 
deliberative body. We should debate issues regarding education, 
regarding unemployment, regarding the economy, regarding health care, 
regarding things that matter to our constituents each and every day. 
Yet under this process, we are just kind of kicking the ball down the 
field and we are told we are going to put this off for another day. And 
when we put it off, it is going to come back to us in a huge package 
and no one is going to know what is in the bill.
  This process is broken. The American people need to understand that 
the Republican leadership in this House is not doing its job. The 
Republicans wanted power. It appears they wanted power just for the 
sake of power. The fact of the matter is they cannot even get along 
with each other. This is a disgrace that we are at this moment. I would 
urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the rule.
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the Committee on 
Appropriations.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, once again we are being asked to pass a 
resolution that keeps the government open because Congress has not 
finished its work on appropriation bills. That is not unprecedented. 
Many times in the past we have faced this situation. But I do think 
that it is harder to understand when we have one party in control of 
all of the tools of government. When one party is in control of the 
Presidency and both the House and the Senate, it ought to be somewhat 
easier to get the work done on time. Over the past 34 years, one party 
has been in control of all three of those power centers, the 
Presidency, the Senate and the House, 6 years. The average number of 
appropriation bills that had been passed by the time the fiscal year 
ended in those 6 years was twice as high as it is today. Today we have 
only three appropriation bills passed. That, in my view, is no 
reflection whatsoever on the majority leadership of the Appropriations 
Committee. I think if things were left to the committee, we would be 
much further along the road. The reason that we have not completed our 
work is largely because the majority party leadership in this House has 
determined that they only want to pass appropriation bills on the 
majority party's side of the aisle.
  The majority party has a right to define itself and lay out what its 
first preferences are. The minority party has a similar right and 
obligation. But then both parties, in the end, are supposed to seek a 
way to resolve those differences. I recognize, being a member of the 
minority, that the majority party is likely to, and under our system is 
entitled to, win most of those fights. That is the way the system 
works. But for the good of the system and for the good of both parties, 
there are some occasions where the issues are so tight that you can use 
a little help across the aisle.

                              {time}  1045

  And it is the obligation of the minority party to try to do that if 
and when

[[Page 25313]]

some legitimate compromises are made, not so that the minority party 
wins the argument on those bills but so that the minority party can at 
least feel that some of its concerns have been modestly attended to. 
That has not been the case in this Congress on appropriation bills and 
outside of the appropriation realm.
  I, for the life of me, do not understand why we do not have bills on 
energy and water before us, why we do not have the military 
construction bill before us. On bills like that, those are relatively 
simple bills. They are normally fairly noncontroversial, and on bills 
like that what we have today is the majority in a fight with itself, 
and so far it has not been able to triumph. So we are stuck with those 
bills in limbo. On the labor, health, education bill, which I had hoped 
would be passed on a bipartisan basis eventually, we are stuck because 
the majority party is insisting on a fairly extreme approach to that 
bill.
  The administration asked the Congress to vote for No Child Left 
Behind. We did. But now the funding for No Child Left Behind is being 
left behind.
  The bill that we have on labor-H is some $7 billion short of where it 
ought to be in order to meet those promises.
  And then we have similar problems with respect to the Commerce-
Justice-State bill where efforts are being made to pretend that more 
money is being provided to local law enforcement than in fact is being 
provided because to understand what is being provided, we have to 
compare both homeland security and regular crime funding.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I would simply say that we could be a lot further 
along if there was any indication whatsoever that there would be a 
conciliatory approach coming on any of these bills from the majority 
side of the aisle. Even outside of the appropriations process, we see 
efforts made to really radically change Medicare in the prescription 
drug bill, whereas if people were to back off of that, we could easily 
pass a decent prescription drug bill.
  So I would say, I used to think we had a good shot at getting out of 
here by November 1. It is obvious we are going to be very lucky, Mr. 
Speaker, to get out of here by Thanksgiving. I regret that because I 
think the longer the Congress is in session, the more damage is being 
done to the Republic. But because of these disagreements we will be 
here next week with another continuing resolution. The Members can bet 
on it. I just hope that sooner or later the majority party recognizes 
that in the minority they have a willing partner in passing some of 
these if they are willing to compromise in the slightest on some of 
these issues before us.
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member of the Committee 
on Rules for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, we are all going to vote for this CR; but I think as we 
consider it, it is appropriate for us to reflect on the allegations of 
mismanagement that were made over the years about how Democrats ran 
this House, to reflect on that and relate it to present performance and 
look at how well the appropriations process has been managed since the 
Republicans took over in 1995.
  I want to look at the facts here. It is now October 21, 21 days since 
the start of the fiscal year, 2004, and this Congress has passed and 
President Bush has signed only three of the 13 annual spending bills 
into law: defense, homeland security, and the legislative branch 
appropriation bill. The Members will notice in addition that the 
military construction bill, one of the least controversial bills 
considered by this House every single year, is still mired in 
conference, although I would observe it is going to have maybe the 
distinction of being the only real conference that we have had in some 
period of time. If that is not indicative of this Congress's 
mismanagement, then I am not sure what is.
  The fact of the matter is since the majority party regained the House 
majority, this Congress has had to pass an omnibus appropriation bill 
in 7 out of 9 years. That is right. In only 2 years since consideration 
of the fiscal 1996 spending bill did this Congress pass stand-alone 
legislation for all 13 appropriation bills. By comparison, and I hope 
everybody on my side of the aisle will note this, and the other side of 
the aisle, of course, will discount it and not believe it, by 
comparison in fiscal year 1994, that is 1993, and fiscal year 1995, 
that is 1994, when we had a Democratic President, Bill Clinton, and a 
Democratic Congress, we passed every single spending bill as a stand-
alone piece of legislation, every one, which meant that we could fully 
debate and not hide anything in those bills.
  Mr. Speaker, the Members of our side of the aisle can hardly wait to 
hear what excuse is now used by our colleagues on the majority side for 
failing to complete the appropriation work on time. It is going to be 
tough to blame poor Senator Daschle who was the scapegoat last year 
when not only did we not pass the fiscal year in the year in which we 
were supposed to, we had to go to the next year and did not pass most 
appropriation bills until January of the following year. They certainly 
cannot blame the Democrats on this side because we do not make many 
decisions on this side.
  So what is their excuse? We all know what the truth is, and it is not 
that the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of our 
committee, or anybody on the committee has mismanaged the appropriation 
process. It is the direct result of the majority party's inability to 
agree with itself. It is an affliction that is not just holding up the 
appropriations process. It is also preventing us from passing an energy 
bill, from extending the child tax credit to 6.5 million working 
American families, and from giving our seniors a real prescription drug 
benefit that is not designed to destroy Medicare. The truth is we have 
not completed our work on time and the majority party is the only group 
that is responsible for this failure.
  Mr. Speaker, we will vote for this continuing resolution, which is an 
admission and a perfect example of not getting the work done that the 
American people expect us to get done on time and for their benefit and 
for the benefit of this country.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this rule.
  Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, I yield back the 
balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
  The previous question was ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not 
present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
  The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 219, 
nays 189, not voting 26, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 566]

                               YEAS--219

     Aderholt
     Akin
     Bachus
     Baker
     Ballenger
     Barrett (SC)
     Bartlett (MD)
     Barton (TX)
     Bass
     Beauprez
     Bereuter
     Biggert
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (UT)
     Blackburn
     Blunt
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bonner
     Bono
     Boozman
     Boyd
     Bradley (NH)
     Brady (TX)
     Brown (SC)
     Brown-Waite, Ginny
     Burgess
     Burns
     Burr
     Buyer
     Calvert
     Camp
     Cannon
     Cantor
     Capito
     Carter
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chocola
     Cole
     Collins
     Cox
     Crane
     Crenshaw
     Culberson
     Cunningham
     Davis, Jo Ann
     Davis, Tom
     Deal (GA)
     DeLay
     DeMint
     Diaz-Balart, L.
     Diaz-Balart, M.
     Doolittle
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ehlers
     Emerson
     English
     Everett
     Feeney
     Ferguson
     Flake
     Foley
     Forbes
     Fossella
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Garrett (NJ)
     Gerlach
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gingrey
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Goss
     Granger
     Graves
     Green (WI)
     Greenwood

[[Page 25314]]


     Gutknecht
     Harris
     Hart
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Hobson
     Hoekstra
     Hostettler
     Houghton
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hyde
     Isakson
     Issa
     Istook
     Janklow
     Jenkins
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones (NC)
     Keller
     Kennedy (MN)
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kirk
     Kline
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     LaHood
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     LoBiondo
     Lucas (OK)
     Manzullo
     McCotter
     McCrery
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McKeon
     Mica
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Moran (KS)
     Murphy
     Murtha
     Musgrave
     Myrick
     Nethercutt
     Neugebauer
     Ney
     Northup
     Norwood
     Nunes
     Nussle
     Osborne
     Ose
     Otter
     Oxley
     Paul
     Pearce
     Pence
     Peterson (PA)
     Petri
     Pickering
     Pitts
     Platts
     Pombo
     Porter
     Portman
     Pryce (OH)
     Putnam
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Regula
     Rehberg
     Renzi
     Reynolds
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Royce
     Ryan (WI)
     Ryun (KS)
     Saxton
     Schrock
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Sherwood
     Shimkus
     Shuster
     Simmons
     Simpson
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Souder
     Stearns
     Sullivan
     Sweeney
     Tancredo
     Tauzin
     Taylor (NC)
     Terry
     Thomas
     Thornberry
     Tiahrt
     Tiberi
     Toomey
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Walden (OR)
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Wicker
     Wilson (NM)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wolf
     Young (FL)

                               NAYS--189

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Alexander
     Allen
     Baca
     Baird
     Baldwin
     Ballance
     Becerra
     Berkley
     Berman
     Berry
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (NY)
     Blumenauer
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Brady (PA)
     Brown (OH)
     Brown, Corrine
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardin
     Cardoza
     Carson (IN)
     Carson (OK)
     Clay
     Clyburn
     Conyers
     Cooper
     Costello
     Cramer
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (AL)
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (IL)
     Davis (TN)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     Deutsch
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Dooley (CA)
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Emanuel
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Ford
     Frank (MA)
     Frost
     Gonzalez
     Gordon
     Green (TX)
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hall
     Harman
     Hastings (FL)
     Hill
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hoeffel
     Holden
     Holt
     Honda
     Hooley (OR)
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     John
     Johnson, E. B.
     Jones (OH)
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kind
     Kleczka
     Kucinich
     Lampson
     Langevin
     Lantos
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lee
     Levin
     Lipinski
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Lucas (KY)
     Lynch
     Majette
     Maloney
     Markey
     Matheson
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McIntyre
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek (FL)
     Meeks (NY)
     Menendez
     Michaud
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller (NC)
     Miller, George
     Mollohan
     Moore
     Moran (VA)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal (MA)
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Peterson (MN)
     Pomeroy
     Price (NC)
     Rahall
     Rodriguez
     Ross
     Rothman
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)
     Sabo
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Scott (GA)
     Scott (VA)
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Skelton
     Smith (WA)
     Snyder
     Solis
     Spratt
     Stark
     Stenholm
     Strickland
     Stupak
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Taylor (MS)
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Towns
     Turner (TX)
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Waters
     Watson
     Watt
     Waxman
     Weiner
     Woolsey
     Wu
     Wynn

                             NOT VOTING--26

     Andrews
     Bell
     Burton (IN)
     Case
     Coble
     Cubin
     Doggett
     Engel
     Fletcher
     Gallegly
     Gephardt
     Kelly
     Leach
     Lewis (GA)
     Marshall
     McCollum
     Owens
     Ramstad
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Slaughter
     Vitter
     Wexler
     Whitfield
     Young (AK)

                              {time}  1117

  Messrs. ISRAEL, DAVIS of Illinois, CRAMER, HALL, and JOHN changed 
their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________