[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 13]
[House]
[Pages 18309-18312]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1145
 REGARDING EFFORTS TO ABOLISH SLAVERY AND OTHER HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN 
                                 SUDAN

  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
resolution (H. Res. 194) regarding the importance of international 
efforts to abolish slavery and other human rights abuses in the Sudan, 
as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                              H. Res. 194

       Whereas the efforts of the government of Khartoum to 
     subjugate the peoples of the southern Sudan have led to the 
     death of more than 2,000,000 persons and the displacement of 
     another 4,000,000 persons;
       Whereas the Department of State's ``Country Reports on 
     Human Rights Practices for 2001'' estimates that between 
     5,000 and 15,000 Dinka women and children have been abducted 
     during the past 15 years, and that between 10,000 and 12,000 
     persons remain in captivity;
       Whereas credible observers report that some of the 
     abductees were sold into slavery and others were used as 
     forced labor or drafted into the military, including 
     children;
       Whereas the Department of State's ``Country Reports on 
     Human Rights Practices for 2002'' notes that persons held in 
     government controlled ``Peace'' camps for internally 
     displaced persons were reportedly subjected to forced labor;
       Whereas the Special Rapporteur for Sudan to the General 
     Assembly of the United Nations concluded, on November 4, 
     2002, that the dire human rights situation in Sudan had not 
     significantly changed;
       Whereas the United States Civilian Protection Monitoring 
     Team (CPMT) reported in February 2003 that militia allied 
     with the Government of Sudan and supported directly by 
     Government of Sudan troops continued to abduct civilians in 
     the western Upper Nile region of Sudan;
       Whereas subsequent to the February 2003 report of the 
     Civilian Protection Monitoring Team, the Government of Sudan 
     restricted the movements of the CPMT and prevented it from 
     carrying out its mandate;
       Whereas the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 
     International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights declares 
     ``[n]o one shall be held in slavery or servitude: slavery and 
     the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms'';
       Whereas numerous human rights organizations, including 
     Christian Solidarity International, the Center for Religious 
     Freedom of Freedom House, and the American Anti-Slavery Group 
     have demanded an end to slavery in all its forms and, in 
     particular, to the abuses practiced by the Government of 
     Sudan;
       Whereas the National Association for the Advancement of 
     Colored People adopted, in May 1995, a Resolution to Combat 
     Modern Day Slavery stating that slavery in Sudan was an 
     ``irrefutable fact, corroborated by numerous sources,'' and 
     pledging that ``we will not rest until these slaves are 
     freed'';
       Whereas the House of Representatives has repeatedly decried 
     human rights abuses in Sudan and called for the abolition of 
     the slave trade and of chattel slavery in Sudan;
       Whereas the House of Representatives committed itself to 
     practical measures to suppress the slave trade and chattel 
     slavery in the Sudan by the passage, by a vote of 359-8, in 
     the 107th Congress of H.R. 5531, the ``Sudan Peace Act'', and 
     the Senate passed a similar measure, S. 180, unanimously;
       Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights 
     conducted its 59th session in Geneva from March 17 through 
     April 25, 2003;
       Whereas the head of the United States delegation to the 
     United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Ambassador Jeane 
     Kirkpatrick, declared in her opening address that ``[t]he 
     Commission has the solemn duty to speak for those who are 
     denied the right to speak for themselves'';
       Whereas Human Rights Watch and many other concerned persons 
     and organizations have called upon the United Nations 
     Commission on Human Rights to renew the mandate of the 
     Special Rapporteur on human rights for Sudan, and to condemn 
     gross abuses of human rights and violations of international 
     humanitarian law by the Sudanese Government and rebel Sudan 
     People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) forces; and
       Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, by a 
     vote of 26 to 24 with 3 abstentions, refused to classify 
     Sudan as an ``Item 9'' country, one in which grave human 
     rights problems justify the appointment of a Special 
     Rapporteur to investigate abuses and to report on them: Now, 
     therefore, be it
       Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of 
     Representatives that--
       (1) slavery, under any circumstances, is an unconscionable 
     practice;
       (2) the subjection inherent in slavery inevitably leads to 
     other abuses, including torture and rape;
       (3) human rights abuses and slavery in Sudan remain a 
     matter of the most profound concern;
       (4) the United States must condemn attempts to ignore or 
     condone these outrages;
       (5) the United States must make clear to all members of the 
     United Nations Commission on Human Rights that the refusal to 
     condemn slavery in Sudan undermines any moral authority that 
     the Commission might seek to exert in other areas;
       (6) the United States must work to re-classify Sudan as an 
     ``Item 9'' country, requiring a Special Rapporteur at the 
     next session of the United Nations Commission on Human 
     Rights; and
       (7) the United States should encourage the United Nations 
     to consider reinstating sanctions against Sudan and should 
     urge the European Union, the African Union, and all others 
     who express concern for human freedom and dignity to be 
     engaged in activities that will convince Sudan to abolish 
     slavery and respect human rights.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Quinn). Pursuant to the rule, the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New Jersey 
(Mr. Payne) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce).


                             General Leave

  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks 
and include extraneous material on this resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.

[[Page 18310]]


  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  To start, I would like to commend the author of this resolution, the 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano), and I would like to commend 
the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the ranking member of the 
Africa Subcommittee. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) is also 
one of the original co-sponsors of this resolution, and they are a few 
of the many Members who have worked diligently to keep attention on the 
human rights situation in Sudan.
  The conflict in Sudan, pitting the National Islamic Front Government 
against armed forces in the south struggling for political autonomy and 
with religious freedom has brought incomprehensible suffering to the 
people of Sudan. The numbers are truly staggering. There have been over 
2 million Sudanese who have died over the past 2 decades alone due to 
war-related causes. Twice that number have been displaced.
  In March of 2001, Secretary of State Colin Powell told the Committee 
on International Relations ``. . . there is perhaps no greater tragedy 
on the face of the Earth today than the tragedy that is unfolding in 
the Sudan.'' Those were the words of our Secretary of State.
  It is the Sudanese government that bears most all of the 
responsibility for this human rights disaster. Khartoum has long been 
responsible for marauding militias with notorious human rights abuses 
against southerners, including taking slaves and forcing conversions to 
Islam. These and other human rights abuses including blocking emergency 
food deliveries have rightly earned the Sudanese government widespread 
condemnation for these acts. In appointing former Senator John Danforth 
as his special envoy to Sudan in 2001, President Bush said, ``For 
nearly 2 decades, the government of Sudan has waged a brutal and 
shameful war against its own people. And this is not right and this 
must stop.'' Such condemnation was also made by the U.N. Commission on 
Human Rights until this year.
  The Commission had classified Sudan as an ``Item 9'' country, 
denoting its grave human rights problems. This brought needed 
international attention to these abuses primarily through the 
appointment and work of a Special Rapporteur to Sudan who was doing 
valuable human rights reporting on the ground in Sudan. Yet in April, 
the members of the commission representing individual countries in a 26 
to 24 vote made the incomprehensible decision to end this status for 
Sudan. This was done despite the Special Rapporteur's judgment that the 
dire human rights situation in Sudan had not significantly improved and 
all the violations that respected human rights organizations have 
reported. This decision mars the commission, and it needs to be 
reversed.
  House Resolution 194 states that ``human rights abuses and slavery in 
Sudan remain a matter of the most profound concern'' and that ``the 
United States must work to reclassify Sudan as an `Item 9' country, 
requiring a Special Rapporteur at the next session of the U.N. 
Commission on Human Rights.'' And this is the honest thing to do. It is 
also the just thing to do. It is the right thing to do in defense of 
victimized Sudanese who are suffering, and it is the right thing to do 
in memory of those who have perished. Designating Sudan a human rights 
special case is also a constructive step in support of the peace 
process in Sudan. We gain nothing by being blind to human rights abuses 
in Sudan.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in strong support of this resolution. First of all, Mr. 
Speaker, let me commend the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano) 
for introducing H. Res. 194 concerning the ongoing problem of slavery 
in Sudan. This resolution keeps Congress on record in opposition to 
this inhumane practice. I also would like to thank the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Royce), chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, for his 
support of this resolution and for his continued good work as it 
relates to the problems on the continent of Africa; and with his 
leadership we have been able to have many hearings and to discuss many 
of the problems there. I would also like to compliment the gentleman 
from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for his interest and the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), ranking member, for the strong support that he 
has given these resolutions.
  In spite of the universal condemnation of the practice of slavery in 
Sudan, the government has stone-
walled on issues of slavery, claiming it is a matter of rival tribes 
engaging in hostage-taking over which it has little control. Prior to 
this, they actually denied the fact that there was any kind of engaging 
of people in slave trade. Now they admit it, but say it is just a 
traditional thing.
  Mr. Speaker, between 5,000 and 14,000 children have been abducted in 
Sudan since 1983. Millions of girls have been forced into domestic 
service worldwide while boys have been trafficked to the gulf to work 
as menial laborers. Yet the Government of Sudan only takes half 
measures to convince the international community that it is taking the 
crime of slavery seriously. While they claim that there are laws in 
their country that prohibit slavery, there is no aggressive enforcement 
of those laws and no special courts dedicated to this singularly 
heinous practice against children.
  Mr. Speaker, this Congress has never wavered in its demand to end 
slavery. With this resolution, we urge the administration and all 
international bodies to continue pressure to end this practice of 
slavery.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the sponsor of this 
resolution, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano).
  Mr. CAPUANO. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the gentleman from 
Illinois (Chairman Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Lantos), ranking member; the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce); and 
the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for bringing this matter to 
the floor on this issue and for their great leadership on this issue 
and many other issues relative to the issues around the world, 
particularly with regard to the continent of Africa.
  I want the people at home listening to understand what we are talking 
about. The word ``slavery'' just kind of rolls off the tongue, and in 
many ways I think people sometimes think we are talking in a figurative 
manner. We are talking about literal slavery, old-fashioned slavery 
where the government of one country either directly sanctions or 
indirectly allows one group of people to enslave another, to put them 
up on an auction block and sell them as I would sell a bicycle. It is 
not figurative. It is not some hyperbole. It is actual real textbook 
slavery that I think most Americans, if we ask them, would think has 
been gone from the face of this Earth since the middle of last century. 
It is not gone and this is a government, a country, not just a few 
renegades. This is not a criminal activity that uses women for sex 
slaves and uses children for forced labor; this is not that. This is an 
actual government who allows this to continue and in many cases 
participates in it indirectly. That is what we are talking about here.
  What we are asking for is the United Nations to stand up. Just 
yesterday we took two votes on the United Nations. I pride myself on 
being a supporter of the United Nations, and I consider myself an 
internationalist. I think this country and the world is better off if 
we can talk to each other. I think the United Nations plays a valuable 
role. Yet the United Nations itself, a committee of the United Nations, 
said slavery is okay. I cannot be more offended than by that vote. I 
think it should be noted that the Chair of that commission is the 
country of Libya. An amazing coincidence. An amazing coincidence.
  This administration, the Bush administration, has done a good job on

[[Page 18311]]

this, and I do not agree with them on many things. On this issue they 
have stood up tall and been right, and I appreciate that and I 
congratulate them for that. This resolution and my message on this 
resolution is to the United Nations. If they want people like me to 
continue to support them, I do not think it is a very high bar to say 
to them that they need to stand up against slavery. How is that a high 
bar? I cannot imagine an any lower bar. Yet they have not. Honestly 
from a United Nations perspective, I cannot think of another vote that 
they have taken that has more offended me particularly in modern times.
  This resolution is simple, and again I congratulate and thank the 
leaders of the Committee on International Relations for bringing this 
forward. This is really a message to the U.N. to get back on their 
game, stand up, stand up for the easiest issue in the world. If they do 
not, they jeopardize support from people like me and I think they 
undermine their credibility on every other issue around the world; and 
I find that to be absolutely the opposite of what the United Nations, 
what the United States stands for and our support for the United 
Nations.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for 
those comments.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District 
of Columbia (Ms. Norton), who has worked very hard on this issue 
herself.
  Ms. NORTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  And I must thank the gentleman for his continuous hard work on this 
issue. He and I came to the floor several years ago when slavery in 
Sudan had never been mentioned on this floor and did a 1-hour Special 
Order. We were the first to raise the consciousness of this House, and 
it is very gratifying to see that that consciousness remains raised. I 
know the gentleman has gone to Sudan and as a member of the Committee 
on International Relations continues to press this matter forward, and 
we need the whole House and we need the whole country to do so.
  President Bush has just been to Africa and declared that slavery is a 
crime, and of course he meant slavery involving African Americans; but 
I am sure he meant it worldwide as well, and I thank the President not 
only for that trip but for his own initiatives on Sudan, still a 
largely unknown, a little recognized issue in our country. We have a 
nation, 70 percent are Sunni Muslims, 25 percent are Animists; 
Christians, 5 percent. We have come to the floor again and again with 
resolutions similar to this, and this resolution is very mild. It just 
asks the United Nations to consider reinstating sanctions.

                              {time}  1200

  The United States has also instituted sanctions under President 
Clinton; and it calls upon others, our allies, to express the same 
concern essentially that we have expressed: the African Union, which 
should be taking leadership here, the European Union. We need allies on 
this matter, and we need them desperately. Because, if the truth be 
told, almost no progress has been made. That is the sad truth that we 
must face.
  There is still widespread institutionalized slavery, according to the 
most recent report on Sudan. There is still massive dislocation and 
wholesale discrimination against the nonMuslim population.
  The administration has made efforts, as we had Foreign Minister 
Ismail come to this country for consultations with the State 
Department, a delegation to come with consultations. I am not sure what 
comes out of these consultations, however, nor am I sure what we use as 
guideposts to determine whether progress is being made. And we 
understand the role Sudan plays as a possible center of terrorism. 
Terrorism has been strongly associated with Sudan, so we have extra 
reason to press forward.
  Comprehensive sanctions, however, were put forward in 1997 as early 
as the Clinton administration, but they were our comprehensive 
sanctions. We are one country. There is a lot of oil in this country, 
and others continue to ignore slavery in Sudan. We have a humanitarian 
crisis. We need what the resolution calls for.
  We need more as well. We need to increase assistance using religious 
and other nongovernmental organizations to distribute food and 
assistance on a nondiscriminatory basis. We need the United States to 
take the initiative in the United Nations so that sanctions go beyond a 
few nations like our own and so that we put a goalpost out here so that 
we can judge Sudan by whether there is an end to the bombings of 
civilians that keeps food from getting to them and into slavery and 
into the war itself.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask that the Congress continue to keep this matter in 
its sights until we see some progress at last.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume 
just to conclude by thanking the gentlewoman from the District of 
Columbia.
  Mr. Speaker, 2 million people have died as a result of the practices 
of the government of Sudan; 4 million have been displaced. We have had 
the EGAT nations attempt to come to a conclusion, a solution to this 
problem. We continually push this issue of slavery. It must be 
abolished, and other human rights abuses in Sudan must end.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  The Sudan peace process is, frankly, entering a very critical period. 
Some have described the next few months as the end game. There are 
elements in the government of Sudan who appear to desire peace. General 
Lazaro Sumbeiywo, the Kenyan mediator, has optimistically announced 
that he expects to have a peace deal by mid-August.
  One thing is sure, though. If peace is to have a chance in Sudan, the 
U.S. and others will have to aggressively monitor any peace agreement, 
including paying close attention to human rights conditions. Should a 
peace agreement be struck, the Special Rapporteur would have an 
important role to play in ensuring that the new government respects the 
rights of all Sudanese. There is no reason in the world for the Special 
Rapporteur to be sidelined now. This resolution says Sudan is a human 
rights case that demands an international human rights spotlight.
  It is critical that all parties in Sudan, especially the government, 
understand that there will be consequences for those who shun peace and 
perpetuate human rights abuses in Sudan. The Sudan Peace Act, signed 
into law last year, provides for such consequences.
  Today, the House of Representatives is going on record with another 
stern warning that slavery and other gross human rights abuses in Sudan 
are intolerable and that the U.S. is watching. That is the message of 
this resolution which I urge my colleagues to support.
  Mr. TOWNS. Mr. Speaker, as you are keenly aware, the road to peace 
for the people of Sudan has been long and perilous. Yet the prospect 
for a lasting peace may finally be at hand. Negotiations among the 
government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army 
(SPLM/A) have been ongoing over the past ten months under a renewed 
commitment to peace and with a determination to resolve the important 
issues that remain.
  I observed today, the debate on H. Res. 194 regarding the importance 
of international efforts to abolish slavery and other human rights 
abuses in Sudan. Mr. Speaker, I share the concerns of my distinguished 
colleagues and their desire to see and end to slavery and human rights 
abuses, be it Sudan or elsewhere in the world. But while we cannot 
condone or even forget the past, in my view the interests of the people 
of Sudan are best served by focusing on the future and finding lasting 
peace and stability for the region.
  On April 21, 2003, President Bush, in his presidential determination 
under the Sudan Peace Act, certified that the government of Sudan and 
the People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/A) are negotiating in good 
faith. This historic event underscores the government of Sudan's 
commitment to peace and sets the stage for a negotiated peace agreement 
and the chance for dignity, prosperity and a better

[[Page 18312]]

way of life for the people of Sudan, especially for Sudanese children.
  Mr. Speaker, there will be those who will criticize the President's 
decision and who will focus on past history while giving little 
recognition to the positive events of the past year. The tragedy of 
such criticism is that it promotes a policy of divisiveness instead of 
unity which would enhance the prospects for peace and stability to the 
region. Even more troublesome is that such criticism shifts the focus 
from the real prospects for peace that now exist. While progress on the 
peace front has not been without setbacks, positive developments have 
and continue to occur and should not be ignored.
   Mr. Speaker, the release of special envoy John Danforth's April 2002 
report ``Outlook for Peace in Sudan'' put in motion the events to-date 
that have helped reestablish the present framework for peace. Following 
the Danforth report, an important first step towards peace was the 
signing of the Machakos Protocol, on July 20, 2002, resolving the major 
issues of self-determination for the south and the separation of state 
and religion. In September 2002, peace talks resumed under a negotiated 
ceasefire agreement and in October, 2002, the government of Sudan and 
the SPLM/A signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to allow 
unimpeded humanitarian access to all areas and to people in need, in 
accordance with the Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) agreement.
  In addition, an addendum to the October 2002 MOU on cessation of 
hostilities was signed to add new mechanisms to strengthen 
implementation. Later in February, the human rights group Amnesty 
International was invited to visit Sudan for constructive dialogue on 
human rights issues.
  On March 4, the mandate of the Civilian Protection Monitoring Team 
(CPMT) was extended for another year. Later in March, the ceasefire 
agreement was extended to June 30, 2003. Most recently, on May 1 the 
United Nations secured the opening of a new corridor in southern Sudan 
to enhance humanitarian access to the region.
   Mr. Speaker, I hope my distinguished colleagues will view these 
developments as testimony to the government of Sudan's commitment to 
achieving a lasting peace for the benefit of all our people.
  While these and other events give hope for peace and a permanent end 
to hostilities, there are many of my colleagues who remain skeptical.
  There remain roughly 90 days before the next ``Determination'' under 
the Sudan peace act must be made. I would call on my colleagues to join 
me in support an NGO-sponsored fact finding delegation mission to Sudan 
and an accompanying report on the findings to assist in fully 
understanding the current situation in the Sudan with regard to 
allegations of slavery, human rights abuses and religious persecution.
   Mr. Speaker. The situation in Sudan is the product of nearly a half-
century of conflict and political divisiveness. While we must never 
forget the past, the interests of the Sudanese people will be best 
served by focusing on the future and achieving lasting peace.
  We look forward to the day when peace is at hand and when U.S. 
sanctions can be lifted and Sudan removed from the state terrorist 
sponsors list. Only then will the people of Sudan be able to receive 
the benefits of American ingenuity, technology and investment for their 
sustained growth and economic prosperity.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Linder). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 194, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the resolution, as amended, was 
agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

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