[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 18]
[House]
[Pages 24637-24650]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




 SYRIA ACCOUNTABILITY AND LEBANESE SOVEREIGNTY RESTORATION ACT OF 2003

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass 
the bill (H.R. 1828) to halt Syrian support for terrorism, end its 
occupation of Lebanon, stop its development of weapons of mass 
destruction, cease its illegal importation of Iraqi oil and illegal 
shipments of weapons and other military items to Iraq, and by so doing 
hold Syria accountable for the serious international security problems 
it has caused in the Middle East, and for other purposes, as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                               H.R. 1828

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Syria Accountability and 
     Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) On September 20, 2001, President George Bush stated at 
     a joint session of Congress that ``[e]very nation, in every 
     region, now has a decision to make . . . [e]ither you are 
     with us, or you are with the terrorists . . . [f]rom this day 
     forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support 
     terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile 
     regime''.
       (2) On June 24, 2002, President Bush stated ``Syria must 
     choose the right side in the war on terror by closing 
     terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.
       (3) United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 
     (September 28, 2001) mandates that all states ``refrain from 
     providing any form of support, active or passive, to entities 
     or persons involved in terrorist acts'', take ``the necessary 
     steps to prevent the commission of terrorist acts'', and 
     ``deny safe haven to those who finance, plan, support, or 
     commit terrorist acts''.
       (4) The Government of Syria is currently prohibited by 
     United States law from receiving United States assistance 
     because it has repeatedly provided support for acts of 
     international terrorism, as determined by the Secretary of 
     State for purposes of section 6(j)(1) of the Export 
     Administration Act of 1979 (50 U.S.C. App. 2405(j)(1)) and 
     other relevant provisions of law.
       (5) Although the Department of State lists Syria as a state 
     sponsor of terrorism and reports that Syria provides ``safe 
     haven and support to several terrorist groups'', fewer United 
     States sanctions apply with respect to Syria than with 
     respect to any other country that is listed as a state 
     sponsor of terrorism.
       (6) Terrorist groups, including Hizballah, Hamas, 
     Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the 
     Liberation of Palestine, and the Popular Front for the 
     Liberation of Palestine--General Command, maintains offices, 
     training camps, and other facilities on Syrian territory, and 
     operate in areas of Lebanon occupied by the Syrian armed 
     forces and receive supplies from Iran through Syria.
       (7) United Nations Security Council Resolution 520 
     (September 17, 1982) calls for ``strict respect of the 
     sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and political 
     independence of Lebanon under the sole and exclusive 
     authority of the Government of Lebanon through the Lebanese 
     Army throughout Lebanon''.
       (8) Approximately 20,000 Syrian troops and security 
     personnel occupy much of the sovereign territory of Lebanon 
     exerting undue influence upon its government and undermining 
     its political independence.
       (9) Since 1990 the Senate and House of Representatives have 
     passed seven bills and resolutions which call for the 
     withdrawal of Syrian armed forces from Lebanon.
       (10) On March 3, 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell 
     declared that it is the objective of the United States to 
     ``let Lebanon be ruled by the Lebanese people without the 
     presence of [the Syrian] occupation army''.
       (11) Large and increasing numbers of the Lebanese people 
     from across the political spectrum in Lebanon have mounted 
     peaceful and democratic calls for the withdrawal of the 
     Syrian Army from Lebanese soil.
       (12) Israel has withdrawn all of its armed forces from 
     Lebanon in accordance with United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 425 (March 19, 1978), as certified by the United 
     Nations Secretary General.
       (13) Even in the face of this United Nations certification 
     that acknowledged Israel's full compliance with Security 
     Council Resolution 425, Syrian- and Iranian-supported 
     Hizballah continues to attack Israeli outposts at Shebaa 
     Farms, under the pretense that Shebaa Farms is territory from 
     which Israel was required to withdraw by Security Counsel 
     Resolution 425, and Syrian- and Iranian-supported Hizballah 
     and other militant organizations continue to attack civilian 
     targets in Israel.
       (14) Syria will not allow Lebanon--a sovereign country--to 
     fulfill its obligation in accordance with Security Council 
     Resolution 425 to deploy its troops to southern Lebanon.
       (15) As a result, the Israeli-Lebanese border and much of 
     southern Lebanon is under the control of Hizballah, which 
     continues to attack Israeli positions, allows Iranian 
     Revolutionary Guards and other militant groups to operate 
     freely in the area, and maintains thousands of rockets along 
     Israel's northern border, destabilizing the entire region.
       (16) On February 12, 2003, Director of Central Intelligence 
     George Tenet stated the following with respect to the Syrian- 
     and Iranian-supported Hizballah: ``[A]s an organization with 
     capability and worldwide presence [it] is [al Qaeda's] equal 
     if not a far more capable organization . . . [T]hey're a 
     notch above in many respects, in terms of in their 
     relationship with the Iranians and the training they receive, 
     [which] puts them in a state-sponsored category with a 
     potential for lethality that's quite great.''.
       (17) In the State of the Union address on January 29, 2002, 
     President Bush declared that the United States will ``work 
     closely with our coalition to deny terrorists and their state 
     sponsors the materials, technology, and expertise to make and 
     deliver weapons of mass destruction''.
       (18) The Government of Syria continues to develop and 
     deploy short- and medium-range ballistic missiles.
       (19) According to the December 2001 unclassified Central 
     Intelligence Agency report entitled ``Foreign Missile 
     Developments and the Ballistic Missile Threat through 2015'', 
     ``Syria maintains a ballistic missile and rocket force of 
     hundreds of FROG rockets, Scuds, and SS-21 SRBMs [and] Syria 
     has developed [chemical weapons] warheads for its Scuds''.
       (20) The Government of Syria if pursuing the development 
     and production of biological and chemical weapons and has a 
     nuclear research and development weapons and has a nuclear 
     research and development program that is cause for concern.
       (21) According to the Central Intelligence Agency's 
     ``Unclassified Report to Congress on the Acquisition of 
     Technology Relating to Weapons of Mass Destruction and 
     Advanced Conventional Munitions'', released January 7, 2003: 
     ``[Syria] already holds a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin 
     but apparently is trying to develop more toxic and persistent 
     nerve agents. Syria remains dependent on foreign sources for 
     key elements of its [chemical weapons] program, including 
     precursor chemicals and key production equipment. It is 
     highly probable that Syria also is developing an offensive 
     [biological weapons] capability.''.
       (22) On May 6, 2002, the Under Secretary of State for Arms 
     Control and International Security, John Bolton, stated: 
     ``The United

[[Page 24638]]

     States also knows that Syria has long had a chemical warfare 
     program. It has a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin and is 
     engaged in research and development of the more toxic and 
     persistent nerve agent VX. Syria, which has signed but not 
     ratified the [Biological Weapons Convention], is pursuing the 
     development of biological weapons and is able to produce at 
     least small amounts of biological warfare agents.''.
       (23) According to the Central Intelligence Agency's 
     ``Unclassified Report to Congress on the Acquisition of 
     Technology Relating to Weapons of Mass Destruction and 
     Advanced Conventional Munitions'', released January 7, 2003: 
     ``Russia and Syria have approved a draft cooperative program 
     on cooperation on civil nuclear power. In principal, broader 
     access to Russian expertise provides opportunities for Syria 
     to expand its indigenous capabilities, should it decide to 
     pursue nuclear weapons.''.
       (24) Under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear 
     Weapons (21 UST 483), which entered force on March 5, 1970, 
     and to which Syria is a party, Syria has undertaken not to 
     acquire or produce nuclear weapons and has accepted full 
     scope safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency to 
     detect diversions of nuclear materials from peaceful 
     activities to the production of nuclear weapons or other 
     nuclear explosive devices.
       (25) Syria is not a party to the Chemical Weapons 
     Conventions or the Biological Weapons Convention, which 
     entered into force on April 29, 1997, and on March 26, 1975, 
     respectively.
       (26) Syrian President Bashar Assad promised Secretary of 
     State Powell in February 2001 to end violations of Security 
     Council Resolutions 661, which restricted the sale of oil and 
     other commodities by Saddam Hussein's regime, except to the 
     extent authorized by other relevant resolutions, but this 
     pledge was never fulfilled.
       (27) Syria's illegal imports and transshipments of Iraqi 
     oil during Saddam Hussein's regime earned Syria $50,000,000 
     or more per month as Syria continued to sell its own Syrian 
     oil at market prices.
       (28) Syria's illegal imports and transshipments of Iraqi 
     oil earned Saddam Hussein's regime $2,000,000 per day.
       (29) The Government of Syria also utilized the railway 
     network linking Mosul, Iraq, to Aleppo, Syria, to transfer a 
     wide range of weaponry and weapon systems to Saddam Hussein's 
     regime.
       (30) On March 28, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald 
     Rumsfeld warned: ``[W]e have information that shipments of 
     military supplies have been crossing the border from Syria 
     into Iraq, including night-vision goggles . . . These 
     deliveries pose a direct threat to the lives of coalition 
     forces. We consider such trafficking as hostile acts, and 
     will hold the Syrian government accountable for such 
     shipments.''.
       (31) According to Article 23(1) of the United Nations 
     Charter, members of the United Nations are elected as 
     nonpermanent members of the United Nations Security Council 
     with ``due regard being specially paid, in the first instance 
     to the contribution of members of the United Nations to the 
     maintenance of international peace and security and to other 
     purposes of the Organization''.
       (32) Despite Article 23(1) of the United Nations Charter, 
     Syria was elected on October 8, 2001, to a 2-year term as a 
     nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council 
     beginning January 1, 2002, and served as President of the 
     Security Council during June 2002 and August 2003.
       (33) On March 31, 2003, the Syrian Foreign Minister, Farouq 
     al-Sharra, made the Syrian regime's intentions clear when he 
     explicitly stated that ``Syria's interest is to see the 
     invaders defeated in Iraq''.
       (34) On April 13, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald 
     Rumsfeld charged that ``busloads'' of Syrian fighters entered 
     Iraq with ``hundreds of thousands of dollars'' and leaflets 
     offering rewards for dead American soldiers.
       (35) On September 16, 2003, the Under Secretary of State 
     for Arms Control and International Security, John Bolton, 
     appeared before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and 
     Central Asia of the Committee on International Relations of 
     the House of Representatives, and underscored Syria's 
     ``hostile actions'' toward coalition forces during Operation 
     Iraqi Freedom. Under Secretary Bolton added that: ``Syria 
     allowed military equipment to flow into Iraq on the eve of 
     and during the war. Syria permitted volunteers to pass into 
     Iraq to attack and kill our service members during the war, 
     and is still doing so . . . [Syria's] behavior during 
     Operation Iraqi Freedom underscores the importance of taking 
     seriously reports and information on Syria's WMD 
     capabilities.''.
       (36) During his appearance before the Committee on 
     International Relations of the House of Representatives on 
     September 25, 2003, Ambassador L. Paul Bremer, III, 
     Administrator of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, 
     stated that out of the 278 third-country nationals who were 
     captured by coalition forces in Iraq, the ``single largest 
     group are Syrians''.

     SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       It is the sense of Congress that--
       (1) the Government of Syria should immediately and 
     unconditionally halt support for terrorism, permanently and 
     openly declare its total renunciation of all forms of 
     terrorism, and close all terrorist offices and facilities in 
     Syria, including the offices of Hamas, Hizballah, Palestinian 
     Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
     Palestine, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
     Palestine--General Command;
       (2) the Government of Syria should--
       (A) immediately and unconditionally stop facilitating 
     transit from Syria to Iraq of individuals, military 
     equipment, and all lethal items, except as authorized by the 
     Coalition Provisional Authority or a representative, 
     internationally recognized Iraqi government;
       (B) cease its support for ``volunteers'' and terrorists who 
     are traveling from and through Syria into Iraq to launch 
     attacks; and
       (C) undertake concrete, verifiable steps to deter such 
     behavior and control the use of territory under Syrian 
     control;
       (3) the Government of Syria should immediately declare its 
     commitment to completely withdraw its armed forces, including 
     military, paramilitary, and security forces, from Lebanon, 
     and set a firm timetable for such withdrawal;
       (4) the Government of Lebanon should deploy the Lebanese 
     armed forces to all areas of Lebanon, including South 
     Lebanon, in accordance with United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982), in order to assert the 
     sovereignty of the Lebanese state over all of its territory, 
     and should evict all terrorist and foreign forces from 
     southern Lebanon, including Hizballah and the Iranian 
     Revolutionary Guards;
       (5) the Government of Syria should halt the development and 
     deployment of medium- and long-range surface-to-surface 
     missiles and cease the development and production of 
     biological and chemical weapons;
       (6) the Governments of Lebanon and Syria should enter into 
     serious unconditional bilateral negotiations with the 
     Government of Israel in order to realize a full and permanent 
     peace;
       (7) the United States should continue to provide 
     humanitarian and educational assistance to the people of 
     Lebanon only through appropriate private, nongovernmental 
     organizations and appropriate international organizations, 
     until such time as the Government of Lebanon asserts 
     sovereignty and control over all of its territory and borders 
     and achieves full political independence, as called for in 
     United Nations Security Council Resolution 520; and
       (8) as a violator of several key United Nations Security 
     Council resolutions and as a nation that pursues policies 
     which undermine international peace and security, Syria 
     should not have been permitted to join the United Nations 
     Security Council or serve as the Security Council's 
     President, and should be removed from the Security Council.

     SEC. 4. STATEMENT OF POLICY.

       It is the policy of the United States that--
       (1) Syria will be held responsible for attacks committed by 
     Hizballah and other terrorist groups with offices, training 
     camps, or other facilities in Syria, or bases ion areas of 
     Lebanon occupied by Syria.
       (2) the United States shall impede Syria's ability to 
     support acts of international terrorism and efforts to 
     develop or acquire weapons of mass destruction;
       (3) the Secretary of State will continue to list Syria as a 
     state sponsor of terrorism until Syria ends its support for 
     terrorism, including its support of Hizballah and other 
     terrorist groups in Lebanon and its hosting of terrorist 
     groups in Damascus, and comes into full compliance with 
     United States law relating to terrorism and United Nations 
     Security Council Resolution 1373 (September 28, 2001);
       (4) efforts against Hizballah will be expanded given the 
     recognition that Hizballah is equally or more capable than al 
     Qaeda;
       (5) the full restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty, 
     political independence, and territorial integrity is in the 
     national security interest of the United States;
       (6) Syria is in violation of United Nations Security 
     Council Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982) through its 
     continued occupation of Lebanese territory and its 
     encroachment upon Lebanon's political independence;
       (7) Syria's obligation to withdraw from Lebanon is not 
     conditioned upon progress in the Israeli-Syrian or Israeli-
     Lebanese peace process but derives from Syria's obligation 
     under Security Council Resolution 520;
       (8) Syria's acquisition of weapons of mass destruction and 
     ballistic missile programs threaten the security of the 
     Middle East and the national security interests of the United 
     States;
       (9) Syria will be held accountable for any harm to 
     Coalition armed forces or to any United States citizen in 
     Iraq due to its facilitation of terrorist activities and its 
     shipments of military supplies to Iraq; and
       (10) the United States will not provide any assistance to 
     Syria and will oppose multilateral assistance for Syria until 
     Syria ends all support for terrorism, withdraws its armed 
     forces from Lebanon, and halts the development and deployment 
     of weapons of mass destruction and medium- and long-range 
     surface-to-surface ballistic missiles.

     SEC. 5. PENALTIES AND AUTHORIZATION.

       (a) Penalties.--Until the President makes the determination 
     that Syria meets all the requirements described in paragraphs 
     (1)

[[Page 24639]]

     through (4) of subsection (d) and certifies such 
     determination to Congress in accordance with such 
     subsection--
       (1) the President shall prohibit the export to Syria of any 
     item, including the issuance of a license for the export of 
     any item, on the United States Munitions List or Commerce 
     Control List of dual-use items in the Export Administration 
     Regulations (15 C.F.R. part 730 et seq.); and
       (2) the President shall impose two or more of the following 
     sanctions:
       (A) Prohibit the export of products of the United States 
     (other than food and medicine) to Syria.
       (B) Prohibit United States businesses from investing or 
     operating in Syria.
       (C) Restrict Syrian diplomats in Washington, D.C., and at 
     the United Nations in New York City, to travel only within a 
     25-mile radius of Washington, D.C., or the United Nations 
     headquarters building, respectively.
       (D) Prohibit aircraft of any air carrier owned or 
     controlled by Syria to take off from, land in, or overfly the 
     United States.
       (E) Reduce United States diplomatic contacts with Syria 
     (other than those contacts required to protect United States 
     interests or carry out the purposes of this Act).
       (F) Block transactions in any property in which the 
     Government of Syria has any interest, by any person, or with 
     respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the 
     United States.
       (b) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of 
     paragraph (2) of subsection (a) for one or more 6-month 
     periods if the President determines that it is in the vital 
     national security interest of the United States to do so and 
     transmits to Congress a report that contains the reasons 
     therefor.
       (c) Authority To Provide Assistance to Syria.--If the 
     President--
       (1) makes the determination that Syria meets the 
     requirements described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of 
     subsection (d) and certifies such determination to Congress 
     in accordance with such subsection;
       (2) determines that substantial progress has been made both 
     in negotiations aimed at achieving a peace agreement between 
     Israel and Syria and in negotiations aimed at achieving a 
     peace agreement between Israel and Lebanon; and
       (3) determines that the Government of Syria is strictly 
     respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity, and 
     political independence of Lebanon under the sole and 
     exclusive authority of the Government of Lebanon through the 
     Lebanese army throughout Lebanon, as required under paragraph 
     (4) of United Nations Security Council Resolution 520 (1982), 
     then the President is authorized to provide assistance to 
     Syria under chapter 1 of Part I of the Foreign Assistance Act 
     of 1961 (relating to development assistance).
       (d) Certification.--A certification under this subsection 
     is a certification transmitted to the appropriate 
     congressional committees of a determination made by the 
     President that--
       (1) the Government of Syria has ceased providing support 
     for international terrorist groups and does not allow 
     terrorist groups, such as Hamas, Hizballah, Palestinian 
     Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
     Palestine, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
     Palestine-General Command to maintain facilities in territory 
     under Syrian control;
       (2) the Government of Syria has withdrawn all Syrian 
     military, intelligence, and other security personnel from 
     Lebanon;
       (3) the Government of Syria has ceased the development and 
     deployment of medium- and long-range surface-to-surface 
     ballistic missiles, is not pursuing or engaged in the 
     research development, acquisition, production, transfer, or 
     deployment of biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons, has 
     provided credible assurances that such behavior will not be 
     undertaken in the future, and has agreed to allow United 
     Nations and other international observers to verify such 
     actions and assurances; and
       (4) the Government of Syria has ceased all support for, and 
     facilitation of, all terrorist activities inside of Iraq, 
     including preventing the use of territory under its control 
     by any means whatsoever to support those engaged in terrorist 
     activities inside of Iraq.

     SEC. 6. REPORT.

       (a) Report.--Not later than 6 months after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, and every 12 months thereafter until 
     the conditions described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of 
     section 5(d) are satisfied, the Secretary of State shall 
     submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report 
     on--
       (1) Syria's progress toward meeting the conditions 
     described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of section 5(d);
       (2) connections, if any, between individual terrorists and 
     terrorist groups which maintain offices, training camps, or 
     other facilities on Syrian territory, or operate in areas of 
     Lebanon occupied by the Syrian armed forces, and the attacks 
     against the United States that occurred on September 11, 
     2001, and other terrorist attacks on the United States or its 
     citizens, installations, or allies; and
       (3) how the United States is increasing its efforts against 
     Hizballah given the recognition that Hizballah is equally or 
     more capable than al Qaeda.
       (b) Form.--The report submitted under subsection (a) shall 
     be in unclassified form but may include a classified annex.

     SEC. 7. DEFINITION OF APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES.

       In this Act, the term ``appropriate congressional 
     committees'' means the Committee on International Relations 
     of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations of the Senate.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen).
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that debate on 
the motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1828, as 
amended, be extended to 60 minutes, equally divided.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.


                             General Leave

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend 
their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1828, as amended.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1828, as amended, a 
bill I introduced with my colleague the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Engel), to hold Syria accountable for behavior and activities which 
threaten U.S. national security, our interests and our allies.
  The Syrian regime has the blood of Americans on its hands, and we 
cannot, and we will not allow this to go unpunished. That is one of the 
primary reasons we are here today. And we would not have reached this 
point were it not for the commitment and unwavering support of a great 
American, our distinguished majority leader, the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Delay), and we thank him for that support.
  Mr. Speaker, following the deplorable terrorist attacks of September 
11, 2001, President Bush clearly articulated what would be the guiding 
principles of U.S. foreign policy. He said: ``Every Nation in every 
region now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are 
with the terrorists. From this day forward, any Nation that continues 
to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as 
a hostile regime.''
  The choice was clear, and Syria chose to be on the wrong side of 
history. Syria continues to harbor Hezballah, the Palestinian Islamic 
Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the PFLP-GC, 
and Hamas, including permitting the operation of offices and terrorist 
camps in Syrian territory and in Syrian-occupied Lebanon.
  These and other Syrian-sponsored groups have perpetrated acts of 
terrorism against Americans, most notably the bombing of the U.S. 
Marine barracks in Syrian-occupied Lebanon in 1983, which killed 241 
American Marines, and the attack on the Khobar Towers in 1996, where, 
with the assistance of Syria, the terrorists killed 19 American 
servicemen and injured scores of others.
  The Syrian regime has continuously allowed Iranian transshipment of 
weapons to Hezballah and, in recent years, has also begun to supply 
Hezballah militants with mortars, rocket-propelled grenade launchers 
and other weapons.
  The Syrians vehemently defend, as well as support, protect and 
harbor, the leaders of Hezballah. For example, Sheik Nasrallah, a 
terrorist, who proclaimed in a speech broadcast on Hezballah's TV 
station in late April of this year, he said, ``Death to America was, 
is, and will stay our slogan.''
  The actions that have earned the Syrian regime the pariah status as a 
state sponsor of terror have been further highlighted in Iraq, where 
Syria has been complicit against our forces

[[Page 24640]]

in Iraq, as repeatedly articulated by the Syrian foreign minister, when 
he said, ``Syria's interest is to see the invaders defeated in Iraq.''
  Syria has encouraged thousands of so-called ``irregular forces'' and 
other ``volunteer'' terrorists to cross the Syrian border into Iraq to 
battle our coalition forces. When U.S. military forces captured a large 
group of Syrians, they reportedly confiscated 70 suicide jackets, each 
filled with 22 pounds of military grade C4 explosives and mercury 
detonators. U.S. soldiers also reportedly found several hundred 
thousand dollars on a bus that came from Syria, together with leaflets 
suggesting that Iraqis would be rewarded if they killed Americans.
  Ambassador Paul Bremer, the Administrator of the Coalition Provision 
Authority in Iraq, testified before our Committee on International 
Relations just a few weeks ago, and he said that the largest number of 
third-country detainees in U.S. custody in Iraq are from Syria. 
Ambassador Bremer underscored: ``And we believe that there are rat 
lines, as they call them, from Syria into Iraq, where both fighters 
and, in many cases, terrorists are still coming in.''
  Despite the Syrian regime's efforts at manipulation, the terrorists 
they support remove any question that Syria is facilitating the 
movement of fighters into Iraq to kill our men and women in the Armed 
Forces. In September 14, 2003, an interview was printed with the Sunday 
Times World where a member of the militant Islamic group Martyrs of 
Islam, identifying himself only as Jamal, revealed that he and many 
others had trained at a camp in Syria during the buildup to the recent 
war in Iraq.
  According to Jamal, while at the Syrian camp, he was trained to make 
bombs, set booby traps and fire various small arms, including rocket-
propelled grenade launchers. Jamal said, ``Our entire group was trained 
in Syria. Other groups were trained there after us. We are here to kill 
American soldiers.'' He claimed that his 15-member cell had carried out 
about 60 attacks against American forces in 3 months.
  Syria also continues to occupy Lebanon, in direct contravention of 
the United Nations Security Council resolutions. Through its illegal 
occupation of Lebanon, the Syrian regime has imposed its will on the 
Lebanese people through electoral intimidation, through political 
persecution, through the stifling of free speech, assassination of 
opposition leaders, and, last but not least, through brute military 
force.
  The Syrian regime has all but eliminated Lebanon from the 
international political map, denying the Lebanese people their right to 
self-determination. It hijacked the democracy process in Lebanon, 
converting Lebanon into a proxy of the dictatorship in Damascus, a 
proxy in much the same way that the former Soviet Union used Eastern 
Europe to propagate its ``evil empire.''
  The Syrian regime has even tried to extend its repression of the 
Lebanese people to the U.S., to the hallowed halls of Congress. For 
example, for his testimony during a Congressional roundtable that I 
held on September 17 as chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle East 
and Central Asia, General Michel Aoun, the former Prime Minister of 
Lebanon and one of the leading opposition figures in Lebanon, faces 
prosecution on charges of tarnishing Lebanon's ties with Syria. His 
statements in support of the Syria Accountability and Lebanese 
Sovereignty Restoration Act were viewed as an ``offense and he should 
be tried for it,'' said the authorities.
  For all of the reasons I have articulated this afternoon, Mr. 
Speaker, it is imperative that we render our overwhelming support to 
H.R. 1828, as amended.
  The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 
2003, as reported, establishes a clear set of policies with respect to 
Syria. It calls for the imposition of sanctions intended to deny Syria 
resources to pursue its threatening behavior and limit its diplomatic 
legitimacy should it persist in pursuing these activities. If the 
Syrian regime does not alter its behavior, it will suffer the 
consequences.
  The sanctions are to be imposed unless the President certifies that 
Syria is not providing support for terrorists; has stopped all support 
for terrorist activities inside of Iraq; has withdrawn all military, 
intelligence and other security personnel from Lebanon; is not involved 
in the production, development, deployment, acquisition or transfer of 
weapons of mass destruction and long-range ballistic missiles; has 
provided credible assurances that such behavior will not be undertaken 
in the future; and has agreed to allow United Nations and other 
international observers to verify such actions and assurances.
  The imposition of some, but not all, of the sanctions may be waived 
by the President for a 6-month period if he determines that it is in 
the vital national security of the United States to do so and transmits 
a report to Congress on the reasons substantiating such a 
determination.
  Mr. Speaker, diplomacy with the Syrian regime has failed miserably. 
It is time to reinforce our words with concrete, tangible and punitive 
measures. This bill provides the President with the tools and the 
overwhelming Congressional support he needs to hold the regime in 
Damascus accountable for choosing to side with the terrorists and 
engaging in activities threatening the American people and U.S. 
national security interests.
  Syria cannot be allowed to continue to act with impunity. The game is 
over.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1828.
  Mr. Speaker, among the Members who deserve our praise for sponsoring 
this bill, I would like to single out the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Engel), who first introduced this bill in the 107th Congress. I want to 
commend the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) chair of the 
Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, and the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Ackerman), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on 
the Middle East and Central Asia, for their invaluable work in bringing 
this legislation to the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, no one in Damascus should be surprised by our action 
today.

                              {time}  1700

  One might even say that the Syrian Government is the moving spirit 
behind this action.
  Syria, Mr. Speaker, is the leading regional force for destabilization 
and against peace. Syria is a charter member of the U.S. Government's 
list of state sponsors of terrorism. Syria hosts and provides both 
military and economic support to a wide array of vicious terrorist 
groups.
  For too many years, inexplicably, our government has treated Syria 
better than it does other state sponsors of terrorism. We have been 
allowing more trade with Syria, and we have maintained normal 
diplomatic ties. It is time, Mr. Speaker, for this special treatment to 
end.
  The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 
2003 will closely align our Syria policy with our policy toward other 
state sponsors of terrorism.
  Twenty years ago, Mr. Speaker, Syrian-sponsored terrorism was 
responsible for the worst pre-September 11 terrorist incident in 
American history: the murder of 241 U.S. Marines by a suicide bomber in 
Lebanon in October of 1983. I visited with those Marines just a few 
weeks before the tragedy. Now, Syria's irresponsible behavior is again 
resulting in more murders of American soldiers, this time in Iraq.
  Six months ago, Mr. Speaker, I visited Syria and met with the 
president of that country. I told him that he had made a major 
miscalculation regarding Iraq. Completely misunderstanding media 
reports of Coalition difficulties in the first days of the war due to a 
sand storm, Syria promptly aligned itself with Saddam Hussein, opening 
its borders to jihadists and suicide bombers, and opening the 
floodgates for arms and military equipment to flow

[[Page 24641]]

into Iraq. To this very day, Mr. Speaker, Syria keeps its borders open, 
and suicide bombers and pro-Saddam thugs are allowed to cross into Iraq 
and attack our American soldiers in that country.
  But it is not the only way that Syria is aiding terrorists in Iraq. 
This last weekend, Mr. Speaker, we learned that Syrian state-controlled 
banks are holding some $3 billion of Saddam Hussein's cash. Despite our 
diplomatic efforts, Syria is refusing to freeze those funds and to 
return them to pay part of the cost of rebuilding Iraq. Meanwhile, 
Saddam's ``bitter-enders,'' perhaps Saddam himself, are drawing on 
those funds to fuel their murderous attacks on American soldiers.
  When I met with President Asad 6 months ago, I warned him that the 
Syria Accountability Act would soon be on its way to passage in the 
House and in the Senate unless Syria changed its ways in Iraq and 
throughout the region. President Asad understood me perfectly. I was 
not surprised to find that he was very familiar with the Syria 
Accountability Act.
  Secretary of State Colin Powell visited Asad one week after my visit; 
and told him, as I had, what he needed to do to improve Syria's 
standing in the United States: he had to end support for terrorism in 
Iraq and elsewhere. He had to stop supporting Hezbollah and other 
terrorist groups in Lebanon. He had to close the terrorist offices in 
Damascus. He had to remove the 17,000 Syrian soldiers in Lebanon. He 
had to remove the thousands of Syrian military intelligence officers 
who effectively run Lebanon. He had to stop work on weapons of mass 
destruction. He had to free the many political prisoners in Syrian 
prisons, and he had to end vicious anti-U.S. incitement in Syria's 
media.
  I repeated my warning in a press conference with Arab media 
immediately after my meeting with Asad. When I returned to Washington, 
I wrote the president of Syria, reviewing the contents of our meeting. 
I reminded him that congressional action was looming, but that he had 
the power to avert it.
  Mr. Speaker, at this time I will introduce into the Record the text 
of my letter of last May to President Asad.

         Committee on International Relations, House of 
           Representatives,
                                     Washington, DC, May 23, 2003.
     His Excellency, President Bashar al-Asad,
     Damascus, Syrian Arab Republic.
        Dear Mr. President: Once again I would like to thank you 
     for receiving me in your office recently. Our discussion was 
     valuable, and I believe it could mark the beginning of a 
     productive dialogue that benefits both our nations.
        I have therefore been surprised and deeply dismayed by 
     Syria's failure to take truly meaningful action on the issues 
     we discussed in the weeks since my visit. Notwithstanding 
     press reports that some of the offices of Palestinian 
     terrorist organizations in Damascus may have been closed, I 
     am deeply disappointed by your failure to confirm this 
     definitively and to affirm that their closure is the result 
     of a decision by the Syrian government, not by the 
     terrorists. I was also disturbed by your failure to join the 
     U.N. Security Council consensus in favor of UNSC Resolution 
     1483 ending sanctions on Iraq and by the Syrian state media's 
     harsh and inaccurate accusations against the U.S. regarding 
     that resolution.
        Mr. President, closing the offices of Palestinian 
     terrorist organizations is the most basic of steps you must 
     take if we are to make a start toward improving U.S.-Syrian 
     relations, as you and I discussed. But it is crucial not only 
     that you actually close the offices and prevent these groups 
     and their partisans from carrying out activities in Syria but 
     that you also make clear, publicly and formally, that you are 
     doing so. Only if such actions are executed in a transparent 
     and definitive manner can Syria demonstrate to the world that 
     it opposes the actions of these terrorist organizations. A 
     stealthy closing of the offices, or a sham closing in which 
     terrorist personnel continue to carry out their activities 
     less publicly and from different locations--or a closing 
     which you claim is strictly the result of the terrorists' 
     decision, as you so far have done--will only leave the world 
     skeptical of your real intentions and will prevent you from 
     reaping any benefits in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations.
        I was pleased that, in our meeting, you said you oppose 
     terrorism ``anywhere.'' Since the Palestinian groups with 
     offices in Damascus have claimed credit for numerous 
     terrorist attacks in Israel--and sometimes have issued these 
     claims from Damascus itself--they surely have no business in 
     Syria, and you should have no trouble making public 
     declarations to that effect. As we agreed, there is no point 
     in discussing semantics. Whether one calls them information 
     offices or terrorist headquarters, it is imperative that they 
     be closed and their cadre expelled--and that this decision be 
     publicly announced and definitively implemented--if we hope 
     to begin a new era in bilateral relations.
        You will recall that we discussed the Syria Accountability 
     Act. I told you at that time that, depending on your 
     decisions and actions, Congressional action on that bill will 
     be delayed, halted, or accelerated. I also told you that I 
     would be looking for the earliest possible positive action on 
     your part and in particular in the immediate aftermath of the 
     Powell visit. Based on what I have seen and read thus far, 
     such positive action from you has not been sufficiently 
     forthcoming. Should that continue to be so, I will have no 
     choice but to join with like-minded colleagues in the near 
     future to accelerate action on the Syrian Accountability Act.
        So that there be no misunderstanding, I think it is 
     important that I review with you the content of our 
     discussion and my reflections on it. As I indicated to you, 
     Syria made many regrettable decisions in the months leading 
     up to the Iraq war, during it, and in its immediate 
     aftermath. These mistakes were reflected in both your 
     statements and actions during this period. My impression 
     during our meeting was that you understand this. In fact, it 
     is crucial that your future performance fully reflect this 
     understanding, that you expel any Iraqi officials and Saddam 
     Hussein family members who took refuge in Syria, that you 
     seal your border so as to prevent the smuggling of arms and 
     other military equipment into Iraq as well as the 
     infiltration of anti-U.S. personnel, and that you fully 
     cooperate with the United States' Iraq policy in all other 
     ways. Indeed, my overwhelming concern--and I believe that of 
     all of my colleagues in the U.S. Congress--is that you 
     cooperate to the fullest extent with ongoing United States 
     efforts in Iraq. Based on Syria's absence from yesterday's UN 
     Security Council vote, you clearly have not comprehended the 
     urgency of this concern.
        Beyond cooperation regarding Iraq, several steps are 
     necessary in order to reverse the recent erosion of bilateral 
     ties. Let me once again enumerate these steps:
        (1) The offices of the Palestinian terrorist groups must 
     be closed and their activities ended immediately, and this 
     decision be publicly announced and definitively implemented, 
     as discussed above.
       (2) All military assistance to Hizballah, both directly and 
     as a conduit for Iran, must be terminated.
       (3) Hizballah must be removed from the Lebanese-Israeli 
     border area as well as from the area of Shebaa Farms, and the 
     Lebanese Armed Forces must be deployed throughout the length 
     of the border. Hizballah also must cease its attacks on 
     Israeli territory and personnel, including in the Shebaa 
     Farms area.
       (4) Hizballah must be disarmed, as every other Lebanese 
     militia has been.
       (5) Iranian Revolutionary Guard cadre must be expelled from 
     Lebanon.
       (6) All terrorist bases in Lebanon and Syria must be 
     closed, and all other support for terrorism must end.
       (7) Syrian military forces must be evacuated from Lebanon.
       (8) All Israeli prisoners held by Hizballah or Syria must 
     be released.
       (9) Syria must take immediate steps to address the many 
     serious human rights problems addressed in the U.S. State 
     Department's recent human rights report. In particular, it 
     must release the academicians, journalists, and members of 
     the Syrian parliament currently in prison for crimes of 
     speech and thought.
       (10) Hostile anti-U.S. propaganda in state media must be 
     terminated.
       All of these steps are required urgently, but again I 
     emphasize that an affirmative decision to close the offices 
     of the Palestinian groups in Damascus must be announced and 
     implemented definitively and immediately.
       During our meeting, you asked me whether I expect you to 
     undertake these actions ``for free.'' To reiterate, I am not 
     asking anything for free. In English, there is a saying that 
     virtue is its own reward. Indeed, a state that supports 
     terrorist groups and violates the sovereignty of a 
     neighboring nation cannot be fully accepted as member in good 
     standing of the civilized world in the twenty-first century. 
     But of course I understand that you were asking what the 
     political pay-off would be for Syria. The reward, Mr. 
     President, is immeasurable and of the greatest significance. 
     It is the goodwill of the Congress, the Administration, and 
     the American people. This goodwill is a priceless commodity, 
     and it has long been lacking in our bilateral relations 
     precisely because of Syria's failure to take the necessary 
     actions I enumerated in our talk and have underscored here. 
     From the establishment of goodwill all other benefits flow.
       If you show clear indication that you are progressing in 
     the direction I outlined--beginning with full cooperation 
     regarding Iraq and the immediate and definitive closing of 
     the offices of the Palestinian terrorist organizations and 
     the cessation of their activities on Syrian or Lebanese 
     soil--I will do everything I can to prevent Congressional 
     consideration of the Syria Accountability Act.

[[Page 24642]]

     Let me add something else: Once it would be fully clear that 
     Syria no longer belongs on the list of state-sponsors of 
     terrorism, nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to 
     advocate its removal from that list.
       Absent such indication, however, I can only foresee the 
     worst. I must again underscore the importance of your acting 
     immediately. Time is running out.
       You asked that I sound out the Israelis about their 
     interest in pursuing negotiations regarding the Golan Heights 
     and Syrian-Israeli peace. I did indeed raise this matter with 
     Prime Minister Sharon during my visit to Israel. He assured 
     me that he is ready to engage in negotiations, on an 
     unconditional basis, at any time. I would be delighted to be 
     of any further assistance to you on this matter.
       Let me reiterate that I foresee the prospect of a new and 
     positive era in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations. The recent 
     war in Iraq is a cataclysmic development that will usher in 
     great changes in the region. A Middle East that is more 
     politically liberal and increasingly friendly to the United 
     States is on the horizon. This trend is typified by some of 
     your bordering neighbors, such as Jordan, Israel, Turkey, 
     and, soon no doubt, the new Iraq. It is my fervent wish that 
     Syria be seen as fully in step with these regional trends. It 
     is my firm conviction that Syria indeed must be fully in step 
     with these trends if U.S.-Syrian relations are to improve and 
     prosper rather than suffer still further damage. The path our 
     relations follow will depend, Mr. President, on your vision, 
     your leadership, and, most important, your willingness to 
     take bold decisions along the lines we have discussed.
           Sincerely,
                                                       Tom Lantos,
                                        Ranking Democratic Member.

  Mr. Speaker, after 6 months of waiting, 6 months after Secretary 
Powell's visit, and 6 months after my own visit, Syria has done nothing 
to comply with our long-standing requirements. This conclusion is 
confirmed by the administration which has sensibly changed its position 
on the Syrian Accountability Act from one of opposition to its current 
stance, which I view as implicit support for our legislation. It seems, 
Mr. Speaker, everyone's patience has run out.
  I wish that this legislation had not been necessary, but the Syrian 
regime's actions, or perhaps I should say inactions, have made it 
imperative. Despite warning after warning, the Syrian Government has 
refused to heed the dictates of common sense. In fact, it has regressed 
with its latest outrages resulting in more terrorism in Iraq. The door 
to good relations with the United States has been wide open to Syria, 
but the Syrian regime has contemptuously slammed it shut. Now it must 
pay the consequences.
  Nevertheless, Mr. Speaker, as our legislation makes it clear, the 
United States remains ready and receptive to good relations with Syria, 
just as soon as the Syrian regime conforms to the norms of civilized 
conduct.
  The whole Middle East is changing, Mr. Speaker. Syria cannot and will 
not be frozen in a past of supporting terrorism and suppressing its own 
people. I trust change in Syria will come peacefully. I know it will 
come soon.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader who is 
responsible for this legislation moving quickly through the House.
  Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman from Florida 
for yielding me this time and for her leadership on this issue. I also 
want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for sponsoring 
this legislation and, as always, thank my friend, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), for his leadership and advocacy for peace and 
security in the Middle East. I should also, by the way, on behalf of 
the House thank my predecessor, Dick Armey, for initially proposing the 
Syrian Accountability Act in the last Congress before his retirement. 
It is a good bill, one that I am proud to sponsor and support; and it 
is a critical addition to America's diplomatic arsenal in the war on 
terror.
  Mr. Speaker, Syria's hostility to the United States and our allies is 
no secret. Neither is its weapons of mass destruction program or its 
sponsorship of Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other 
terrorist networks. And least secret of all, Mr. Speaker, is Syria's 
active support of terrorists seeking safe passage into Iraq to kill 
Americans. According to Ambassador Bremer, of the 276 terrorists 
detained in Iraq since the end of major combat there, 123 are from 
Syria.
  The current Syrian regime is not a friend, and it is not a 
misunderstood bystander. It is a government at war with the values of 
the civilized world and a violent threat to free nations and free men 
everywhere. It is a textbook example of a terrorist state and poses a 
clear and present danger to American soldiers, diplomats, and civilians 
in the Middle East.
  President Bush made the terms of the war on terror very clear: ``You 
are either with us or you are with the terrorists.'' And since then, we 
have tried everything, and the President has tried everything. But 
despite every olive branch and carrot that we have offered, Syria has 
chosen to side with the terrorists. Therefore, we in the House have no 
choice but to begin identifying ways to change their leaders' minds, 
and this legislation will empower the President to pressure Syria in 
several ways from economic sanctions and travel restrictions to 
diplomatic isolation.
  But, Mr. Speaker, this bill is about more than its substantive 
penalties. After all, international sanctions have been levied against 
Syria for years, and Syria's regime has only scoffed at them. But times 
have changed, and the heightened sanctions in this bill are just the 
beginning. Congress will be watching Syria's every move and responding 
accordingly. And by passing this bill today, we will start that 
process. We will send a very clear message to President Asad and his 
fellow travelers along the Axis of Evil. The United States will not 
tolerate terrorism, its perpetrators, or its sponsors; and our warnings 
are not to be ignored.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to vote for this bill, send 
that message, and enlighten the Syrian regime as to America's resolve 
in the war on terror.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 6 minutes to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), my good friend and the original 
author of this legislation, who has been indefatigable in pursuing this 
cause; and I am delighted to see it is coming to fruition this 
afternoon.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), for yielding me this time and for his kind 
words.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak in favor of H.R. 1828, the Syria 
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003. As the 
lead sponsor of the bill, I am very appreciative that this bipartisan 
bill, which I wrote in my office and introduced more than a year and a 
half ago, is today coming to the floor. I am pleased to have worked on 
this bill with our lead Republican sponsor, the chair of the 
Subcommittee on the Middle East, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen), and it has been a delight to work with her on this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, since the war in Iraq, it has become plain to ordinary 
Americans, Members of Congress across party lines, and officials in the 
administration what has been plain to me for many years, that Syria is 
among the most dangerous, destabilizing countries in the Middle East. 
In 1979, our U.S. State Department put forth a list of countries which 
support terrorism. Syria was a charter member of that list. She has 
been on that list unabated for 24 years; and yet she is currently the 
only country on this list with which we have normal diplomatic 
relations. I have never understood that, and it is time to tell Syria 
that the game is over.
  As President Bush said on June 24, 2002, ``Syria must choose the 
right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and 
expelling terrorist organizations.'' In fact, terrorist groups that 
have thrived under Syrian protection have taken hundreds of American 
lives. In 1983, Hezbollah killed 241 U.S. Marines in a terrorist attack 
near Beirut and killed more in the bombing of the U.S. embassy annex 
the following year.
  Syria also plays host to a number of terrorist groups in its capital, 
Damascus, and terrorist camps throughout

[[Page 24643]]

Syria and Syrian-occupied Lebanon. In fact, the leader of the Palestine 
Islamic Jihad, which just murdered 21 innocent people in a homicide 
bombing in the Israeli city of Haifa, lives in Damascus. Israel was 
correct and justified in its recent attack on the Palestine-Islamic 
Jihad training camp in Syria.
  The threat of collusion between terrorist groups and the Government 
of Syria must be addressed directly, especially because of Syria's 
arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. Under Secretary of State John 
Bolton testified last month before the Subcommittee on the Middle East 
that ``since the 1970s, Syria has pursued what is now one of the most 
advanced Arab state chemical weapons capabilities and is continuing to 
develop an offensive biological weapons capability.''

                              {time}  1715

  For a country with Syria's history with weapons of mass destruction, 
this is a cause for serious concern.
  Even with all this damming evidence about the threat that Damascus 
poses some have suggested that we should not hold Syria accountable. 
The reasons they give have varied, but the most common is that Syria 
has somewhat helped the U.S. in our war on terror. Absolutely nonsense. 
Syria is both the arsonist and the fireman. She continues to help 
terrorism and then throws us crumbs and says look, I am putting it out. 
That shell game has got to stop.
  Syria is two-faced, throwing the few small bones of information to 
American sources while continuing to aid the most violent terrorist 
groups in the Middle East. This is not an acceptable deal in the post-
September 11 world.
  Under this bill, unless Syria meets four key criteria, it will face 
several sanctions, both economic and commercial and military. First and 
foremost, Syria must end its support for terrorism. It must close the 
offices and end the operations of the Palestinian terror groups and 
stop the supplies to Hezbollah. And it must come into full compliance 
with Security Council Resolution 1373 which directs all countries to 
fight terror.
  Secondly, Syria must withdraw its armed forces from Lebanon. Nothing 
would do more for peace and the promotion of democracy in the Middle 
East than a free and sovereign Lebanon. The U.N. long ago certified 
Israel's withdrawal, but the Syrian military occupation remains. It is 
time to let the Lebanese run Lebanon.
  Thirdly, Syria must halt development and procurement of weapons of 
mass destruction and ballistic missiles. The Syrian force of hundreds 
of Scud missiles topped with unconventional warheads poses a serious 
danger to the Middle East.
  Finally, Syria must take immediate steps to stop guerrillas from 
traveling to Syria to Iraq to attack and kill American troops.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to inform you that this bipartisan 
legislation has gathered 297 cosponsors in the House including a 
majority of Democrats and Republicans, and the bill received an 
overwhelming 33 to 2 vote in the Committee on International Relations. 
The Senate version of our bill tells a similar story with 76 cosponsors 
led by Senators Boxer and Santorum.
  Finally, I would like to thank the chairman and the ranking member of 
the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois 
(Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for moving 
the bill forward and for their support, as I mentioned before. I also 
thank the chair of the subcommittee, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. 
Ros-Lehtinen) for her hard work, and all 297 Members of the House who 
have cosponsored this important bill. I want to thank the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader, for moving the bill 
forward quickly on the House floor, and the minority leader, the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the minority whip, the 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), and the majority whip, the 
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt), for their cosponsorship of the 
bill.
  I urge the House to pass this important legislation and send a clear 
message to Syria to end its destabilizing policies. I am also grateful 
that the administration recently lifted its opposition to the bill, and 
President Bush has indicated that he will sign this bill. Again, in the 
war against terrorism this is a good place to continue. I urge my 
colleagues to support this bill.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the chief 
majority deputy whip, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).
  Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Speaker, I rise in favor of H.R. 1828 and want to 
commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engle) as well as the chairman 
of the Middle East Subcommittee on International Relations, the ranking 
member, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) as well as the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for pushing this bill forward 
because it comes at a very important time.
  And it is true that the time has come to hold the Syrian Government 
accountable for its role in sponsoring the activities of terrorist 
organizations. Passage of this bill will send a message that the 
American people are fed up with the broken promises and unmet 
obligations of Bashar Assad and his government. Syria has a long-
standing history of providing safe haven, refuge, and logistical 
support to a number of terrorist groups including Hezbollah and Hamas. 
When innocent people are blown up and killed in Jerusalem, they issue 
the press releases in Damascus. This must come to an end.
  President Bush has been resolute as he leads our country and the 
world in the fight against the terrorists. Under the Bush doctrine, we 
cannot and will not allow there to be a gap between the state sponsors 
of terrorism and the terrorists themselves. Closing this gap in Syria 
is exactly what this bill does.
  Mr. Speaker, not only must we pass this bill here today, we must also 
work to persuade some of our European and Arab state allies to take 
similar action.
  Working to strengthen economic ties with a terrorist regime is 
unacceptable while American men and women are dying in Iraq fighting 
these same terrorists.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to 
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished democratic 
whip who has been an indefatigable fighter for freedom and against 
terrorism throughout the globe.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the distinguished ranking 
member of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos).
  Mr. Speaker, this is a very important piece of legislation. And I 
want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his 
leadership and sponsorship of this legislation. This bill is part and 
parcel of our Nation's continuing war on terrorism. And it is a 
necessary reminder to states that want to belong to the family of 
civilized nations while simultaneously sponsoring and providing safe 
harbor to terrorist organizations, you cannot have it both ways.
  Syria has regularly appeared on the State Department list of state 
sponsors of terrorism. Let me recall the remarks of our President as he 
spoke to a joint session of Congress on September 20. He said, ``And we 
will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every 
nation in every region now has a decision to make,'' our President 
said, ``either you are with us or you are with the terrorists.''
  Now, when he said ``us,'' he did not simply mean America; he meant 
the civilized law-abiding nations of the world and peoples of the 
world. ``From this day forward,'' he went on, ``any nation that 
continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United 
States as a hostile regime.'' Strong words but appropriate words.
  Syria provides safe haven and support for terrorist groups operating 
in Israel and throughout the region, including, as has been mentioned, 
Hezbollah. I saw that, Mr. Speaker, with my own eyes when I led a 
congressional delegation to Israel just a few weeks ago. We traveled to 
the Israel-Syrian border in the Golan Heights where members of 
Hezbollah openly walk about on the Syrian side, have arms on the Syrian 
side, have missiles,

[[Page 24644]]

and launch terrorist attacks from the Lebanese-Syrian side.
  As far as I am concerned, Mr. Speaker, Syria's relationship with 
Hezbollah is reason enough to end economic relations with Damascus, as 
the President indicated we would do, but there are others as well. 
Damascus has failed to fulfill its agreement to withdraw its forces 
from the security zone in southern Lebanon. In recent years, Syria had 
become a major supply route for oil flowing out of Iraq and illegal 
arms shipments into Iraq. And Syria is believed to be pursuing both 
nuclear weapons and missile development. Syria, in fact, is subject to 
fewer sanctions, fewer sanctions than any other country designated by 
our government as a state sponsor of terrorism.
  This bill would require the President to impose economic and 
diplomatic penalties on Syria unless immediate and meaningful changes 
are made in its policies.
  Left unchecked, I strongly believe Syria poses a grave risk to 
Israel, to the Middle East, and to our interests. It threatens regional 
stability and is ultimately a major U.S. national security concern. 
This bill seeks to reign in one of the major impediments to peace in 
the Middle East. And I urge my colleagues to support it.
  The President was correct, you are either with the civilized law-
abiding nations of the world or you are not. And if you are not, our 
relations with you should not be normal. In fact, they should impose 
sanctions and penalties for such conduct destabilizing and making less 
secure the region and the world.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to a new member of 
our Florida delegation, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ginny Brown-
Waite).
  Ms. GINNY BROWN-WAITE of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in 
support of this important bipartisan legislation, the Syrian 
Accountability Act. It will authorize new sanctions against Syria until 
it meets certain conditions.
  Although the Department of State lists Syria as a state sponsor of 
terrorism, fewer sanctions apply to this country than to any other 
nation on this list. We know that Syria provides a safe haven and 
support to several terrorist groups including Hezbollah, Hamas, and the 
Palestinian Islamic Jihad, to name only a few.
  Secretary Rumsfeld has asserted that bus loads of Syrian fighters 
entered Iraq with thousands of dollars and leaflets offering rewards 
for dead American soldiers.
  Syria deserves the same sanctions and loss of diplomatic relations as 
any other nation that sponsors terrorism overseas or against Americans. 
It is absolutely critical that this renegade nation be held accountable 
for its actions once and for all.
  I urge my colleagues to support this bill which the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) proudly sponsors.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield whatever time she may consume to the 
distinguished democratic leader, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. 
Pelosi), my friend and colleague and neighbor, who has been a fighter 
against terrorism and for free societies through her entire life.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) for yielding and for his great leadership as 
the chair of the Human Rights Caucus and a fighter against terrorism 
and a person who understands better than any of us America's leadership 
role in the world.
  I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his 
leadership in bringing this important legislation to the floor and 
commend our colleague, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), 
for her usual extraordinary leadership on this issue. I also want to 
commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), working with the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for what they have done to make 
this discussion possible today.
  I am pleased to join nearly 300 of our colleagues in cosponsoring 
this important measure, which is an effort to encourage Syria to cease 
its support for terrorism and to end its occupation of Lebanon. Syria's 
assistance to terrorist organizations is well known, and the State 
Department continues to list Syria as a state sponsor of terrorism in 
violation of resolutions on that issue by the U.N. Security Council.
  The Bekaa Valley in Lebanon, which Syria controls, provides a haven 
and a site of training facilities for Hezbollah, Hamas, and other 
terrorist groups. These activities could not occur without the assent 
of the Syrian government.
  The people of Israel and the cause of peace in the Middle East have 
been the traditional targets of groups led by, and helped by, Syria. 
But today's attack on the U.S. convoy in Gaza is a reminder that the 
United States and our interests in the world are foremost on terrorist 
target lists. Dealing with the problem of terrorism is our top 
priority.
  Rhetoric has thus far not been effective in encouraging the Syrian 
Government to cease its assistance to terrorists and to remove its 
forces from Lebanon.
  This legislation provides another alternative. The imposition of 
sanctions that will hopefully convey a stronger message of our 
seriousness.

                              {time}  1730

  As proposed in the bill, sanctions are a flexible tool that the 
President may weigh against other interests of the United States in 
fashioning a response to whatever the Syrian Government may do with 
respect to the presence of terrorist organizations within the territory 
it controls.
  The costs of terrorism are well known in our country and in the 
countries throughout the world. It behooves us to have a range of 
options to address the threat terrorism poses. H.R. 1828 adds to our 
options with respect to terrorism in the Middle East, and I urge its 
adoption and once again commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Engel), the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Hyde), and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) on their leadership on this important matter.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to my colleague, the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of holding Syria 
accountable for aiding and abetting terrorists and for helping those 
who are killing Americans in Iraq, also to suggest to the Syrians that 
it is time for them to leave Lebanon.
  Terrorism, we hear that word a lot. What is it? A terrorist is an 
individual or an organization or a nation that uses violence against 
noncombatants in order to achieve its goals. Syria needs not face this 
type of punitive legislation. First of all, let me note that before the 
Syrian Army went into Lebanon, the Lebanese were engaged in slaughter 
among themselves and that the Syrian troops played a positive role at 
that time. That has long since passed. They should be out of there by 
now.
  But also the fact is that the Syrian Government fully understands 
that it is offering its country as a base of operations for 
organizations that target women and children in Israel. They are based 
there. They announce their attacks and the results of their attacks 
from there. There is no doubt that terrorists, people who are 
slaughtering innocent people, are there in their country; yet they 
refuse to change the policy that permits those terrorists to operate 
out of that country.
  Now, when you talk to them about it, which I have, they always use 
what they perceive as the evils of Israel as an excuse. Well, I will 
tell you this, I am opposed to anyone who targets noncombatants to 
achieve their military or political ends. It is sinful. And today I 
wholeheartedly support this because what Syria does by providing safe 
haven to terrorists is an affront to civilization. Also, they are now 
engaged in helping those who are pulling the trigger in killing 
Americans as we do our job in Iraq. And I do not have to condemn all 
evil in the world in order to wholeheartedly condemn this evil. Today 
it is even more incumbent upon us to take a strong stand with Syria's

[[Page 24645]]

wrong doing because every day our soldiers are being killed by people 
who are sneaking through Syria to get into Iraq. I would plead with 
Syria, please change your ways. You need not be our enemy. You need not 
have the policies you do.
  Finally, let me note that while I wholeheartedly support this 
legislation condemning Syria's wrongdoing, I also condemn when other 
countries are engaged in wrongdoing in that part of the world. I would 
suggest that as a body we do not forcefully condemn Israel when it is 
apparent to us that Israel is engaged in wrongdoing. I believe that 
undermines our credibility with these Arab countries and these Arabs 
when we plead with them on issues like this. If we could be more 
balanced, I think we could be a greater force for the good and moral 
standards that we talk about today.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a 
unanimous consent request to the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Ackerman), who has been fighting for peace in this region for his 
entire congressional career.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Syria 
Accountability Act, encourage the administration to use all of the 
tools at its disposal to enforce that accountability.
  Mr. Speaker, today's debate over the Syria Accountability Act, is in 
my view, Congress's long overdue response to the Bush Administration's 
failure to match its tough talk with demonstrations of our resolve.
  This spring, the Administration took sudden notice of the numerous 
and longstanding Syrian policies that are hostile to our national 
interests. The President dispatched the Secretary of State to loudly 
threaten serious consequences; there were the predictable rounds of 
feckless diplomacy; and then the Administration's attention wandered 
off. Syria's policies, of course, didn't change one bit.
  We know that during combat operations in Iraq, there was credible 
evidence of arms and people moving from Syria into Iraq. And we know 
that Syria is directly responsible for providing safe passage and 
transit documentation to many of the terrorists now working to 
undermine our relief and reconstruction efforts in Iraq. The Bush 
administration's response? Zero.
  We know that Syria's highly touted cooperation in battling Al-Qaeda 
has dried up. According to the State Department counterterrorism 
coordinator, Damascus has ``allowed Al-Qaeda personnel to come in and 
virtually settle in Syria with their knowledge and their support.'' The 
Bush Administration's response? Zero.
  We have known for years that Damascus has actively opposed U.S. 
efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through its 
patronage of Hezbollah.
  Today, Hezbollah, is aggressively working to facilitate ever greater 
levels of Palestinian terrorism against Israel. And since Hezbollah 
can't get Iranian weapons through Iraqi airspace, Damascus is reported 
to be supplying Hezbollah with weapons from Syria's own depots. The 
Bush Administration's response? Zero.
  On July 22, President Bush said ``Syria . . . continue[s] to harbor 
and assist terrorists. This behavior is completely unacceptable, and 
states that support terror will be held accountable.''
   It's now mid-October. Secretary Powell went to Damascus in early 
May. Where's the accountability?
   Moreover, when asked only weeks ago to testify about Syria's weapons 
of mass destruction, the Administration provided an elaborate listing 
of the numerous authorities they have under U.S. law, the powers 
provided by executive orders, and the manifold capabilities of the 
executive branch, all to counter Syria's proliferation efforts. But 
next to nothing was offered on how these tools are being used.
   By now, two things should be indisputably clear: terrorism is the 
Assad regime's preferred strategic option in dealing with America, and 
bluster is the favored method of the Bush Administration in dealing 
with Syria.
   Mr. Speaker, Congress can only provide the tools, and with this 
bill, we will be adding to the already considerable stockpile of 
authority the President has chosen not to use. What's lacking in our 
Syria policy is not legal authority. What's lacking is consistency, 
focus, and resolve.
   I hope passage of this bill will prompt the Bush Administration to 
conduct the kind of serious policy review that has been unfortunately 
absent so far, that has allowed our policy to drift so badly, and that 
has brought this legislation to the floor of the House.
   I strongly encourage Members to support the bill.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Matsui), who has been unique in his support for 
constructive development in the region and who has been fighting 
tenuously against terrorism throughout the region and the world.
  Mr. MATSUI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from the State of 
California (Mr. Lantos) for his kind comments. Obviously, I want to 
thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his sponsorship of 
this and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for her 
wonderful sponsorship and lead on this in terms of the subcommittee 
Chair.
  This act is one that has been overdue. I am very, very pleased that 
the President has not opposed this and has given us the liberty now to 
bring this before the floor.
  This is a piece of legislation that should have been passed 25 years 
ago when we had the original State Department list on state-sponsored 
terrorism. Syria has been on this list now for 25 years. For 25 years 
they have been on this list as a state-sponsored terrorist country. 
They have had Hezbollah. They have had Hamas. They have had a number of 
terrorist groups that have had offices in Syria. They have had training 
bases in Syria, and they also have weapons of mass destruction that 
could get in the hands of these terrorists.
  In addition, even recently Syria has allowed visas to be given to 
terrorist individuals who have gone into Iraq for the sole purpose of 
doing damage to the infrastructure in putting the lives of American men 
and women in jeopardy. This act would merely give the President the 
authority to take two actions out of a menu of about 15. They would be 
simple things like preventing many of the diplomats from going 25 miles 
outside of the U.N.
  Let me conclude, if I may. It would perhaps impose trade sanctions on 
the Syrian Government. It is very, very simple kinds of sanctions for 
the kinds of terrorist activities the Syrian Government has been 
responsible for. I urge the adoption of this legislation.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole).
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1828, the Syrian 
Accountability Act. It is time for Syria, quite frankly, to make a 
choice. In Lebanon its troops have been there far too long. The 
sponsorship of terrorist activity against the State of Israel is no 
longer, and never was, acceptable. Finally, the porous borders between 
Iraq and Syria which terrorists move across is a constant threat to 
American troops.
  As our President has said, There is no middle ground in the war on 
terrorism. It is simply not acceptable to cooperate in some areas as 
Syria occasionally has, and yet to cooperate with terrorists on the 
other hand as it constantly has done.
  I am extraordinarily proud of the United States Congress for making 
this strong statement in a bipartisan fashion, and I hope the message 
will be understood and acted upon in Damascus.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
  Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to pass this bill. We 
have to show Syria that there are consequences for supporting terrorism 
and undermining peace in the region. It is amazing to me that Syria 
offered support to Iraq even as U.S. and Coalition forces were engaged 
in combat and subsequently has turned a blind eye to militants who slip 
across their borders into Iraq to kill American soldiers.
  Syria has been on this terrorist list for such a long time, and yet 
we allow it to continue. We have imposed fewer sanctions than any other 
country that is a state-sponsor of terrorism. I suppose we sort of 
bought into this idea that somehow they were helping us over the years. 
But in the aftermath of the Iraq war, it has been quite clear that they 
have not been helping us, and whatever effort was out there supposedly 
to give that impression is simply not real.
  The fact that they continue to be present in Lebanon, to harbor 
various terrorist organizations, the time has

[[Page 24646]]

come to pass this bill. It is certainly long overdue, as so many of my 
colleagues have said on a bipartisan basis. Let us get it passed today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Crowley), a member of the Committee on International 
Relations.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me 
time. Mr. Speaker, I would congratulate the gentlewoman and my good 
friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for their leadership 
here, and the ranking member of my committee, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), for his continued leadership on this issue.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, the Syrian 
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act. This 
legislation passed the House Committee on International Regulations by 
an overwhelming bipartisan vote. I want to thank the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Hyde), as well, for bringing this bill to the floor. I 
thank the leadership for bringing this bill to the floor and before the 
committee and ensuring that we have the opportunity to let Syria know 
that the United States will not allow a free pass any longer.
  Syria has been listed as a state-sponsor of terrorism since 1979. 
This is unacceptable for any country that wishes to be a responsible 
member of the international community, especially a country currently 
serving as a member of the United Nations Security Council. 
Unacceptable.
  Syria's role on the council make a mockery of the mission of the 
United Nations. Syria used its role recently on the Security Council to 
present the draft resolution condemning Israel's right to self-defense 
by destroying a terrorist training camp within Syria. Instead of 
drafting a resolution condemning Israel's justified attack, Syria 
should ensure that Israel will never need to attack a terrorist camp 
within Syria's borders again.
  Syria must cease all support for terrorist groups and close down all 
terrorist training camps within her borders.
  If their support for terrorism were not enough, Syria also has an 
arsenal of biological and chemical weapons and the missile capability 
to deliver those weapons to her neighbors. I hope our actions here 
today will show President Asad that our resolve is strong.
  Mr. Speaker, President Asad must change his country's ways and begin 
to contribute to international peace and security rather than 
undermining it. It is time for Syria to take her place amongst the 
righteous nations of the world, as well as give Lebanon the chance to 
take her place as a righteous nation in the world. I urge all of my 
colleagues to support this important legislation.
  Once again, I would like to thank the gentlewoman for yielding me 
time; the sponsor of this legislation, my good friend, the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Engel). I thank him for his work on this. I thank 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for all he has done on 
committee by seeing that this bill gets to the floor today.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
North Carolina (Mr. Price).
  Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I will vote for the Syria 
Accountability Act today, but I will do so with some serious 
reservations. Permit me to take a moment to explain.
  I will vote for the bill because I deplore the terrorist attacks 
inflicted on Israel and understand that a strong signal must be sent to 
the Syrian Government that it must aggressively confront and fight 
terror and terrorist organizations. It must close terrorist offices, 
expel terrorist leaders, close terrorist supply lines, and get out of 
Lebanon.
  This resolution, however, has no monopoly on that message. I and many 
others who have been able to visit with President Asad in Damascus in 
recent years, and he has received us often, have delivered that message 
unequivocally but with only limited success.
  Our Secretary of State has also been unwavering on the 
unacceptability of Syria's sheltering of terrorists. That message, 
however, has not been and should not be the sum total of our diplomacy. 
What this bill fails to grasp is the utility of engagement and the 
necessity of flexibility in our foreign policy.
  Our experience suggests that Syria can sometimes be moved through 
engagement. In recent months, the fruits of engagement have included 
cooperation in the pursuit of al Qaeda, and a reduction in incidents 
along the northern Israeli border. Nor should we forget that at two 
points in the last decade, once in secret negotiations under the 
Netanyahu government, and then in the U.S.-Israel-Syria tripartite 
talks at Shepherdstown in early 2000, engagement brought an Israeli-
Syrian settlement very, very close to realization.
  Events in the Middle East move quickly. Diplomacy requires 
flexibility, but the directives in this bill at the high waiver 
standard move in the opposite direction. A law is a clumsy instrument 
with which to engage in the art of diplomacy. This bill is overly 
prescriptive, and it could make the complex work of our diplomats far 
more difficult.

                              {time}  1745

  A more sophisticated policy of incentives, as well as sanctions, 
carrots as well as sticks, is called for as our Nation attempts to 
engage in a worldwide war against terrorism.
  We must solidify a network of nations to confront terrorism, not 
stake ourselves out as an isolated combatant. That struggle could be 
far more successful with Syria as a full-fledged partner. But if that 
is to happen, our diplomacy will have to be far more skilled and 
flexible than the formula prescribed by the Syria Accountability Act.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the distinguished ranking 
member of the Committee on Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign 
Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the 
time, and I rise in support of this Syria Accountability and Lebanese 
Sovereignty Restoration Act, and I want to thank the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Engel) for his long-standing leadership on this issue. He has 
been insisting that we hold Syria's feet to the fire for a very long 
time.
  I also want to thank the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), 
my good friend and colleague, for her leadership on this issue and, of 
course, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), our ranking member 
of the committee, for his leadership and strong voice.
  It is time that Congress send a strong and clear message to Syria. We 
will no longer tolerate their support of terrorism. We will not allow 
them to further destabilize the Middle East, a region so crucial to the 
national security of the United States, and we will not risk 
undermining our efforts to secure peace and stability in Iraq and the 
region.
  Syria had its chance and had the opportunity to reform its political 
environment and become a positive force in the region. Instead, it has 
remained as it was, a closed society and haven for terrorists. Many 
terrorist groups, including Hezbollah and Hamas, have offices and 
training camps in Syria or Syrian-occupied Lebanon. These groups remain 
heavily active, even after Secretary of State Powell met with President 
Assad earlier this year and urged him to shut them down.
  These groups thwart efforts for peace in Israel by destabilizing the 
Israel-Lebanese border. They are the groups that might very well be 
sending terrorists over the Iraqi border to commit terrorist acts 
against our soldiers and the Iraqis brave enough to work with us to 
create a stable democratic country. Indeed, at a recent hearing of the 
House Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, the State 
Department confirmed that Syria is allowing ``volunteers'' and others 
to enter Iraq to attack and kill Americans.
  Congress must send the message, it is time to end the terror, and 
H.R. 1828 is heavily supported on both sides of the

[[Page 24647]]

aisle. It imposes a variety of penalties upon Syria until it ends its 
support of terrorism, withdraws its armed forces from Lebanon, halts 
development of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles, and 
stops facilitating terrorism in Iraq.
  It is necessary, appropriate, and in my judgment, long overdue.
  I strongly support H.R. 1828.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), a distinguished member of our 
committee, my good friend.
  Mr. WEXLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Syria 
Accountability Act because Syria is an epicenter of terror, and despite 
repeated warnings, Syria continues to develop weapons of mass 
destruction, occupy Lebanon, harbor Palestinian terrorists and support 
Hezbollah.
  The very notion that fewer sanctions apply to Syria than any other 
country on the State Department's terrorist list is unconscionable. 
This is why I support sending an unequivocal message to Syria that its 
hostile action will be met with serious consequences.
  For too long, America has kowtowed to Syria as it played a 
duplicitous game of providing Washington with limited intelligence 
while continuing to support terror. I hope that President Assad 
understands that no one in Washington is fooled anymore. The time for 
soft pedaling with Damascus has come to an end.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), my distinguished colleague.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to strongly support the Syria 
Accountability Act. This legislation is long overdue.
  Syria has funded and encouraged organized terrorism in the Middle 
East and around the world. Syria controls the Lebanon-Israeli border 
from the Lebanese side where kytusha rocket attacks are regularly 
launched against innocent Israeli citizens. Syria openly houses Hamas 
and Hezbollah training grounds, and its government and citizens 
knowingly fund their criminal activity.
  Just today, terrorists operating in the West Bank murdered four U.S. 
citizens. Were they trained and funded by Syria? We should not have to 
wonder. If Syria provides aid and comfort to the terrorist enemy, it 
should not receive aid and comfort from the United States.
  This legislation is modest in comparison to the recent actions the 
United States took against Iraq, and it is clear that Syria provides a 
lot more aid to terrorist organizations than Iraq ever did. This bill 
provides for economic sanctions against Syria for restrictions on 
diplomatic activity in the United States and, most importantly, calls 
for the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon.
  I want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his 
strong leadership in championing this legislation. I give it my full 
support, and I look forward to the Saudi Arabia Accountability Act.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch), my good friend and distinguished 
colleague.
  Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the ranking member's time, and 
also I want to congratulate the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen), the chairperson of the subcommittee, my friend and colleague 
from Florida, who really, with the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) 
as well, brought this to our attention, and, through fighting for 
several years, brought it to the floor of the House.
  This bill I believe will pass today, but it is somewhat melancholy 
because at the same time, right after this debate is over, we are going 
to take up the supplemental bill which includes $20 billion of direct 
aid to Iraq, and when we talk about terrorism, all of these issues 
around the world are really intertwined. We know that Iraq sent several 
billion dollars, Saddam Hussein sent several billion dollars to Saudi 
Arabia that, at this moment in time, the United States Government still 
does not know where that money is, and in fact, there are many 
indications that money is directly supporting terrorism even while we 
speak and even while we stand here today.
  Those issues tying into getting to the root of terrorism cannot stop 
anyone. They cannot stop at Syria. They cannot stop at Saudi Arabia. 
This legislation will go a long way in protecting the lives of 
Americans, but yet we need to go further.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the Speaker how 
much time is remaining and if the gentleman from California has any 
other remaining speakers.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentlewoman from Florida 
(Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) has 9 minutes remaining. The gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) has 4 minutes remaining.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and 
we yield back the balance of our time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  It has been a delight for me to have worked with the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) and the author of this legislation, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), and so many others in our 
Committee on International Relations, and I would like to thank the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for his strong leadership as always.
  As has been pointed out, Mr. Speaker, this bill, as reported, clearly 
outlines congressional views of steps that the Syrian regime must 
undertake: ending support for terrorism; stopping support and the 
facilitation of terrorist attacks on our coalition forces in Iraq; halt 
its weapons of mass destruction efforts; withdraw from Lebanon, all of 
these.
  It establishes a U.S. policy that Syria will be held accountable for 
these activities. It prohibits the exports of military and dual-use 
items, and then provides the President with a choice of six sanctions, 
from which the President is to impose at least two. And these 
sanctions, for example, are to prohibit the export of products from the 
United States other than food and medicine; to prohibit United States 
businesses from investing or operating in Syria; to restrict the travel 
of Syrian diplomats in Washington and in the U.N. in New York City; to 
prohibit aircraft of any air carrier owned or controlled by Syria to 
take off from, land in or overfly the United States; to reduce United 
States diplomatic contacts with Syria other than those required under 
this Act, and this could mean suspension of diplomatic relations 
altogether or a reduction of diplomatic representation or other 
actions. It also would block transaction in any property in which the 
government of Syria has any interest, by any person or with respect to 
any property, subject to the jurisdiction of here in the United States.
  As we can see, there is strong support for this bill. We have almost 
300 cosponsors. One of my colleagues raised concerns about the 
flexibility issue, and I would like to underscore that we provide the 
President with ample discretion in choosing which sanctions to impose.
  Secondly, for anyone who believes that the Syrian regime has assisted 
the U.S. in any way to eradicate terrorism, I would like to note that 
the statements made on Thursday of last week by the State Department 
spokesman and he said, ``Frankly, the Syrians have done so little with 
regard to terrorism that we do not have much to work with.'' He added, 
``There's not too much grounds for argument that Syria's done anything 
that would mean that this bill was a bad idea.'' This is coming from 
the ultimate diplomatic agency.
  Mr. Speaker, this is the end of the line for the Syrian regime. 
Enough is enough. They have made a mockery of requests by our Secretary 
of State and by our congressional colleagues. The blood of Americans is 
on their hands, and for this, they must be called to task. They must be 
punished, and I urge my colleagues to vote for H.R. 1828.
   Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of 
H.R. 1828, the Syria

[[Page 24648]]

Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003. I am 
proud to cosponsor this important legislation for the 2nd straight 
Congress, and I look forward to supporting it today on the floor of the 
House.
   I want to begin, Mr. Speaker, by noting that I do not normally 
support sanctions legislation. In fact, I believe that all too often, 
Congress and U.S. administrations place unrealistic expectations on the 
ability of sanctions to destabilize reckless regimes. We naively 
believe that placing economic sanctions on countries that, more times 
than not, are not dependent upon U.S. dollars and tourists, will 
somehow result in countries complying with our demands.
   The truth of the matter is, sanctions rarely accomplish what we 
intend for them to accomplish. We need not look any further than Iraq 
to see the effect that long-term economic sanctions have on a regime. 
But what they do accomplish, in this instance, is a shift in U.S. 
foreign policy toward Syria, a nation that has long supported the 
efforts of terrorist organizations to attack Israel and the Western 
world. It is for this reason that I come to the floor today in support 
of this legislation.
   I have long said that one of the true threats to peace and security 
in the Middle East is not Baghdad, but instead Damascus. While the Bush 
administration has focused its efforts on disarming Iraq, Syria has 
continued to fund and harbor terrorist cells living and training within 
its borders. Until today, the United States government has remained 
largely silent.
   Realize, we should not expect Syria to change its ways simply 
because we apply new economic sanctions. But in passing this 
legislation today, we are sending a clear and strong message to the 
Syrian government that the United States will no longer stand idly by 
while countries masking as our allies work against us.
   I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
  Mr. RODRIGUEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Syria 
Accountability Act. Syria has been on the State Department's list of 
countries sponsoring terrorism since the list began in 1979, and recent 
intelligence reports have only confirmed what we have long thought to 
be true--that Syria remains an incubator of terrorism and instability 
in the Middle East and throughout the world.
  Syria has refused to shut down the offices of the Islamic Jihad, has 
permitted weapons to flow freely to Hezbollah, and has allowed 
Hezbollah to expand terrorist training operations. These terrorists 
have attacked innocent men, women and children in Israel, and Syria's 
unwillingness to put a halt to this lawlessness threatens not only 
Israel but also stability and peace in the region.
  In addition to the devastating effect of the Syrian government's 
willingness to crack down on known terrorist groups within its borders, 
Syria has allowed fighters seeking to harm American troops to cross its 
borders. As we ask more and more American service members to put 
themselves in harm's way in defense of our Nation, it is critical that 
we also take steps to protect them from known threats.
  We must act now by sending a clear message to Syria that they must 
take a strong stand against terrorism, and I urge my colleagues to join 
me in supporting the Syria Accountability Act.
  Mr. RAHALL. Mr. Speaker, the Syria Accountability Act comes to the 
House floor at a time when the situation in the Middle East is more 
volatile than ever: the United States' effort to gain control of the 
situation in Iraq; the breakdown of the Israeli and Palestinian peace 
negotiations; and the new tensions between Syria, Lebanon and Israel 
are all major concerns of U.S. Middle East policy.
  The proposed legislation, H.R. 1828, could harm the United States' 
ability to influence various actors in the region and could seriously 
impair U.S. diplomatic efforts at a very critical time in the Middle 
East.
  At this critical juncture in America's War on Terrorism we should 
work with Nations like Syria who are aiding our pursuit of the 
terrorists who attacked America on 9-11.
  Since September 11th, 2001, Syria has quietly helped the United 
States by detaining suspected members of Osama bin Laden's 
organization. Our government should continue its diplomatic relations 
with Syria in order to capture these terrorists.
  Syria supported the United States by voting in support of U.N. 
Resolution 1441 asking Iraq to comply with the United Nations and to 
allow inspectors back into the country.
  During America's Operation Iraqi Freedom, Syria assisted the U.S. by 
supplying power to northern Iraq, thus calming the population, and 
undoubtedly saving American troops' lives.
  In a most recent act of cooperation with the United States and at our 
request, Damascus has opened its financial and banking institutions 
allowing us to trace the accounts of the former Saddam Hussein regime.
  Syria is currently designated by the U.S. State Department as a 
state-sponsor of terrorism and, therefore, is already ineligible for 
U.S. assistance and faces numerous, strict sanctions. This legislation 
would further restrict the already limited leverage we have with Syria.
  Instead of singling out Syria for developing weapons of mass 
destruction and ballistic missiles, Congress should instead support 
United Nations resolutions (687, par. 14) pursuing the goal of 
declaring the whole Middle East a region free from all such weapons and 
delivery systems. This bill lacks credibility by ignoring Israel's own 
advanced pursuit of such weapons including nuclear arms.
  Imposing unilateral sanctions on Syria would hurt American 
businesses. At a time when our country is facing increasing 
unemployment rates, Congress and the Administration should take action 
to foster economic growth and trade, including with countries in the 
Middle East, to foster an increase in American jobs.
  European and Russian companies have already made contact with Syrian 
businesses hoping to move in as American companies are forced to leave 
after adoption of SAA.
  This legislation attempts to adopt a simplistic approach to Lebanese-
Syrian relations. Both Syria and Lebanon are sovereign countries 
capable of resolving their own differences without U.S. congressional 
meddling.
  Now is not the time to limit American options as we seek to pursue a 
long-term comprehensive political solution to conflict in the Middle 
East. Therefore, I urge my colleagues to stand in opposition to H.R. 
1828 as we must remain focused on the difficult issues of the Middle 
East already at hand.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I would like to express my strong opposition 
to this ill-conceived and ill-timed legislation. This bill will impose 
what is effectively a trade embargo against Syria and will force the 
severance of diplomatic and business ties between the United States and 
Syria. It will also significantly impede travel between the United 
States and Syria. Worse yet, the bill also provides essentially an 
open-ended authorization for the president to send U.S. taxpayer money 
to Syria should that country do what we are demanding in this bill.
  This bill cites Syria's alleged support for Hamas, Hizballah, 
Palestine Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
Palestine, and other terrorist groups as evidence that Syria is posing 
a threat to the United States. But none of these organizations targets 
the United States. Not since the Hizballah bombing of a U.S. Marine 
barracks in Lebanon in 1983 has any of these organizations attacked the 
United States. After that attack on our Marines, who were sent to 
Beirut to intervene in a conflict that had nothing to do with the 
United States, President Ronald Reagan wisely ordered their withdrawal 
from that volatile area. Despite what the interventionists constantly 
warn, the world did not come to an end back in 1983 when the president 
decided to withdraw from Beirut and leave the problems there to be 
worked out by those countries most closely involved.
  What troubles me greatly about this bill is that although the named, 
admittedly bad, terrorist organizations do not target the United States 
at present, we are basically declaring our intention to pick a fight 
with them. We are declaring that we will take preemptive actions 
against organizations that apparently have no quarrel with us. Is this 
wise, particularly considering their capacity to carry out violent acts 
against those with whom they are in conflict? Is this not inviting 
trouble by stirring up a hornet's nest? Is there anything to be gained 
in this?
  This bill imposes an embargo on Syria for, among other reasons, the 
Syrian government's inability to halt fighters crossing the Syrian 
border into Iraq. While I agree that any foreign fighters coming into 
Iraq to attack American troops is totally unacceptable, I wonder just 
how much control Syria has over its borders--particularly over the 
chaotic border with Iraq. If Syria has no control over its borders, is 
it valid to impose sanctions on the country for its inability to halt 
clandestine border crossings? I find it a bit ironic to be imposing a 
trade embargo on Syria for failing to control its borders when we do 
not have control of our own borders. Scores cross illegally into the 
United States each year--potentially including those who cross over 
with the intent to do us harm--yet very little is done to secure our 
own borders. Perhaps this is because our resources are too engaged 
guarding the borders of countless countries overseas. But there is no 
consistency in our policy. Look at the border between Pakistan and 
Afghanistan: while we continue to maintain friendly relations and 
deliver generous foreign aid to Pakistan,

[[Page 24649]]

it is clear that Pakistan does not control its border with Afghanistan. 
In all likelihood, Osama bin Laden himself has crossed over the Afghan 
border into Pakistan. No one proposes an embargo on Pakistan. On the 
contrary: the supplemental budget request we are taking up this week 
includes another $200 million in loan guarantees to Pakistan.
  I am also concerned about the timing of this bill. As we continue to 
pursue Al-Qaeda--most of which escaped and continue to operate--it 
seems to me we need all the help we can get in tracking these criminals 
down and holding them to account for the attack on the United States. 
As the AP reported recently:

       So, too, are Syria's claims, supported by U.S. 
     intelligence, that Damascus has provided the United States 
     with valuable assistance in countering terror.
       The Syrians have in custody Mohammed Haydar Zammer, 
     believed to have recruited some of the Sept. 11 hijackers, 
     and several high-level Iraqis who were connected to the 
     Saddam Hussein government have turned up in U.S. custody.

  Numerous other press reports detail important assistance Syria has 
given the U.S. after 9/11. If Syria is providing assistance to the U.S. 
in tracking these people down--any assistance--passing this bill can 
only be considered an extremely positive and welcome development. Does 
anyone here care to guess how much assistance Syria will be providing 
us once this bill is passed? Can we afford to turn our back on Syria's 
assistance, even if it is not as complete as it could be?
  That is the problem with this approach. Imposing sanctions and 
cutting off relations with a country is ineffective and 
counterproductive. It is only one-half step short of war and very often 
leads to war. This bill may well even completely eliminate any trade 
between the two countries. It will almost completely shut the door on 
diplomatic relations. It sends a strong message to Syria and the Syrian 
people: that we no longer wish to engage you. This cannot be in our 
best interest.
  This bill may even go further than that. In a disturbing bit of deja 
vu, the bill makes references to ``Syria's acquisition of weapons of 
mass destruction (WMD)'' and threatens to ``impede'' Syrian weapons 
ambitions. This was the justification for our intervention in Iraq, yet 
after more than a thousand inspectors have spent months and some 300 
million dollars none have been found. Will this bill's unproven claims 
that Syria has WMD be later used to demand military action against that 
country?
  Mr. Speaker: history is replete with examples of the futility of 
sanctions and embargoes and travel bans. More than 40 years of embargo 
against Cuba have not produced the desired change there. Sadly, 
embargoes and sanctions most often hurt those least responsible. A 
trade embargo against Syria will hurt American businesses and will cost 
American jobs. It will make life more difficult for the average 
Syrian--with whom we have no quarrel. Making life painful for the 
population is not the best way to win over hearts and minds. I strongly 
urge my colleagues to reject this counterproductive bill.
  Mr. BISHOP of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of 
H.R. 1828, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty 
Restoration Act of 2003.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States and our allies around the world have 
stood steadfast in holding accountable terrorist states, those who 
harbor or otherwise provide sanctuary for terrorist, or those who 
threaten the world with weapons of mass destruction. That's what the 
legislation before us today is all about.
  The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 
2003 does not advocate the use of force against Syria. Instead, it 
gives the President and the Secretary of State expanded authority to 
impose U.S. diplomatic and economic sanctions against Syria unless 
serious action is taken by Syria to rid itself of the cancer of terror 
and the policies by which terror manifests itself throughout the region 
and the world.
  It's no secret that Syria hosts terrorist organizations including 
Hizballah, Hamas, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of 
Palestine, all of which maintain offices, training camps, and other 
facilities within Syrian borders and within areas of Lebanon currently 
occupied by Syria. This is a threat that simply cannot continue to be 
ignored.
  This Act holds Syria accountable for its part in facilitating 
terrorism and in so doing, threatening the world. It requires Syria to 
withdraw from the nation of Lebanon, and to finally cease Syria's 
ongoing pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. It calls for sanctions 
against Syria including a prohibition on the export of defense and 
dual-use items. In addition, it also requires the President to impose 
two or more sanctions which may be waived in the interest of national 
security. These are: prohibiting the export of products of the U.S. 
other than food and medicine to Syria; prohibiting U.S. businesses from 
investing or operating in Syria; restricting the travel of Syrian 
diplomats to within a 25-mile radius of Washington, DC or the United 
Nations; reducing levels of U.S. diplomatic contracts with Syria; and 
blocking transactions in any property in which the Government of Syria 
has any interest.
  Mr. Speaker, let us act today and hold accountable terrorist states 
by eliminating policies which advance terrorism. Let us pass the Syria 
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to be a cosponsor of H.R. 1828, 
the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 
2003, and am even prouder still to see it on the floor of the House of 
Representatives today.
  This important piece of legislation gives the president the 
diplomatic tools necessary to hold Syria accountable for its support of 
terrorism, its weapons of mass destruction program and its occupation 
of Lebanon. Syria should not be allowed to support terrorist activity 
from groups, such as Hezbollah and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, with 
continued impunity.
  Passage of this bill will require that sanctions be imposed on Syria 
unless the president can certify that it has taken steps to end its 
support of terrorism, discontinue its weapons of mass destruction 
program, and end its occupation of Lebanon. Sanctions could include 
banning most U.S. exports to, and investment in, Syria; restricting the 
movement of Syrian diplomats here in the United States; barring Syrian 
aircraft from our airspace; and freezing Syrian assets in our country.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support this important 
legislation, which will put appropriate pressure on a regime that 
continues to support groups that perpetrate heinous acts of terror 
against the people of democratic Israel and that further destabilizes 
an already volatile region.
  Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 
1828, a resolution that calls for an end to Syria's support for 
terrorism and an end to its occupation of Lebanon.
  In his 2003 State of the Union address, President Bush stated that 
the gravest danger facing the United States in the war on terrorism is 
the acquisition by other countries of weapons of mass destruction, and 
that we must confront this danger. A senior Administration official 
recently testified before the Committee on International Relations that 
Syria remains a security concern as a supporter of international 
terrorism and weapons of mass destruction proliferation.
  I commend the Administration's efforts to reach a diplomatic solution 
with Syria. President Bush has consistently called on Syria to close 
its terrorist camps and to expel terrorist organizations. Secretary 
Powell has worked diligently with the Syrian government towards ending 
its occupation of Lebanon. Since 1990, the U.S. Congress has passed 
seven resolutions calling on the withdrawal of Syrian armed forces from 
Lebanon. Many members of Congress--including myself--have been to Syria 
and urged the Syrian government to work with the United States in the 
war against terrorism. And despite our diplomatic efforts, Syria has 
not fulfilled its pledge to work with us.
  Mr. Speaker, we know that Syria continues to offer protection to 
terrorist groups such as Hizballah, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic 
Jihad. Recently, Syria conducted efforts to acquire technology that 
could be applied to a nuclear weapons program. Syria has also 
undermined coalition efforts to bring stability to Iraq by allowing 
volunteers to cross the border and fight our service members. And as we 
all know, Syria has ignored numerous United Nations resolutions calling 
on Syria to end its occupation of Lebanon, a sovereign nation.
  H.R. 1828 would hold Syria accountable for the serious international 
security problems it has caused in the Middle East. This resolution 
would instruct the President to impose economic sanctions on Syria 
until the Department of State determines that Syria ceases to provide 
support to international terrorist groups, ceases the development and 
deployment of weapons, and withdraws all military forces from Lebanon.
  Mr. Speaker, despite our many attempts to reach a diplomatic 
solution, Syria continues to obstruct our efforts in the war against 
terrorism. I support H.R. 1828 and encourage my colleagues in the House 
to vote in favor of this important resolution.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, for far too long, Syria has been an 
exceedingly irresponsible partner in the troubled Middle East . By our 
actions over the last two years, the United States has already sent a 
strong message to Syria and has gotten some cooperation in anti-
terrorist efforts.
  The current downward spiral of violence is not working for the 
Palestinians and is not making Israel more secure. We should use

[[Page 24650]]

our resources to get the parties to resume steps to reduce pressures, 
tensions and bloodshed.
  Since I agree with the indictments of Syrian behavior contained in 
H.R. 1828 I would not be comfortable voting ``no.'' Yet, I agree with 
most independent commentators that passage at this time would not be 
helpful for our efforts to advance the peace. I choose to vote 
``present.''
  Mr. ISSA. Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to enter into 
the Record an opinion piece that I wrote about the future of our 
relationship with Syria. This piece was published in the San Francisco 
Chronicle on October 14, 2003.
  I also want to join my colleagues today in expressing deep concern 
about the choices that Syria has made over the past year. This is a sad 
day for American diplomacy. The passage of this bill, after more than 
two years of debate, marks the refusal of Syria to accept our 
diplomatic overtures. Syria has had numerous opportunities to 
demonstrate that it intends to move away from the policies that keep it 
on the State Department's list of state sponsors of terror. It has 
consistently missed those opportunities, and now faces the specter of 
isolation.
  Syria had the chance to play a key role in securing the release of 
Elhanan Tenebaum, Adi Avitan, Benny Avraham, and Omar Sawayid--Israeli 
soldiers kidnapped by Hezbollah. They refused, perpetuating a hostage 
situation that makes peace negotiations more difficult.
  Syria had the chance to grant the United States use of its airspace 
for Operation Iraqi Freedom. They refused, thereby dramatically 
increasing the risk of mission failure for American pilots.
  Syria had the chance to build good will toward the United States by 
staying out of the war in Iraq. They refused, allowing jihadis and 
military equipment to flow across their borders to kill American 
soldiers.
  Syria had the chance to demonstrate its commitment to the peace 
process by supporting President Bush's Roadmap to Peace initiative. 
Secretary Powell specifically asked Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to 
close offices of Palestinian terrorist groups and to expel terrorist 
leaders operating out of Damascus. He refused, choosing instead to 
continue Syrian financial and logistical support for terrorist attacks 
against Israeli civilians.
  Following the war in Iraq, Syria had the chance to build good will in 
the United Nations. They were repeatedly asked to support a 
constructive UN presence in Iraq. Instead, they opted to pursue a 
diplomatic agenda that drove divisions between the United States and 
other members of the UN Security Council.
  Syria has had the chance to withdraw its troops and end its dominance 
of Lebanon. They refused, choosing to maintain their intimidating 
military and intelligence presence in Lebanon.
  And finally, Syria has had the chance to rein in Hezbollah. I have 
personally asked senior Syrian government officials to disarm 
Hezbollah, arguing that Syria's interests are best served through peace 
negotiations. These requests have been consistently rejected. Syria 
continues to provide strategic, financial, and logistical support to 
Hezbollah in a misguided effort to keep the Lebanese conflict with 
Israel burning.
  These issues are not imagined and they are not part of some secret 
Israeli agenda, as the Syrians believe. They are real problems that 
have driven a wedge between our two nations. I don't know if this bill 
will succeed in changing Syria's behavior--sanctions are rarely an 
effective long-term solution. But we cannot ignore the fact that Syria 
and the United States are moving in two very different directions. 
Diplomacy with Syria has failed. Syria has been given a choice and it 
has chosen poorly.

           [From the San Francisco Chronicle, Oct. 14, 2003]

                           Opinion/Editorial

                           (By Darrell Issa)

       During a recent visit to Damascus, Syrian President Bashar 
     al-Assad told me ``we want to be part of this world--we do 
     not want to be isolated like North Korea.'' This statement 
     demonstrated that the young Syrian president understands that 
     Syria is heading down a path toward complete isolation.
       Unfortunately, President Assad also appears to believe that 
     he can postpone isolation indefinitely by straddling two very 
     different paths. One is the path of cooperation. The Bush 
     administration has noted that, following the Sept. 11 
     terrorist attacks, Syria provided us with valuable 
     intelligence on al Qaeda that ultimately saved American 
     lives. President Assad opened up his office to visiting 
     American officials--something his father, the late Hafez 
     Assad--was reluctant to do. He has talked about Syria 
     becoming a member of the World Trade Organization and 
     expressed interest in visiting the United States.
       But Bashar Assad has also perpetuated Syrian policies that 
     keep it on the State Department's list of state sponsors of 
     terrorism. He has failed to fully shut down Palestinian 
     terrorist offices that operate out of Damascus. During 
     Operation Iraqi Freedom, he failed to stop the flow of 
     jihadis and military equipment across the border that killed 
     American soldiers.
       The most troubling concern for America, however, is Syria's 
     intention to support Hezbollah, an Iranian-backed terrorist 
     organization that continues to fight a proxy war with Israel 
     and provide assistance to other terrorist groups like 
     Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
       Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage has referred to 
     Hezbollah as the ``A-team of terrorism.'' Hezbollah 
     operatives are responsible for the murder of more than 250 
     American peacekeepers and diplomats in Beirut in the 1980s. 
     They are suspected in carrying out two bombings in Argentina 
     that killed over 100 civilians. Imad Mughniah, the suspected 
     mastermind of numerous terrorist attacks against Americans, 
     is a senior adviser in Hezbollah's organizational structure. 
     There is evidence that Hezbollah operatives have infiltrated 
     Iraq to join attacks against American soldiers. As senior 
     Bush administration officials have stated repeatedly, Bashar 
     Assad has a choice to make: Either cooperate and be rewarded 
     or continue to support terrorism and risk total isolation.
       Assad's strategy of trying to keep one foot on each path 
     will not work much longer. He may be faced with isolation 
     sooner than he thinks. The Syria Accountability Act, which 
     could mandate isolation at the levels of Libya or Iran, is 
     now poised to move quickly through Congress. Until recently, 
     the Bush administration opposed the act, arguing that it is 
     the president's constitutional responsibility to determine 
     the nature of diplomatic relations with foreign countries. 
     But as Syria consistently showed no sign of changing its 
     dangerous policies, the White House changed its mind and has 
     now given the act the green light.
       The result for Syria will be devastating. Libya has learned 
     the costs of total isolation as a result of supporting global 
     terrorism. Only after a decade of international rejection has 
     Libya begun to dig its way out of isolation. Bashar Assad has 
     but a few days left to change direction: to put both feet on 
     the path of cooperation and lead Syria into the community of 
     nations.

  Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I support H.R. 1828 as a part of 
my hope and commitment to finding a just, permanent, democratic, 
prompt, non-military conclusion to our occupation of Iraq and as part 
of my hope and commitment to doggedly pursue a roadmap to peace, 
security and justice for both the people of Israel and the people of 
Palestine.
  There is no magic bullet, no simple solution to bringing an end to 
terrorism. What we do know is we cannot win alone, that we must find 
the means to enlist every nation as an ally. Our record, to date, in 
this regard can only be characterized as poor.
  The President has reported that the territory of Syria has been, and 
is being, used as a base by certain terrorist organizations.
  This bill gives the President additional diplomatic and economic 
leverage in the war on terror. Our goal is to deny sanctuary to 
terrorist who may be using the territory of Syria.
  Our aim is to become partners with Syria in the war on terror, not to 
make Syria an enemy, not to punish the Syrian people.
  We trust that these new options will offer constructive new 
possibilities and potential to American diplomacy and that these new 
powers will be used wisely and constructively.
  Mr. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) that the House suspend the 
rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1828, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of 
those present have voted in the affirmative.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

                          ____________________