[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 149 (2003), Part 13]
[Senate]
[Pages 17607-17662]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




         FOREIGN RELATIONS AUTHORIZATION ACT, FISCAL YEAR 2004

  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the Senate will 
resume consideration of S. 925, which the clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A bill (S. 925) to authorize appropriations for the 
     Department of State and international broadcasting 
     activities, for fiscal year 2004 and for the Peace Corps for 
     fiscal years 2004 through 2007, and for other purposes.

  Pending:

       Lugar amendment No. 1136, in the nature of a substitute.
       Lautenberg amendment No. 1135 (to amendment No. 1136), to 
     provide justice for marine victims of terror.


 Amendments Nos. 1150, 1151, 1152, 1153, 1154, 1155, 1156, 1157, 1158, 
    1159, 1160, 1161, 1162, and 1163, en bloc to amendment No. 1136

  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I send to the desk a packet of agreed-upon 
amendments. I will enumerate those amendments and after enumerating 
them ask that they be adopted en bloc to Amendment No. 1136.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Will the Senator ask to set aside the 
pending amendments?
  Mr. LUGAR. I so ask that the pending amendments be set aside.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, the package of amendments that I have sent 
to the desk has received consideration by the staffs of myself and 
Senator Biden throughout last evening. They include an amendment by Mr. 
Biden expressing the sense of Congress relating to violence against 
women; secondly, an amendment by Mr. Breaux to authorize transportation 
for the Chief of Protocol; third, an amendment by Mr. Coleman to 
authorize a comprehensive program of support for victims of torture and 
for other purposes; fourth, an amendment by Mr. Daschle to require an 
annual report on Saudi Arabia's cooperation in the war on terrorism; 
fifth, an amendment by Senator Feinstein to require a report on states 
that have not cooperated in small arms programs; sixth, an amendment by 
Mr. Biden to require the reporting of certain information relating to 
proposed exports and transfers of firearms; seventh, an amendment by 
Mr. Leahy to provide a report on a strategy to deal with the 
international coffee crisis; eighth, a chairman's amendment to strike 
section 2512 relating to amendments to the Arms Control and Disarmament 
Act; ninth, a chairman's amendment to provide an exception to 
requirements with respect to bilateral agreements for exemption from 
certain licensing requirements; tenth, a chairman's amendment to 
improve provisions on global pathogen surveillance; eleventh, a 
chairman's amendment to strike section 205 relating to the State 
Department authorization bill; twelfth, a chairman's amendment to 
clarify Foreign Service grievance board procedures; thirteenth, a 
chairman's amendment to modify reporting requirements on U.S. personnel 
involved in the antinarcotics campaign in Colombia; and finally, 
fourteenth, a chairman's amendment to strike section 2239 relating to 
the sense of Congress relating to exports of defense items to the 
United Kingdom.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there objection to considering those 
amendments en bloc?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments were agreed to, en bloc, as follows:


                           Amendment No. 1150

(Purpose: To express the sense of Congress relating to violence against 
                                 women)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. SENSE OF CONGRESS RELATING TO VIOLENCE AGAINST 
                   WOMEN.

       (a) Findings.--Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) Article 4 of the Declaration on the Elimination of 
     Violence Against Women adopted by the United Nations General 
     Assembly in Resolution 48/104 on December 20, 1993, proclaims 
     that ``States should condemn violence against women and 
     should not invoke any custom, tradition or religious 
     consideration to avoid their obligations with respect to its 
     elimination.''.
       (2) Paragraph 124 of chapter IV of the Platform for Action, 
     which was adopted along with the Beijing Declaration by the 
     Fourth World Conference on Women on September 15, 1995, 
     states that actions to be taken by governments include 
     condemning violence against women and refraining from 
     invoking any custom, tradition, or religious consideration as 
     a means to avoid the obligations of such governments with 
     respect to the elimination of violence against women as such 
     obligations are referred to in the Declaration on the 
     Elimination of Violence against Women.
       (3) The United States has supported the Declaration on the 
     Elimination of Violence Against Women and the Beijing 
     Declaration and Platform for Action.

[[Page 17608]]

       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     the United States should continue to condemn violence against 
     women and should urge states to refrain from invoking any 
     custom, tradition, or practices in the name of religion or 
     culture as a means to avoid obligations regarding the 
     elimination of violence against women as referred to in 
     Article 4 of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence 
     against Women.


                           Amendment No. 1151

(Purpose: To authorize the Chief of Protocol to use a passenger carrier 
for transportation between the Chief of Protocol's residence and place 
                             of employment)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. AUTHORIZATION FOR PASSENGER CARRIER USE BY THE 
                   CHIEF OF PROTOCOL.

       Section 1344(b)(4) of title 31, United States Code, is 
     amended by inserting ``the Chief of Protocol of the United 
     States,'' after ``abroad,''.


                           Amendment No. 1152

 (Purpose: To authorize a comprehensive program of support for victims 
                  of torture, and for other purposes)

       At the end of subtitle A of title XXI, add the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 2113. REAUTHORIZATION OF RELIEF FOR TORTURE VICTIMS.

       (a) Authorization of Appropriations for Foreign Treatment 
     Centers for Victims of Torture.--
       (1) Authorization of appropriations.--Section 4(b)(1) of 
     the Torture Victims Relief Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 2152 note) 
     is amended to read as follows:
       ``(1) Authorization of appropriations.--Of the amounts 
     authorized to be appropriated for fiscal year 2004 pursuant 
     to chapter 1 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 
     (22 U.S.C. 2151 et seq.) there is authorized to be 
     appropriated to the President to carry out section 130 of 
     such Act $11,000,000 for fiscal year 2004.''.
       (2) Effective date.--The amendment made by paragraph (1) 
     shall take effect October 1, 2003.
       (b) Authorization of Appropriations for the United States 
     Contribution to the United Nations Voluntary Fund for Victims 
     of Torture.--Of the amounts authorized to be appropriated for 
     fiscal year 2004 pursuant to chapter 3 of part I of the 
     Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2221 et seq.), 
     there is authorized to be appropriated to the President for a 
     voluntary contribution to the United Nations Voluntary Fund 
     for Victims of Torture $6,000,000 for fiscal year 2004.
       (c) Authorization of Appropriations for Domestic Treatment 
     Centers for Victims of Torture.--
       (1) Authorization of appropriations.--Section 5(b)(1) of 
     the Torture Victims Relief Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 2152 note) 
     is amended to read as follows:
       ``(1) Authorization of appropriations.--Of the amounts 
     authorized to be appropriated for the Department of Health 
     and Human Services for fiscal year 2004, there is authorized 
     to be appropriated to carry out subsection (a) $20,000,000 
     for fiscal year 2004.''.
       (2) Effective date.--The amendment made by paragraph (1) 
     shall take effect October 1, 2003.


                           Amendment No. 1153

(Purpose: To require an annual report on Saudi Arabia's cooperation in 
                         the war on terrorism)

       At the end of title VIII, insert the following new section:

     SEC. 815. ANNUAL REPORT ON SAUDI ARABIA'S COOPERATION IN THE 
                   WAR ON TERRORISM.

       (a) Requirement for Report.--Not later than May 1, 2004, 
     and annually thereafter, the Secretary shall submit to the 
     appropriate congressional committees a report on the 
     cooperation of the Government of Saudi Arabia in the war on 
     terrorism.
       (b) Content.--Each report shall include--
       (1) a description of the efforts of the Government of Saudi 
     Arabia to combat terrorism and to counter efforts to foment 
     intolerance in Saudi Arabia;
       (2) an assessment of the cooperation of the Government of 
     Saudi Arabia with United States antiterrorism efforts, 
     including--
       (A) efforts of law enforcement in Saudi Arabia to disrupt 
     suspected terrorist networks and apprehend suspected 
     terrorists; and
       (B) diplomatic and law enforcement efforts of Saudi Arabia 
     to stop the financing of terrorists and terrorist 
     organizations; and
       (3) an assessment of the efforts of the Government of Saudi 
     Arabia to investigate terrorist attacks against citizens of 
     the United States, including--
       (A) a description of the status of efforts to investigate 
     such attacks; and
       (B) a list of individuals convicted in Saudi Arabia of 
     committing such attacks.


                           Amendment No. 1154

  (Purpose: To require a report on states that have not cooperated in 
                          small arms programs)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. ANNUAL REPORT ON SMALL ARMS PROGRAMS.

       Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this 
     Act, and annually thereafter, the Secretary shall submit to 
     the appropriate congressional committees a report--
       (1) describing the activities undertaken, and the progress 
     made, by the Department or other agencies and entities of the 
     United States Government in prompting other states to 
     cooperate in programs on the stockpile management, security, 
     and destruction of small arms and light weapons;
       (2) listing each state that refuses to cooperate in 
     programs on the stockpile management, security, and 
     destruction of small arms and light weapons, and describing 
     to what degree the failure to cooperate affects the national 
     security of such state, its neighbors, and the United States; 
     and
       (3) recommending incentives and penalties that may be used 
     by the United States Government to prompt states to comply 
     with programs on the stockpile management, security, and 
     destruction of small arms and light weapons.


                           Amendment No. 1155

 (Purpose: To require the reporting of certain information relating to 
              proposed exports and transfers of firearms)

       At the end of subtitle B of title XXII, add the following:

     SEC. 2241. TRANSFERS OF SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS.

       (a) Exports Under the Arms Export Control Act.--
       (1) Letters of offer.--Section 36(b)(1) of the Arms Export 
     Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2776(b)(1)) is amended by inserting 
     after ``such certification).'' in the fourth sentence the 
     following: ``Each numbered certification regarding the 
     proposed export of firearms listed in category I of the 
     United States Munitions List shall include, with regard to 
     the proposed export, a summary of the views of the office in 
     the Department of State that has responsibility for programs 
     relating to the collection and destruction of excess small 
     arms and light weapons, together with a summary of any 
     provision of the letter of offer or any related arrangement 
     for the recipient State to dispose of firearms that would 
     become excess as a result of the proposed export.''.
       (2) Licenses.--Section 36(c) of the Arms Export Control Act 
     (22 U.S.C. 2776(c)) is amended by inserting after the second 
     sentence the following: ``Each numbered certification 
     regarding the proposed export of firearms listed in category 
     I of the United States Munitions List shall include, with 
     regard to the proposed export, a summary of the views of the 
     office in the Department of State that has responsibility for 
     programs relating to the collection and destruction of excess 
     small arms and light weapons, together with a summary of any 
     provision of the license or any related arrangement for the 
     recipient State to dispose of firearms that would become 
     excess as a result of the proposed export.''.
       (b) Transfers under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.--
     Subsection 516(f)(2) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 
     (22 U.S.C. 2321j(f)(2)) is amended--
       (1) by striking ``and'' at the end of subparagraph (C);
       (2) by redesignating subparagraph (D) as subparagraph (E); 
     and
       (3) by inserting after subparagraph (C) the following new 
     subparagraph:
       ``(D) for any proposed transfer of firearms listed in 
     category I of the United States Munitions List that would 
     require a license for international export under section 36 
     of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2776)--
       ``(i) with regard to the proposed transfer, the views of 
     the office in the Department of State that has responsibility 
     for programs relating to the collection and destruction of 
     excess small arms and light weapons; and
       ``(ii) a summary of any provision under the transfer or any 
     related arrangement for the recipient State to dispose of 
     firearms that would become excess as a result of the proposed 
     transfer; and''.


                           Amendment No. 1156

     (Purpose: To provide a report on a strategy to deal with the 
                      international coffee crisis)

       At the appropriate place insert:

     SEC.   . REPORT.

       Not later than 120 days after enactment, the Secretary, in 
     consultation with the Administrator of the United States 
     Agency for International Development and the Secretary of the 
     Treasury, shall submit a report to the appropriate 
     congressional committees describing the progress the United 
     States is making towards meeting the objectives set forth in 
     paragraph 1 of S. Res. 368 (107th Congress) and paragraph 1 
     of H. Res. 604 (107th Congress), including adopting a global 
     strategy to deal with the international coffee crisis and 
     measures to support and complement multilateral efforts to 
     respond to the international coffee crisis.


                           Amendment No. 1157

 (Purpose: To strike section 2512, relating to amendments to the Arms 
                      Control and Disarmament Act)

       Strike section 2512.


                           Amendment No. 1158

   (Purpose: To provide an exception to requirements with respect to 
      bilateral agreements for exemptions from certain licensing 
                             requirements)

       On page 182, line 16, insert ``AND THE UNITED KINGDOM'' 
     after ``AUSTRALIA''.

[[Page 17609]]

       On page 182, beginning on line 22, strike ``The 
     requirements'' through ``into force.'' on page 183, line 4, 
     and insert the following:
       ``(A) Australia.--Subject to the provisions of section 
     2233(c) of the Foreign Affairs Act, Fiscal Year 2004, the 
     requirements for a bilateral agreement described in paragraph 
     (2)(A) of this subsection shall not apply to such a bilateral 
     agreement between the United States Government and the 
     Government of Australia with respect to transfers or changes 
     in end use within Australia of defense items that will remain 
     subject to the licensing requirements of this Act after the 
     agreement enters into force.
       ``(B) United kingdom.--Subject to the provisions of section 
     2233(c) of the Foreign Affairs Act, Fiscal Year 2004, the 
     requirements for a bilateral agreement described in 
     paragraphs (1)(A)(ii), (2)(A)(i) and (2)(A)(ii) of this 
     subsection shall not apply to the bilateral agreement between 
     the United States Government and the Government of the United 
     Kingdom for an exemption from the licensing requirements of 
     this Act, or any other form of agreement between the United 
     States Government and the Government of the United Kingdom to 
     gain an exemption from the licensing requirements of this 
     Act.''.
       On page 183, between lines 9 and 10, insert the following:
       (c) Certification on Nonconforming Agreements.--Not later 
     than 14 days before the activation of an exemption from the 
     licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control Act 
     pursuant to any bilateral agreement made with the United 
     Kingdom or Australia for that purpose that does not conform 
     to the requirements applicable to such an agreement under 
     section 38(j) of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 
     2778)(j), the President shall certify to the appropriate 
     congressional committees that--
       (1) the nonconforming agreement is in the national interest 
     of the United States;
       (2) the nonconforming agreement does not in any way 
     adversely affect the ability of the licensing regime under 
     the Arms Export Control Act to provide consistent and 
     adequate controls for items not exempt under such agreement 
     from the licensing regime;
       (3) the nonconforming agreement will not in any way 
     adversely affect--
       (A) the abilities of the Secretary to ensure, pursuant to 
     section 2 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2752), 
     effective controls over the sales, finances, leases, 
     cooperative projects, and exports that are regulated under 
     such Act; or
       (B) any of the duties or requirements of the Secretary 
     under such Act; and
       (4) the nonconforming agreement will serve as an effective 
     nonproliferation and export control tool.
       (d) Report on Issues Raised in Consultations Pursuant to 
     Bilateral Agreements With Australia and United Kingdom.--Not 
     later than one year after the date of the enactment of this 
     Act and annually thereafter, the President shall submit to 
     the appropriate congressional committees a report on any 
     issues raised during the previous year in consultations 
     conducted under the terms of the bilateral agreement with 
     Australia, or under the terms of the bilateral agreement or 
     any other form of an agreement with the United Kingdom, for 
     exemption from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export 
     Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 et seq.). Each report shall 
     contain detailed information--
       (1) on any notifications or consultations between the 
     United States and the United Kingdom under the terms of the 
     agreement with the United Kingdom, or between the United 
     States and Australia under the terms of the agreement with 
     Australia, concerning the modification, deletion, or addition 
     of defense items on the United States Munitions List, the 
     United Kingdom Military List, or the Australian Defense and 
     Strategic Goods List;
       (2) listing all United Kingdom or Australia persons and 
     entities that have been designated as qualified persons 
     eligible to receive United States origin defense items exempt 
     from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control 
     Act under the terms of such agreements, and listing any 
     modification, deletion, or addition to such lists, pursuant 
     to the requirements of the agreement with the United Kingdom 
     or the agreement with Australia;
       (3) on any consultations or steps taken pursuant to the 
     agreement with the United Kingdom or the agreement with 
     Australia concerning cooperation and consultation with either 
     government on the effectiveness of the defense trade control 
     systems of such government;
       (4) on all special provisions and procedures undertaken 
     pursuant to--
       (A) the agreement with the United Kingdom with respect to 
     the handling of United States origin defense items exempt 
     from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control 
     Act by persons and entities qualified to receive such items 
     in the United Kingdom; and
       (B) the agreement with Australia with respect to the 
     handling of United States origin defense items exempt from 
     the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control Act by 
     persons and entities qualified to receive such items in 
     Australia;
       (5) on any understandings, including the text of such 
     understandings, between the United States and the United 
     Kingdom concerning retransfer of United States origin defense 
     items made pursuant to the agreement with the United Kingdom 
     or any other form of agreement with the United Kingdom to 
     gain exemption from the licensing requirements of the Arms 
     Export Control Act;
       (6) on consultations with the Government of the United 
     Kingdom or the Government of Australia concerning the legal 
     enforcement of these agreements;
       (7) on any United States origin defense item for which the 
     United States did not seek re-export or transfer 
     authorization under the terms of the Memorandum of 
     Understanding between the United States and the United 
     Kingdom, and on any United States origin defense item for 
     which the United States did not require re-export 
     authorization under the terms of the agreement with 
     Australia; and
       (8) on any disagreement the Government of Australia or the 
     Government of the United Kingdom may have with the United 
     States Government concerning any aspect of the bilateral 
     agreements between such country and the United States, and on 
     any disagreement with the Government of the United Kingdom 
     concerning any aspect of any other form of agreement with the 
     United Kingdom to gain exemption from the licensing 
     requirements of the Arms Export Control Act.
       (e) Special Reports on Unauthorized End-Use or Diversion.--
     The Secretary shall notify the appropriate congressional 
     committees not later than 30 days after receiving any 
     credible information regarding the unauthorized end-use or 
     diversion of United States exports made pursuant to any 
     agreement with a country to gain exemption from the licensing 
     requirements of the Arms Export Control Act. Such 
     notification may be made in classified or unclassified form 
     and shall include--
       (1) a description of the good or service;
       (2) the United States origin of the good or service;
       (3) the authorized recipient of the good or service;
       (4) a detailed description of the unauthorized end-use or 
     diversion of the good or service, including any knowledge by 
     the United States exporter of such unauthorized end-use or 
     diversion;
       (5) any enforcement action taken by the Government of the 
     United States; and
       (6) any enforcement action taken by the government of the 
     recipient nation.
       (f) Appropriate Congressional Committees.--In this section, 
     the term ``appropriate congressional committees'' means the 
     Committee on International Relations of the House of 
     Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the 
     Senate.


                           Amendment No. 1159

  (Purpose: To improve the provisions on global pathogen surveillance)

       In section 2403(2)(B), strike ``and'' after the semicolon.
       In section 2403(2)(C), strike the period and insert ``; 
     and''.
       In section 2403(2), add at the end the following:
       (D) is determined by the United States Government not to 
     have an offensive biological weapons program.
       In section 2403(3), strike ``who is eligible to receive'' 
     and all that follows and insert ``who--
       (A) is eligible to receive a visa under the provisions of 
     the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.); 
     and
       (B) is not currently or previously affiliated with or 
     employed by a laboratory or entity determined by the United 
     States Government to be involved in offensive biological 
     weapons activities.
       In section 2408(b)(3), strike ``and'' after the semicolon.
       In section 2408(b)(4), strike ``(4)'' and insert ``(5)''.
       In section 2408(b), insert after paragraph (3) the 
     following:
       (4) necessary to secure and monitor pathogen collections 
     containing select agents; and
       In section 2408(e), insert ``monitor,'' after ``secure,''.
       In section 2413(c), strike ``90 days'' and insert ``120 
     days''.


                           Amendment No. 1160

       Strike section 205.


                           Amendment No. 1161

       At the end of title III, add the following:

     SEC. 313. CLARIFICATION OF FOREIGN SERVICE GRIEVANCE BOARD 
                   PROCEDURES.

       Section 1106(8) of the Foreign Service Act of 1980 (22 
     U.S.C. 4136(8)) is amended in the first sentence--
       (1) by inserting ``the involuntary separation of the 
     grievant (other than an involuntary separation for cause 
     under section 610(a)),'' after ``considering''; and
       (2) by striking ``the grievant or'' and inserting ``the 
     greivant, or''.


                           Amendment No. 1162

       At the end of title VIII, add the following:

     SEC. 815. MODIFICATION OF REPORTING REQUIREMENTS ON UNITED 
                   SATES PERSONNEL INVOLVED IN THE ANTINARCOTICS 
                   CAMPAIGN IN COLOMBIA.

       Section 3204(f) of the Emergency Supplemental Act, 2000 
     (division B of Public Law 106-246; 114 Stat. 577) is 
     amended--

[[Page 17610]]

       (1) in the heading, by striking ``Bimonthly'' and inserting 
     ``Quarterly'';
       (2) by striking ``60 days'' and inserting ``90 days''; and
       (3) by striking ``to Congress'' and inserting ``appropriate 
     committees of Congress (as that term is defined in section 
     3207(b)(1) of this Act)''.


                           Amendment No. 1163

  (Purpose: To strike section 2239, relating to the sense of Congress 
      relating to exports of defense items to the United Kingdom)

       Strike section 2239.


                           amendment no. 1150

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, along with Senator Mikulski, I offer the 
following sense of the Senate amendment with respect to condemning 
violence against women. It states that the United States should 
continue to:

     condemn violence against women and should urge states to 
     refrain from invoking any custom, tradition or practice in 
     the name of religion or culture as a means to avoid 
     obligations regarding the elimination of violence against 
     women referred to in Article IV of the Declaration on the 
     Elimination of Violence against Women.

  In this year's session of the U.N. Commission on the Status of Women, 
the United States sided with Iran, Pakistan and Sudan in opposing the 
above language in the final report of the Commission's session.
  We ought to wonder why. The language was important, critical to 
support, on its merits and furthermore, it was hardly groundbreaking.
  The United States supported it in the 1993 U.N. Declaration on the 
Elimination of Violence Against Women and in the 1995 Beijing Platform 
of Action.
  This year, the U.S. delegate justified the position of not supporting 
the language on customs and religious practices by claiming that the 
United States was seeking consensus in the commission, because some 
other nations perceived the language as casting religion in a negative 
light.
  This is absurd. Violence against women is an outrage. It happens 
every day, in America and around the world. It is never justified, and 
the United States should never miss an opportunity, here and abroad, to 
condemn it.
  Therefore, I have offered this amendment to reiterate the need for 
the United States to continue to take a stand in condemning violence 
against women in all forms, and under all circumstances.


                           Amendment No. 1154

  Mr. AKAKA. Mr. President, I rise today to support Senator Feinstein's 
amendment to the Fiscal Year 2004 State Department Authorization bill 
that would require the State Department to submit an annual report on 
nations that are not cooperating with programs concerning small arms 
and light weapons.
  The U.N. estimates that there are more than 500 million small arms 
and light weapons in the world and about half of these are illicit. Of 
the 49 major conflicts fought during the 1990s, small arms were used in 
47 of them, causing four million deaths. Ninety percent of the deaths 
were civilians and eighty percent of those were women and children. The 
death and destruction caused by small arms and light weapons has led 
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to characterize them as a ``global 
scourge.''
  In July 2001 a United Nation's conference took place on the illicit 
trade in small arms and light weapons. The conference adopted a program 
of action to eliminate these weapons. The first review of the program 
of action is taking place this week in New York.
  U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs 
Lincoln Bloomfield echoed Secretary-General Annan's comments in his 
address to the conference. Mr. Bloomfield told the delegates that, 
``the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons poses a serious 
threat to stability and security in this hemisphere as well as parts of 
Africa, South Asia, the Middle East, and elsewhere.'' Mr. Bloomfield 
called on all nations to ``work even more energetically to curb the 
illicit trade in small arms and light weapons.''
  The United States has made a substantial contribution to this effort. 
Over the past two years, some five million dollars have been spent on 
destruction assistance programs. U.S.-supported programs in 10 
countries have led to the destruction of over 400,000 excess or illegal 
weapons and 44 millions rounds of ammunition.
  The size of the problem means there is much work left to be done. 
President Bush in a speech last month outlining his agenda for his trip 
to Africa said that his ``first great goal in our partnership with 
Africa is to help establish peace and security across the continent.'' 
He underscored, ``Many thousands of African men and women and children 
are killed every year in regional wars.'' Africa has suffered terribly 
from the scourge of small arms. I urge the President to make the 
control of small arms and light weapons an even greater priority, and I 
hope the administration will continue to emphasize the importance of 
controlling and eliminating small arms and seek additional funding when 
it is needed.
  Senator Feinstein's amendment will assist the United States in its 
efforts to encourage other countries to participate in programs to 
control these weapons. An annual report on illicit small arms will 
allow the government to better track countries that are not yet 
cooperating. It will also allow Congress to be better informed about 
the State Department's efforts to gain cooperation of those countries.
  I thank the Senator for her efforts. We should do as much as possible 
to address the scourge of small arms that is taking the lives of so 
many innocent people throughout the world.


                           amendment no. 1155

  Mr. AKAKA. Mr. President, I rise today to support Senator Biden's 
amendment to the Fiscal Year 2004 State Department Authorization bill 
concerning sharing information about the export of small arms with the 
State Department office responsible for the collection and destruction 
of small arms.
  In July 2001 a United Nation's conference took place on the illicit 
trade in small arms and light weapons. The conference adopted a program 
of action to eliminate these weapons. After two years, the first 
meeting to review progress on this program of action convened this week 
in New York. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan in a message sent to the 
conference said, ``It is difficult to overstate the importance of 
implementation of the program of action.'' He noted, ``After all, small 
arms and light weapons cause mass destruction. They kill about 60 
people an hour or half a million people a year, 90 percent of them 
women and children.''
  U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs 
Lincoln Bloomfield described to participants the significant 
contribution the United States has made in the area of destruction 
assistance programs. Commendably, since early 2001, U.S.-supported 
programs in 10 countries have led to the destruction of over 400,000 
excess or illegal weapons and 44 million rounds of ammunition.
  Senator Biden's amendment will add needed rationality to U.S. policy 
in this area. If the United States permits the export of small arms or 
light weapons, the office within the State Department responsible for 
the collection and destruction of these arms should be informed. 
Otherwise we may unknowingly pay states to destroy small arms at the 
same time that we are giving them more weapons.
  I thank the Senator from Delaware for this amendment. It is important 
that the right hand of the government knows what the left hand is 
doing. The U.N. estimates that there are more than 500 million small 
arms and light weapons in the world and around half of these are 
illicit. We have far to go in our global effort to control and 
eliminate these illicit arms. Every step we can take to achieve this 
goal should be pursued.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote, and to lay 
that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I rise to update the Senate on where we 
stand on the State Department authorization bill. We were successful in 
working through many issues yesterday. In fact, we came to a conclusion 
on three of the most difficult issues that we expected in the bill, the 
structure of the Millennium Challenge Corporation,

[[Page 17611]]

support for Iranian democracy, and the Mexico City policy. This 
morning, by action of the Senate, we have cleared and passed 14 
amendments. We have passed about 20 amendments in less than 24 hours. 
In addition, 15 to 20 amendments that were mentioned as possibilities 
will either not be offered or will be worked out. This leaves a 
declining list of foreign policy amendments that we believe we can 
resolve today.
  I want to encourage Members to come to the floor to offer their 
relevant amendments. We are in range of finishing the bill. I thank 
Senator Biden again for all he has done to advance the Senate's foreign 
policy agenda. I likewise thank the majority and minority leaders, and 
Senator Reid especially for his cooperation.
  Yesterday, it was announced that State Department authorization bills 
have traditionally taken much longer than 2 days. While that may be 
true, it does not have to be the case this time. The two bills that 
comprise most of the substitute amendment were passed out of the 
Foreign Relations Committee by a vote of 19 to 0. Republicans and 
Democrats have worked together closely on these issues. While we have 
some differences, the members of our committee are united in our belief 
that the substitute before us will enhance U.S. national security and 
is vital to our national interests.
  The Senate's record this year in moving foreign policy items has been 
excellent. We have passed a global AIDS bill, the Moscow Treaty, NATO 
expansion, and other items. The Senate has moved decisively on the 
Nation's foreign policy business because we recognize as a body that in 
these perilous times it was our duty to do so. America's national 
security is at risk and its leaders, entrusted with passing legislation 
to keep America secure, must continue to do our duty.
  Today Senators have an opportunity, as always, to be senatorial. I am 
hopeful that all Senators with an amendment will come to the floor and 
help us pass this bill quickly and provide our diplomats the tools they 
need.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The deputy leader.
  Mr. REID. I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set 
aside.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                Amendment No. 1164 to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. REID. I send an amendment to the desk on behalf of Senator Reid 
of Nevada and Senator Daschle.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Nevada [Mr. Reid], for himself and Mr. 
     Daschle, proposes an amendment numbered 1164.

  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of 
the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

(Purpose: To provide support regarding the rural development crisis in 
                                Mexico)

       At the end of subtitle A of title XXI, add the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 2113. SUPPORT REGARDING RURAL DEVELOPMENT CRISIS IN 
                   MEXICO.

       (a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
       (1) the United States should continue working closely with 
     the Government of Mexico to help minimize the impact of the 
     current rural development crisis in Mexico; and
       (2) that crisis creates a humanitarian, economic, and 
     security imperative for the United States Government to 
     support additional programs focused on the underfunded rural 
     communities of Mexico.
       (b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated to the President for fiscal year 2004, 
     $100,000,000 for programs in Mexico that promote the 
     following:
       (1) Micro credit lending.
       (2) Small business and entrepreneurial development.
       (3) Small farms and farmers that have been impacted by the 
     collapse of coffee prices.
       (4) Strengthening the system of private property ownership 
     in the rural communities.

  Mr. REID. The amendment offered on my behalf and that of the 
Democratic leader concerns a country, regrettably, that does not get a 
lot of attention in the Senate. In recent months--and rightfully so--we 
have focused intently on Iraq, Afghanistan, North Korea, Iran, 
Colombia, Pakistan, and many other countries scattered around the 
globe. Our close neighbor and critical friend to the south, Mexico, too 
often receives little, if any, attention.
  In some respects, the lack of attention may be a good thing. Last 
Sunday, for example, Mexico held midterm elections that resulted in 
President Fox's party losing 40 seats in the Mexican Congress in an 
election that was uniformly recognized as free and fair. It was not too 
long ago that elections in Mexico would have been front-page news in 
the United States, and the news would have not been good. In all 
likelihood, the reports would have told of rigged elections and another 
power grab by the long-ruling PRI.
  So the lack of attention to our friend Mexico is in one sense good 
news, but in a much larger sense it is a serious problem. The 
legislation we consider today will authorize billions of dollars for 
countries, regions, and programs around the world. But we will do very 
little for the country with whom we share a 2,000-mile border--Mexico.
  That is a disappointment, especially in light of that hopeful South 
Lawn ceremony with President Fox less than 2 years ago with our 
President. This amendment makes one simple thing very clear: what 
happens in Mexico is in the national security interests of our country. 
We should be doing more to help Mexicans who are working hard to help 
themselves. I believe President Bush summed it up very well last year 
when he said: ``The United States has no more important relationship in 
the world than the one we have with Mexico. Good neighbors work 
together and benefit from each other's successes.'' I agree with our 
President. It is a special relationship with great economic importance 
to both nations. But I am disappointed that the President has not 
backed up his words with action.
  Mexico is now the second largest trading partner we have. It is among 
the top 10 export markets for 43 of our States. It is the ninth largest 
economy in the world. But this special relationship we share with 
Mexico is in desperate need of repair. As we have turned our attention 
away from Mexico in recent years, economic troubles within the country 
have grown increasingly serious.
  A few years ago, Mexico seemed on the verge of an economic 
breakthrough. Today, however, Mexico's growth rate is half of what it 
was in the mid-1990s. This has hurt both their nation and our Nation. 
Mexico has a poverty rate of almost 40 percent. There are a little over 
100 million people in Mexico. That means almost 40 million Mexicans 
live in poverty. Fifty-three percent of all Mexicans--more than 50 
million people--have an annual income of less than $1,400. Twenty-three 
percent of all Mexicans have an annual income of less than $720. That 
is less than $2 a day. Income distribution within the country remains 
especially unequal, and unemployment and underemployment continue to 
hamper our southern neighbor.
  The problems are especially acute in rural areas of Mexico, which 
have been chronically underdeveloped and underfunded. Rural poverty 
remains one of the most persistent and serious economic problems facing 
Mexico. This rural economic crisis threatens the health and well-being 
of people in Mexico and puts our own economy and security in jeopardy.
  Take, for example, coffee growing. Coffee growers in Mexico thrived 
just a short time ago. They became an indispensable component of 
Mexico's rural economy. But they have seen the price of their crop drop 
by 70 percent in just 5 years. These failing commodity prices have led 
many of these farmers to seek another crop to feed their families. What 
is that crop? Opium poppies, which are used to make heroin that 
ultimately makes its way into our country.
  I understand that when people have no money, when their families are 
hungry, and when their livelihood is vanishing before their eyes--think 
of Mexico's coffee growers--they look for

[[Page 17612]]

other ways to survive. Some grow poppies, but others take unbelievable 
risks to come to America.
  Now, I am opposed to illegal immigration. I think everyone should 
comply with the law. But it has to tear at your heartstrings to see 
people who are so desperate that they risk their lives to come across 
the Rio Grande River. They freeze to death in the mountain passes; they 
die in the deserts of Arizona, New Mexico, and California trying to 
come to America. They pay what little money they have to demons who 
tell these people, ``We have a way for you to get to America.'' They 
cram innocent Mexicans in boxcars and trucks, and subject them to 
inhumane conditions. This is an all-to-familiar scene that takes the 
lives of too many innocent human beings.
  So while I am opposed to illegal immigration, I understand why 
desperate people do everything in their power to try to come to 
America. They risk their lives to cross our border illegally. This 
places additional strains on our border security officers, who are 
already overextended. Those who manage to sneak past the Border Patrol 
and survive the desert and the mountain passes arrive here with few, if 
any, job skills, so they take any job they can find. They compete for 
jobs with those who are here legally and tax our social services.
  Clearly, this crisis in rural Mexico is not only the business of 
Mexico; it is our business, too. Should we be concerned about what has 
gone on in Iraq? Of course we should. Should we be concerned about what 
is going on in Afghanistan? Of course we should. Should we be concerned 
about what is going on in Pakistan today? Bangladesh? India? Of course 
we should. Should the President of the United States be in Africa 
today? Of course he should.
  I traveled to Africa last August. It is an eye opener. As the world's 
only superpower, we have tremendous obligations. The President is going 
to commit this Congress to new obligations as he makes his trip around 
Africa. We have an obligation to do our best to live up to the 
commitments our President makes as he travels throughout the world.
  I do not in any way denigrate what we have done and what we are doing 
around the rest of the world. I am criticizing what we have failed to 
do. We have ignored Mexico, and that is wrong. We must remember that 
what goes on in Mexico concerns our Nation, because in today's world, 
problems like drugs and poverty do not grind to a halt at our borders. 
The Rio Grande River is not sufficient to stop the flow of illegal 
drugs into our country. The Rio Grande River is not sufficient to stop 
the poverty that comes across our borders in the form of illegal 
immigration that taxes our social services, our law enforcement 
officers and our educational system.
  But we also share many positive things with Mexico. We have a shared 
history, a shared culture, even a shared language--I have three sons 
who speak fluent Spanish. Mexican Americans have helped shape our great 
Nation. Twenty million people of Mexican ancestry live in the United 
States today, an increase of 53 percent from ten years ago.
  Mr. President, if you still doubt that we have a shared culture with 
Mexico, look at Nevada. What does the word ``Nevada'' mean? In Spanish 
it means ``snowcapped.'' ``Las Vegas,'' what does that mean? In Spanish 
it means ``the meadows.''
  In the State of Nevada, which is the fastest growing State in our 
Nation, Mexican Americans now account for more than 15 percent of the 
population. That is a 300 percent increase since the early 1990s. 
Overall, we have seen a 53 percent increase in our country's Mexican 
American population, but in Nevada it has been 300 percent. That 
doesn't take into consideration the approximately 5 percent of the 
population in our state who came from Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras, 
and other places in Central and South America. So as you can see, Mr. 
President, the connections between our two nations are real.
  But I want to do more than talk about this relationship. Actions 
speak louder than words. It is time this Congress acted. I want to 
follow through on President Bush's promise to work, and work together 
with Mexico. I want to address the very real crisis affecting Mexico's 
rural communities.
  Some of my colleagues have said: Your amendment has some merit, but 
won't it cost too much money? Well, this legislation we are dealing 
with here in the Senate today is worth billions of dollars. I think our 
neighbor to the south deserves part of that largesse.
  In recent years we have helped many countries around the world in 
their hour of need, whether through economic or military assistance. 
The American people have responded time and time again to crises in far 
corners of the world. Surely we can answer the call to help our largest 
trading partner and close ally. I don't think we have a choice. That is 
why I am proposing this plan to help Mexico lift herself up.
  This amendment will not drop money on Mexico's doorstep and hope it 
gets spent wisely. No, we are not doing that. Any expert who is 
familiar with what is going on in Mexico will tell you one thing--that 
the way to stop illegal immigration from that country is to give 
Mexicans an opportunity to succeed in their own economy. That is what 
this amendment is all about. And so we are proposing a plan to help 
Mexico lift herself up by providing the resources for a program to 
spark redevelopment in rural areas. This amendment would authorize $100 
million for microcredit lending, small business entrepreneurial 
development, aid to small farmers who have been affected by the 
collapse of prices, and support for Mexico's private property ownership 
system, which is in bad need of repair.
  President Fox is confronted with problems all over Mexico, but none 
are more difficult than those of rural Mexico. Commodity prices have 
fallen through the floor--not only coffee, but others, as well. 
Mexico's young people are fleeing its historic farming areas for Mexico 
City.
  Mexico City is the largest city in the world, with 21 million people 
at last count. It is also the most polluted city in the world. I went 
there and met with State Department officials. Our State Department 
officials receive hazard pay for living in Mexico City, but not because 
anybody is shooting at them. They receive it because the city's air is 
so detrimental to their health. And each day, more desperate people 
come to this overcrowded, polluted city from rural Mexico. The country 
is trading its rural future for increased unemployment in Mexico City. 
That is a bad switch.
  Let me talk briefly about each of the provisions of this amendment. 
First, microcredit lending programs have been enormously successful 
throughout the world. The goals of these programs are to provide small 
loans to nontraditional sectors of the economy that would ordinarily 
not be supported by the main financial institutions of the country. 
Flexible repayment procedures and low interest rates are hallmarks of 
microcredit enterprises.
  Our distinguished chairman of this committee has had such a 
significant impact on the world as a result of his involvement in this 
committee on which he serves, the Foreign Relations Committee. There 
are programs that have his name attached to them. The first one that 
comes to almost everyone's mind, of course, is Nunn-Lugar, which was a 
program that was introduced by two great statesmen--Nunn from Georgia, 
Lugar from Indiana--to work on a problem in the former Soviet Union 
that seemed to be unsolvable. Nunn-Lugar made tremendous strides in the 
direction of solving the problems we had with nuclear programs in the 
former Soviet Union.
  So I say to my distinguished Chair of this committee, I know the 
Senator from Indiana understands and has seen examples of how a few 
dollars, with our microlending programs in other countries, have been 
magnified and have helped individuals and regions and entire countries.
  That is what we are trying to do here.
  The evidence of microcredit lending clearly suggests that a small 
amount of money can have a huge impact on an economy by helping 
significantly in

[[Page 17613]]

villages and rural communities and with small businesses. These 
programs ought to be rolled out to rural parts of Mexico, as they have 
been in other parts of the world where the need for such innovative 
lending was clear. My amendment would start this process.
  Second, there is a lot of business activity just above the 
microenterprise level which large banks and financial institutions 
simply won't support because of lack of collateral or creditworthiness. 
These are typically small businesses and entrepreneurs who are trying 
to get started and who many times do not even have money for further 
training. This amendment supports efforts to boost programs directed at 
small businesses and entrepreneurial development, which is critical for 
maintaining a diversified and balanced rural economy. When small 
businesses and entrepreneurs leave the rural communities for larger 
Mexican cities or even the United States, that spells the beginning of 
the end for parts of rural Mexico.
  The third part of this amendment would implement programs to help the 
Mexican farmers who have been hurt by the falling prices of coffee and 
other commodities. On average, Mexican coffee farmers are being paid 70 
percent less than they were just 5 years ago. As a result, these once 
thriving farmers and farmhands are seeking work in larger cities.
  But when they come to these larger cities, they do not check into an 
apartment with air-conditioning or inside toilets. They cannot stop at 
the 7-Eleven and buy something for dinner. They live in shantytowns--
homes made of cardboard. We all have seen shantytowns. It is 
disgraceful that people have to live that way. But many of the 21 
million people living in Mexico City live in shantytowns. Agencies 
should be helping rural farmers to keep cultivating their usual crops, 
so they don't turn to illegal crop production or become desperate and 
abandon rural Mexico entirely.
  Finally, the fourth component of this amendment--and I believe it is 
an important part--is to support private property ownership in rural 
communities, and to do it through increased mortgage financing.
  If you want to sell your home in this country, it is very simple. If 
someone wants to buy it, they go to a title company. They go to 
somebody who has abstract deeds, and they run that through the legal 
process to find out if you really own that home, and if you do, whether 
there are any liens against your property in the way of debt which you 
haven't paid. By the time that person sells that home, the person who 
buys it knows everything about that real estate he wants to buy from 
you. You can't do that in most places in Mexico. They have no legal 
system to do that.
  If you live in rural Mexico and you own a home, you live in that home 
for the rest of your life. You can't borrow money to fix it up. It is 
worth nothing because you can't sell it. It is, in effect, debt capital 
in more ways than one.
  Sound and secure property rights are a fundamental part of any market 
economy. But the framework of property rights in Mexico is in a state 
of disrepair. The lack of security in property transactions has 
resulted in a substantial decrease in the availability of credit.
  For example, mortgage financing funds only about 40 percent of new 
households in Mexico. Why? No one will lend money to people who do not 
own homes or have liens against a home. Families do not have equity in 
their homes, and the homes can't easily be sold unless cash is paid 
upfront. The impact of all this is particularly severe in rural 
communities, where the only alternative to living in the same 
dilapidated home for the rest of your life is to flee to a big city. 
The United States should act expeditiously in this area to help Mexico 
get its property rights back on track. We can do that today by passing 
this amendment.
  So to summarize, Mr. President, the four components of this amendment 
are microcredit lending, small business and entrepreneurial 
development, assisting small farms, and supporting an enhanced system 
of private property ownership.
  As I indicated earlier, some of my colleagues have already said this 
will cost too much money. I agree that it will cost a lot of money, 
even by Washington standards. But I also recognize that Mexico is in a 
dire crisis. Mexico is our friend, and it is in our interest to help 
Mexico. By doing this, we will help Americans as well as Mexicans.
  I recognize that immigration and drug trafficking from Mexico present 
a real problem for the United States. I have talked about that. 
Especially for States, such as Nevada, that are on the front line of 
this battle, it is a very difficult problem.
  I don't think this is a typical aid package. As I mentioned earlier, 
it is no handout. It is a commitment to free-market-based programs that 
will spur long-term development and growth in rural areas of Mexico. It 
is not only the right thing to do, but it also will have a positive 
impact on the United States by reducing the strain upon our society 
caused by illegal immigration and the deadly flow of drugs. 
Furthermore, a stronger and more economically sound Mexico will be a 
better trading partner for the United States. The better off Mexico is 
economically, the better off we are, because we will have a greater 
opportunity to sell them products we develop here.
  I have always supported aid to Mexico. Others have objected to it and 
said it is not necessary, but I have always supported it. It was 
necessary then, and it is necessary now. It is in our humanitarian 
interests, our economic interests and our security interests. That is 
why I say we have to make these investments in Mexico today. If we can 
afford to help so many other countries in the world, we ought to be 
able to help our friend with whom we share so much and with whom we 
share a 2,000-mile border.
  As President George W. Bush said:

       We have no more important relationship in the world than 
     the one we have with Mexico.

  This amendment will prove whether the United States will do more than 
just talk about our relationship with Mexico. As I said earlier, are we 
going to talk, or are we going to act? Actions speak louder than words.
  I ask my colleagues to support this amendment. This is so important 
for our country and for the country of Mexico.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sununu). The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I commend the distinguished Senator for his 
analysis of Mexico. Certainly we ought to underline the importance of 
the relationship. I believe it is deeply felt by most Americans who are 
interested in our neighbors to the south and to the north.
  Under the North American Free Trade Agreement, we have been trading a 
great deal more, much to the benefit of both of our countries. There is 
increased wealth in Mexico; likewise, its distribution and whether it 
is getting to the rural people the Senator from Nevada has discussed.
  I would say, first, in perspective, in the fiscal year 2003 budget of 
the United States, about $43 million was allocated in foreign 
assistance to Mexico. The President has requested that for fiscal year 
2004--the one we are now discussing--that be increased now to a total 
of $67.5 million. So the United States, in its foreign assistance, 
recognizes a number of ways in which our country can work with the 
people of Mexico for the betterment of people on both sides.
  But let me say generally about all of this that the analysis that the 
Senator has given would be important as testimony in our committee 
process, as dialog with our Department of State, to try to think 
through the priorities of how U.S. assistance to Mexico should best be 
spent.
  The Senator has offered some excellent items in terms of microloans, 
rural development prospects. There are numerous areas in Mexico that 
require our retention and our cooperation. I would say, once again very 
generally, committing $100 million to any country in addition to that 
which we are now expending is a matter of no small moment. It is worthy 
of the attention

[[Page 17614]]

of the committee and the proper procedures of consultation with our 
diplomats and with those in the State Department who have 
responsibility for that country and that portfolio.
  Furthermore, we face an important point as Senators in looking at 
this amendment. As I commenced the debate on the State Department 
authorization bill and foreign assistance authorization bill, we 
pointed out we have been careful to observe the budget agreement, the 
budget we all came to in the Senate. Clearly, the $100 million that 
would be authorized by this amendment is not a part of that budget. It 
was not requested by the President. It clearly would be money that 
would have to be subtracted from other programs for other countries or 
from American diplomacy generally. In essence, it is not money that can 
be added on at this particular juncture.
  There was a point in which we were having the budget debate in which 
Senators could have indicated more money for foreign assistance, more 
money for the State Department or American diplomacy. As I have 
reviewed the bidding from that procedure, I pointed out and commended 
all of the Senators who worked with me to restore in the budget $1.15 
billion that the President asked for to begin with. So at least we 
began the procedure with the moneys the President requested.
  The $100 million committed to authorization in this amendment is 
clearly not a part of that process. Therefore, I am going to oppose the 
amendment on the basis that I think the worthy objectives of the 
amendment require discussion through the committee system and in 
consultation with the State Department and with the administration.
  Secondly, I think there is a budget problem Senators have to look at 
squarely. I appreciate in the past it may have been the habit of the 
Senate, during these authorization processes, to simply authorize money 
with the hopes that somehow or other appropriators, at the next stage, 
would either find the money, subtract it from somebody else's program, 
or generally ignore the request.
  Authorization, as we know, is not appropriations, not expenditures; 
therefore, sometimes Senators, from time to time, have offered an 
authorization with the hope that somehow in the process the money might 
be forthcoming or a portion of it. I understand that.
  But I would say, in view of the fact that our country is committing 
in this budget process $67.5 million to Mexico, we are already taking 
note of obligations and opportunities that we have. The authorization 
of an additional $100 million in the Reid amendment, without the 
committee process, and in negotiation with the State Department, in my 
judgment, is inadvisable. Therefore, I oppose the amendment.
  Mr. President, I would like to engage the distinguished Senator from 
Nevada in a short colloquy.
  May I ask the Senator if he is prepared to proceed to a vote on his 
amendment.
  Mr. REID. I am. I would like 5 minutes more in which to speak.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Boxer be added as 
a cosponsor of my amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, let me just say that I have already stated 
in my remarks the great admiration I have for the distinguished chair 
of this committee. He is a good man, a good Senator, but I certainly 
disagree with the statements he made that this matter was not brought 
before the committee in the form of an amendment. I have not been here 
as long as the Senator from Indiana but I have been here quite a while, 
and I understand that not all Senators have the opportunity, if they do 
not serve on a committee, to offer amendments.
  I know Senator Biden and Senator Lugar do the best they can to bring 
a bill they think is responsible before the Senate. But had I been on 
the committee--which I am not--I would have offered an amendment such 
as this. I do not think there is a higher priority we have, not only 
from our security interests but from the simple merit of any proposal, 
than this one right here. I think it is very important that we 
recognize Mexico.
  I am now one of the senior members of the Appropriations Committee, 
and I do not quite understand why we are being so frugal with Mexico. 
We are not so frugal with other countries. I think Mexico deserves 
this. I ask Members of the Senate to understand there is no budget 
point of order against what I am doing. If this were an appropriations 
bill or had some budget implications other than that, that might be the 
case, but Senators can vote for this amendment. If the appropriators 
can't find enough money, then fine, that is the appropriators' problem.
  This body has a leading role to play in foreign affairs. We cannot be 
dictated to by the administration. President George Bush is President 
George Bush; he is not King George Bush. We have three separate but 
equal branches of Government: the judicial, the legislative, and the 
executive; and we are equal. I have a different philosophy than the 
President about what we should do for Mexico. He believes we should 
talk about it and not do a great deal about it. I believe actions speak 
louder than words. Now, maybe I am wrong but that is how I feel, and I 
have a right to feel that way.
  I am 1 of 100 Senators. If the Senators want to walk in here and say 
thumbs down to Mexico, I think it is too bad for this Senate but they 
are going to have an opportunity to vote to help our neighbor.
  Congress has a leading role to play in foreign affairs. We cannot 
defer to what the State Department wants to do. The State Department, 
directed by this administration, has not done a good job in taking care 
of Mexico. It has been all talk. There are some who have written, since 
the elections in Mexico a few days ago, that the reason President Fox 
took a drubbing in the elections is because the United States has not 
done anything to help Mexico.
  Maybe, when this bill goes to conference, there should be some 
rearranging. If this amendment is adopted, maybe the people who serve 
on these committees in the House and the Senate will have to do some 
rearranging of priorities but that is what we do in conference all the 
time.
  I think anything we can do to help the Mexican people is a direct 
help for us. Anything we can do to stop people from being forced to 
leave--Mr. President, people do not suddenly say in Mexico: Well, I 
guess I'm going to head for the United States. I haven't anything 
better to do. They are driven to the United States out of poverty, out 
of desperation. This amendment will allow these people to stay home. It 
will help Mexico City. It will help stop the tremendous flow of people 
into that city, the largest city in the world.
  This is the right thing to do. It is the right thing to do morally. 
It is the right thing to do for the security of the Nation--I mean the 
security of this Nation. It means more than just less crime, less 
burden on our education system, our health services, but it is economic 
security in many other ways. This is good for both countries.
  I respect my friend from Indiana, the distinguished chairman of the 
committee. I can't believe that in his heart he believes there is 
anything wrong with this amendment. I ask my friends to support it.
  I have nothing more to say.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator. I would 
like to suggest to him that in view of testimony occurring before the 
committees presently, the Senator might consider laying the amendment 
aside temporarily and that it might be voted upon perhaps at 11:30 this 
morning. Would the Senator be amenable to that idea?
  Mr. REID. I would be happy to enter an agreement with the Senator 
that at 11:30 today the Reid-Daschle amendment would be voted on. I 
would like an up-or-down vote on the amendment, and there would be no 
second-degree amendments in order. I so ask unanimous consent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. I agree that it is an up-or-down vote at 11:30.

[[Page 17615]]


  Mr. REID. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending 
amendment be set aside so that I may offer an amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.


                Amendment No. 1170 to Amendment No. 1136

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask 
for its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The bill clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Washington [Mrs. Murray], for herself, Mr. 
     Kennedy, Mr. Durbin, Mr. Daschle, Mr. Sarbanes, Mrs. Clinton, 
     and Mr. Reed, proposes an amendment numbered 1170.

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further 
reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

      (Purpose: To provide additional weeks of temporary extended 
   unemployment compensation for individuals who have exhausted such 
   compensation and to make extended unemployment benefits under the 
Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act temporarily available for employees 
                  with less than 10 years of service)

       After title IX, add the following:

                  TITLE __--UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION

     SEC. __. ADDITIONAL WEEKS OF TEMPORARY EXTENDED UNEMPLOYMENT 
                   COMPENSATION FOR EXHAUSTEES.

       (a) Additional Weeks.--Section 203 of the Temporary 
     Extended Unemployment Compensation Act of 2002 (Public Law 
     107-147; 116 Stat. 28) is amended by adding at the end the 
     following:
       ``(d) Increased Amounts in Account for Certain 
     Exhaustees.--
       ``(1) In general.--In the case of an eligible exhaustee, 
     this Act shall be applied as follows:
       ``(A) Subsection (b)(1)(A) shall be applied by substituting 
     `100 percent' for `50 percent'.
       ``(B) Subsection (b)(1)(B) shall be applied by substituting 
     `26 times' for `13 times'.
       ``(C) Subsection (c)(1) shall be applied by substituting `7 
     times the individual's average weekly benefit amount for the 
     benefit year' for `the amount originally established in such 
     account (as determined under subsection (b)(1))'.
       ``(D) Section 208(b) shall be applied--
       ``(i) in paragraph (1), as if ``, including such 
     compensation payable by reason of amounts deposited in such 
     account after such date pursuant to the application of 
     subsection (c) of such section'' were inserted before the 
     period at the end;
       ``(ii) as if paragraph (2) had not been enacted; and
       ``(iii) in paragraph (3), by substituting `the date that is 
     21 weeks after the date of enactment of Energy Policy Act of 
     2003' for `March 31, 2004'.
       ``(2) Eligible exhaustee defined.--For purposes of this 
     subsection, the term `eligible exhaustee' means an 
     individual--
       ``(A) to whom any temporary extended unemployment 
     compensation was payable for any week beginning before the 
     date of enactment of this subsection; and
       ``(B) who exhausted such individual's rights to such 
     compensation (by reason of the payment of all amounts in such 
     individual's temporary extended unemployment compensation 
     account, including amounts deposited in such account by 
     reason of subsection (c)) before such date of enactment.''.
       (b) Effective Date and Application.--
       (1) In general.--The amendment made by subsection (a) shall 
     apply with respect to weeks of unemployment beginning on or 
     after the date of enactment this Act.
       (2) TEUC-X amounts deposited in account prior to date of 
     enactment deemed to be the additional teuc amounts provided 
     by this section.--In applying the amendment made by 
     subsection (a) under the Temporary Extended Unemployment 
     Compensation Act of 2002 (Public Law 107-147; 116 Stat. 26), 
     the Secretary of Labor shall deem any amounts deposited into 
     an eligible exhaustee's (as defined in section 203(d)(2) of 
     the Temporary Extended Unemployment Compensation Act of 2002, 
     as added by subsection (a)) temporary extended unemployment 
     compensation account by reason of section 203(c) of such Act 
     (commonly known as ``TEUC-X amounts'') prior to the date of 
     enactment of this Act to be amounts deposited in such account 
     by reason of section 203(b) of such Act, as amended by 
     subsection (a) (commonly known as ``TEUC amounts'').
       (3) Redetermination of eligibility for augmented amounts 
     for all eligible exhaustees.--The determination of whether 
     the eligible exhaustee's (as so defined) State was in an 
     extended benefit period under section 203(c) of such Act that 
     was made prior to the date of enactment of this Act shall be 
     disregarded and the determination under such section, as 
     amended by subsection (a) with respect to eligible exhaustees 
     (as so defined), shall be made as follows:
       (A) Eligible exhaustees who received and exhausted teuc-x 
     amounts.--In the case of an eligible exhaustee whose 
     temporary extended unemployment account was augmented under 
     such section 203(c) before the date of enactment of this Act, 
     the determination shall be made as of such date of enactment.
       (B) Eligible exhaustees who exhausted teuc amounts but were 
     not eligible for teuc-x amounts.--In the case of an eligible 
     exhaustee whose temporary extended unemployment account was 
     not augmented under such section 203(c) as of the date of 
     enactment of this Act, the determination shall be made at the 
     time that the individual's account established under section 
     203 of the Temporary Extended Unemployment Compensation Act 
     of 2002 (Public Law 107-147; 116 Stat. 28), as amended by 
     subsection (a), is exhausted.

     SEC. __. TEMPORARY AVAILABILITY OF EXTENDED UNEMPLOYMENT 
                   BENEFITS UNDER THE RAILROAD UNEMPLOYMENT 
                   INSURANCE ACT FOR EMPLOYEES WITH LESS THAN 10 
                   YEARS OF SERVICE.

       Section 2(c)(2) of the Railroad Unemployment Insurance Act 
     (45 U.S.C. 352(c)(2)) is amended by adding at the end the 
     following:
       ``(D) Temporary availability of extended unemployment 
     benefits for employees with less than 10 years of service.--
       ``(i) In general.--Subject to clause (ii), in the case of 
     an employee who has less than 10 years of service (as so 
     defined), with respect to extended unemployment benefits, 
     this paragraph shall apply to such an employee in the same 
     manner as this paragraph applies to an employee who has 10 or 
     more years of service (as so defined).
       ``(ii) Application.--Clause (i) shall apply to--

       ``(I) an employee who received normal benefits for days of 
     unemployment under this Act during the period beginning on 
     July 1, 2002, and ending on December 31, 2003; and
       ``(II) days of unemployment beginning on or after the date 
     of enactment of the this subparagraph.''.

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, in May, after weeks of Democratic 
efforts, Congress extended unemployment benefits for the 2\1/2\ million 
Americans who have been laid off due to the economic downturn in this 
country. So far, our Republican colleagues have refused to include 
assistance for the 1.1 million Americans who have been hit hardest by 
this economic crisis--those long-term unemployed who have already run 
out of their unemployment benefits.
  Mr. President, I come to the floor to offer this amendment before the 
Senate. The amendment will provide additional unemployment insurance 
compensation to more than 1 million Americans who have exhausted all of 
their unemployment insurance benefits.
  I ask unanimous consent to add Senators Kennedy, Durbin, Daschle, 
Sarbanes, Clinton, and Reed as cosponsors of my amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mrs. MURRAY. The Murray amendment provides an additional 13 weeks of 
benefits for unemployed Americans who have exhausted all of their 
Federal unemployment benefits. That means we will be giving additional 
assistance to American workers who have been out of work for 9 months 
or more.
  My amendment provides 7 additional weeks of benefits for unemployed 
Americans who have already received 26 weeks of benefits because they 
live in a State hit hardest by the ongoing recession.
  Finally, my amendment provides parity to railroad workers currently 
ineligible for extended benefits.
  The amendment before us would cost $2.5 billion, but it would help 
more than a million American workers and their families.
  Mr. President, we are talking about the people in this country who 
have been hit hardest by this recession. We are talking about workers 
who have run out of options but still have to pay their mortgage; they 
still have to pay their medical bills; they still have college tuition 
to pay.

[[Page 17616]]

  One recent study concluded that unemployed workers do not have 
significant savings to carry their families through an extended period 
of unemployment. Unemployment rates normally replace less than half--50 
percent--of lost wages. What this means is unemployed workers are 
draining their savings accounts just to survive. The problem is even 
more acute for the long-term unemployed. Many of those have drained 
their savings entirely. They have nothing left.
  Last week's June 2003 unemployment report clearly demonstrates the 
need for this amendment at this time: 30,000 jobs were lost in the 
month of June; jobs have been lost for the last 5 consecutive months in 
this country; more than 394,000 jobs have been lost since January of 
this year; 9.4 million Americans are now unemployed; 3.4 million 
Americans have lost their jobs just since President Bush took office.
  Mr. President, we will soon be in the longest job recession since the 
1930s and the Great Depression. My State of Washington has the second 
highest unemployment rate in the Nation. The unemployment rate in my 
State is 7.3 percent, and that is just the official unemployment rate.
  One recent business columnist suggested the actual unemployment rate 
for the State of Washington could be as high as 11.8 percent if you 
count all of Washington's unemployed workers.
  All across Washington--in every sector and every region--we are 
continuing to see job losses. One recent economic report predicted it 
would be 2005 before any real job creation occurs in Washington State. 
That is a long time for people who have been out of work for 9 months 
or more.
  My colleague from Oregon, Senator Wyden, is in the Chamber. He and I 
share the distinction of being in States with the highest unemployment 
for the last number of years.
  We know when we go home that we are going to be faced by neighbors, 
by friends in every community across our State who will have been on 
unemployment, through no fault of their own. They want to be at work. 
They want to support their families. They want to send their kids to 
college. They want to pay their mortgages. They want to pay for health 
care. They do not have jobs. They do not have opportunities. And we 
have a responsibility to make sure they do not lose everything because 
of a recession that has been no fault of their own.
  Despite the rosy projections of economic growth and recovery that we 
keep hearing from this administration, we have to tell you there are 
many real Americans who are suffering through this economy every day.
  In my State, there are about 20,000 workers who would benefit from 
the amendment that is now before the Senate. I have met with these 
workers who are struggling today. We have lost 35,000 Boeing 
manufacturing jobs in the last 2 years alone. On an almost daily basis, 
my office gets calls from workers who are desperate, who have lost 
their benefits or who will soon lose their unemployment insurance 
compensation. In fact, yesterday I received a phone call from a 
gentleman named Richard, and I want to read the message he left my 
office: He said:

       I live on Camino Island. I'm a laid off Boeing worker. I 
     got laid off a year and a half ago. And I'm in school right 
     now. My unemployment insurance just ran out. I have 8 months 
     left of school. . . .I'm really concerned right now. . . 
     .That money would have been a godsend. I worked for Boeing 
     for over 12 years.

  This could be anyone working hard, raising their family, working for 
Boeing for 12 years and, through no fault of their own, through an 
economic recession in this country, through September 11, through a 
downturn in our airline industry, this gentleman was laid off. He is 
now trying to get his life back together. He is going to school. He 
does not want to lose everything. He wants to contribute back to this 
economy and to this country. He needs us to extend unemployment 
insurance to give him that kind of assurance that this country is there 
for him in the good times and in the tough times.
  There are a lot of workers, such as Richard from Camino Island, in my 
State who are losing their benefits. Many of these workers are losing 
hope in this current economy. This amendment gives more than 1 million 
American workers and their families new hope, new assurance that their 
country is there for them.
  I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. I urge its adoption 
this morning on this bill. I thank the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, the Senator from Washington has offered this 
very timely amendment. We have spoken to the two managers of the bill. 
We are awaiting instructions from the leadership as to whether we would 
have a vote following the amendment that is pending, the Reid-Daschle 
amendment.
  In the meantime, Senator Allen and Senator Harkin wish to offer an 
amendment, and Senator Clinton and Senator Wyden. Senator Allen wishes 
to speak, he said, for 5 minutes; is that correct?
  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, 10 minutes and 5 minutes for Senator 
Harkin.
  Mr. REID. And Senator Wyden and Senator Clinton wish to speak for 5 
minutes. We could do that and make that just right for about an 11:30 
vote.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on my 
amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is not a sufficient second.
  Mr. LUGAR. I object for the moment. I want to respond.
  Mr. REID. Let's get this resolved first.
  Mr. LUGAR. I object temporarily to the request for the yeas and nays. 
I will go along with that shortly. I am just trying to work with the 
distinguished leader on procedure.
  Senator Nickles requires 10 minutes for debate on the Murray 
amendment.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, that would put us to 5 after. Senator Murray 
asks for 5 minutes to respond. We have Senator Allen who wishes to 
speak for 10 minutes, Senator Harkin for 5 minutes, and then we have 
Senator Clinton for 5 minutes and Senator Wyden for 5 minutes, and that 
puts us at 25 to the hour. Then I am sure we can have the vote at 11:35 
a.m. or 11:40 a.m. and get everyone in to speak.
  I ask that the Senator from Washington be given the opportunity to 
have her amendment seconded so she can have a vote on it; Otherwise, we 
will just go into a quorum call. I have the floor. We ought to vote on 
her amendment at some time agreed to by the leadership.
  Mr. LUGAR. I agree the distinguished Senator should have a rollcall 
vote on the amendment. I will probably make a motion to table at the 
appropriate time.
  Mr. REID. We understand that. We understand it will be on or in 
relation to the Murray amendment.
  Mr. LUGAR. We on our side are trying to work out an agreement. 
Presently it is being drafted. Both sides are attempting to work out 
voting arrangements. It might be available. It might be useful to set 
aside the Murray amendment temporarily to listen to Senator Allen.
  Mr. REID. I ask unanimous consent that when we go to the Allen-Harkin 
amendment, the Murray amendment be set aside temporarily and that he be 
allowed to speak for 10 minutes and Senator Harkin for 5 minutes, and 
that following his remarks, as in morning business, the Senators from 
Oregon and New York be recognized for 5 minutes each; that we then go 
to Senator Nickles and Senator Murray and finish debate on her 
amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The 
Senator from Virginia.
  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to set aside the 
pending amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                Amendment No. 1165 To Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, I call up amendment No. 1165.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The bill clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Virginia [Mr. Allen], for himself and Mr. 
     Harkin, proposes an amendment numbered 1165.

  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of 
the amendment be dispensed with.

[[Page 17617]]

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

 (Purpose: To clarify the definition of blocked assets for purposes of 
               the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act of 2002)

       At the end of title VIII, add the following:

     SEC. 815. CLARIFICATION OF BLOCKED ASSETS FOR PURPOSES OF 
                   TERRORISM RISK INSURANCE ACT OF 2002.

       (a) Clarification.--Section 201(d)(2)(A) of the Terrorism 
     Risk Insurance Act of 2002 (Public Law 107-297; 116 Stat. 
     2339; 28 U.S.C. 1610 note) is amended by inserting before the 
     semicolon the following: ``, any asset or property that in 
     any respect is subject to any prohibition, restriction, 
     regulation, or license pursuant to chapter V of title 31, 
     Code of Federal Regulations (including parts 515, 535, 550, 
     560, 575, 595, 596, and 597 of such title), or any other 
     asset or property of a terrorist party''.
       (b) Effective Date.--The amendment made by subsection (a) 
     shall take effect on the date of the enactment of the 
     Terrorism Risk Insurance Act of 2002, to which such amendment 
     relates.

  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, I rise with my colleague, Senator Harkin of 
Iowa, to present amendment No. 1165 which simply clarifies the 
congressional intent of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act passed last 
year by this Chamber. This amendment will finally allow American 
victims of terrorism the opportunity for justice and the compensation 
they deserve.
  Unfortunately, despite repeated action taken by the Senate and by the 
Congress, many American victims are still debating with their own 
Government to seek compensation from states supporting terrorist 
activities.
  Last year, the Senate approved an amendment that Senator Harkin and I 
offered to the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act that was intended to permit 
victims of state-sponsored terrorism to satisfy their court-ordered 
judgments for compensatory damages. That amendment was resoundingly 
approved by a vote of 81 to 3.
  We sent a clear message that we are committed to stand beside the 
U.S. victims of terrorism and make sure they attain justice to which 
they are entitled. Indeed, several hundred Americans successfully 
satisfied their judgment under last year's law under assets of 
terrorist nations that were held by our Government. However, some 
executive branch officials have attempted to prevent American victims 
of terrorism from using Iranian assets held by the U.S. Government to 
satisfy their judgments against Iran for their complicit terrorist 
activities.
  Some misguided and apparently confused Government officials are under 
the impression that Iranian assets fall outside the definition of 
``blocked assets'' and, therefore, cannot be used to satisfy judgments 
awarded to American victims.
  For some reason, there are some in the State Department who have 
found that the assets of terrorist states, such as Libya, Sudan, North 
Korea, and Cuba, are blocked but assets specific to Iran are merely 
regulated, and therefore not eligible for American victims to receive 
awards.
  This maladroit bureaucratic interference is once again preventing 
these funds from being used to compensate American victims who have 
brought lawsuits in our Federal courts. The cases have been heard. The 
evidence has been presented. They have won their cases and they have 
secured court-ordered judgments. They are real human beings, such as 
Edwina Hegna of Virginia. In the 1980s, Mrs. Hegna's husband, Charles 
Hegna, was an employee of the United States Agency for International 
Development. In 1984, he was on a commercial airplane flight from 
Kuwait City to Karachi, Pakistan. That plane was hijacked by Hezbollah, 
an Iranian-backed organization. The terrorists demanded that all 
Americans reveal themselves. Mr. Hegna stepped forward. The terrorist 
then beat and tortured him.
  Upon landing, they forced him to kneel. In testimony, witnesses 
talked about hearing Mr. Hegna praying for his life. He was then shot 
in the stomach and thrown 20 feet to the tarmac below. He was still 
alive, though, on that tarmac. Although many bones were broken in his 
lower body, he did not die. He laid in agony on the tarmac for over an 
hour. An ambulance finally arrived. The terrorists, when seeing the 
ambulance coming, leaned out of the airplane door and shot him 
repeatedly. He died in that ambulance at the age of 50.
  He is survived by his wife and their four children. The Hegna family 
currently has been awarded a compensatory judgment but is unable to 
receive any compensation from Iran's estimated $237.5 million of net 
assets reported in this year's Treasury Department report on terrorist 
assets.
  The Senate and Congress must restate the congressional intent, and we 
must restate it a second time so the Hegna family and all victims--
whether they are in Iowa, New York, New Hampshire, all across our 
Nation--ought to be compensated from the blocked or regulated assets of 
terrorist nations, and their sponsors must be held responsible and 
accountable for their vile acts. However, since Congress enacted 
legislation covering these assets, mistaken bureaucratic 
interpretations maintain those assets are not subject to the provisions 
in the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act passed last year.
  Let's stop playing games. Let's allow these victims and their 
devastated families the right to get after these assets.
  Let me be clear with my colleagues about what this amendment does not 
do because we possibly will hear some arguments on this. What this 
amendment does not do, No. 1, it does not in any way change or expand 
the definition of blocked assets as defined in the Terrorism Risk 
Insurance Act, which this amendment was passed last year, 81 to 3. The 
definition has always intended to include these so-called regulated 
assets.
  No. 2, it does not expand the scope of entities which could be held 
liable. To the contrary, existing law is broad enough and already 
ensures that all agencies and instrumentalities of state sponsors of 
terrorism are subject to the terms of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act. 
Nothing in this amendment changes that definition.
  No. 3, it does not eliminate or make any changes to the executive 
branch's flexibility or managing of sanctions. The amendment simply 
prevents bureaucrats from undermining the intent of the Terrorism Risk 
Insurance Act.
  Lastly, this amendment does nothing to change the policy established 
by the provisions of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act and the Harkin-
Allen amendment passed last year by an 81-to-3 vote. We must send a 
clear message that, regardless of confused bureaucracy, we are going to 
stand strong for justice and hold terrorists responsible for their vile 
actions. Therefore, I respectfully ask my colleagues to stand with 
these victims of state-sponsored terrorism, stand with their families 
and allow them to get some kind of satisfaction, compensation, and 
proper recourse to justice. I urge my colleagues to support this 
amendment.
  After Senator Harkin speaks on this amendment, I will ask for the 
yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Ensign). The Senator from Oklahoma.
  Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, I compliment my colleague from Virginia 
for his statement and his persistence. I remember him pushing this 
amendment last year. I was privileged to cosponsor the amendment. I ask 
unanimous consent to be added as a cosponsor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. NICKLES. I compliment my colleague from Virginia for his efforts.
  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from Oklahoma. It 
means a great deal to our efforts to have his leadership and support 
behind this amendment.
  Seeing that my colleague from Iowa, the cosponsor of this amendment, 
has not yet arrived, and in the effort to have things move along, I 
yield the floor but reserve for him 5 minutes. Then, at the conclusion 
of his statement, I will ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from 
Virginia for offering his amendment. As the Senator from Oklahoma has 
said, he has been persistent on behalf of the victims.

[[Page 17618]]

  The administration has proposed a comprehensive program for 
addressing compensation for all U.S. victims of terrorism. I have 
introduced that proposal, by their request, as S. 1275. The Committee 
on Foreign Relations will hold hearings on the proposal on July 17. I 
hope our committee will have the benefit of considering the proposal, 
deliberating on it, and offering its best advice to the Senate.
  Senator Biden and I are prepared to accept the amendment. We would 
like to do so at this stage as opposed to having a rollcall vote, or a 
voice vote for that matter.
  Mr. ALLEN. I certainly would not object to a voice vote. I ask my 
chairman, Senator Lugar, if we could have a voice vote. I think it is 
important we have a voice vote to make sure those in the bureaucracy 
best understand the intent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. I ask sometime that Senator Harkin be recognized for up to 
10 minutes to speak on the amendment. He is in the Chamber, and that is 
fine. I ask if Senator Harkin would have any objection to our passing 
the amendment and then he be recognized to speak on the amendment that 
is approved. We have a UC we are trying to get through.
  Mr. HARKIN. That is fine.
  Mr. LUGAR. If the Chair would proceed to the question.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to amendment No. 
1165.
  The amendment (No. 1165) was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the following 
Senators be recognized to speak prior to the sequence of votes: Senator 
Harkin for 5 minutes, Senator Nickles for 10 minutes, Senator Murray 
for 5 minutes, Senator Kennedy for 5 minutes, and that following the 
debate the Senate proceed to the vote on the Reid amendment to be 
followed by a vote in relation to the Murray amendment No. 1170; 
provided that there be 2 minutes equally divided in the usual form for 
debate prior to each of the two votes.
  Mr. REID. Reserving the right to object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. I remind everyone that Senators Clinton and Wyden have 
already been recognized in a previous order to speak for up to 10 
minutes. They will each take 5 minutes. I also ask that the Senator 
from Maryland be recognized for 5 minutes. He has called and wishes to 
speak. I also ask that there be no second-degree amendment in order 
prior to a vote on or in relation to the amendment offered by the 
Senator from Washington. Part of this consent, if everyone uses their 
time, would bump up the vote for a few minutes but not much.
  Mr. NICKLES. Reserving the right to object, and I shall not object, I 
believe the Senator from Iowa, Mr. Grassley, may wish to speak. I am 
not positive about that but I reserve 5 minutes for him since this 
deals with the committee of which he is chairman.
  Mr. REID. We would accept that.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous consent 
request?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, I compliment and commend my friend and 
colleague from Virginia for his unrelenting efforts to make sure 
victims of terrorism and their families are duly compensated for the 
acts of terrorism done to them and to their families by various 
government entities abroad. Senator Allen has been in the forefront of 
this fight. I am proud to join him as a cosponsor of this amendment to 
again reinforce our commitment to the American victims of State-
sponsored terrorism.
  We are united as Americans to meet the threat of terrorism. Even as 
we track down the terrorists and defend America, we must never forget 
that terrorists acts are ultimately stories of human tragedy. We must 
never forget the victims, victims such as Kathryn Koob from Waverly, 
IA, who sought to build cross-cultural ties between the Iranian people 
and the American people, only to be taken hostage in the U.S. Embassy 
in Tehran and held captive for 444 nightmarish days in Iran.
  This amendment by Senator Allen and myself and others will enable 
American victims of terrorism to receive compensation from blocked or 
frozen assets of foreign governments that sponsored the attacks upon 
them.
  Despite repeated provisions passed by Congress and enacted by the 
President most recently as part of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act of 
2002, again the amendment on which both Senator Allen and I had worked, 
American victims of terrorism continue to be denied court-awarded 
compensation.
  Last year, Congress passed this amendment that Senator Allen and I 
cosponsored 81 to 3 as part of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act. This 
law required that compensation to American victims of Iran-sponsored 
terrorism be made from all blocked Iranian assets. Unfortunately, the 
State Department has decided to play semantics in order to get around 
the law, saying Iranian assets held by the United States are 
``regulated,'' not ``blocked.''
  This amendment offered today by Senator Allen and myself and others 
makes explicitly clear the meaning of ``blocked.''

       Regulated, frozen, seized, held, licensed, restricted or 
     anything of similar meaning, no matter by what specific legal 
     authority Iranian funds are held by the U.S. Government.

  So this should clear it up. It is a matter of fairness to the 
victims. It is also a matter of fairness for the American taxpayer. The 
executive branch of the Government actively opposes the use of blocked 
or frozen assets to pay court-ordered compensation but calls, instead, 
for compensation to be paid with U.S. tax dollars. I believe this is 
backwards. State sponsors of international terrorism, not the American 
taxpayer, must be compelled to pay these costs first and foremost.
  I don't know how Congress can make itself more clear. But let's try 
to make it clear again that we will continue to speak on the Senate 
floor about this issue until all American victims of State-sponsored 
terrorism receive the compensation they were awarded from those who 
perpetrated the attacks upon them.
  I am honored to join Senator Allen and others today and to send a 
strong message to State sponsors of terrorism that they will pay for 
what they have done, and an equally strong message to American victims 
of terrorism that their country supports them.
  I ask unanimous consent I be added as a cosponsor to the Murray 
amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. HARKIN. I notify my colleagues I plan to offer another amendment 
later today that will be dealing, again, with aspects of reconstruction 
in Iraq regarding people with disabilities having access to places 
being rebuilt.
  Finally, I compliment my friend and colleague from Virginia, again, 
for his untiring, unrelenting effort to make sure that victims of 
terrorism are awarded compensation. These are not people who just get 
the money; they have to go to court. They have to prove their case. If 
they are successful, then they will be awarded compensation from the 
countries that sponsor this State-sponsored terrorism. I am proud to 
join as a cosponsor.
  Mr. ALLEN. I say to my colleague from Iowa, I know the Senator's 
passionate leadership on this issue has been truly a key in propelling 
this forward. It is a pleasure to work together. It is good to see 
somebody who cares strongly about justice. And as with so many efforts 
in the Senate, we need bipartisan leadership. I very much appreciate 
your vigor, your strength, your courage. You keep us going. You are a 
good captain of this team. We will keep fighting for those victims and 
against those terrorist states.
  Mr. HARKIN. I thank the Senator for his kind words.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, under the earlier unanimous consent request

[[Page 17619]]

I was given 5 minutes and Senator Clinton was given 5 minutes to 
address the matter of competitive bidding for Iraqi reconstruction 
contracts. I ask unanimous consent I be allowed that full 10 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


     Amendments Nos. 1171 and 1172, En Bloc, to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I send to the desk two amendments, one by 
Senator Leahy and one by Senator Biden, that have been agreed to by 
both sides, and I ask for their immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the pending amendments are 
laid aside.
  The clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar], for Mr. Leahy, 
     proposes an amendment numbered 1171.
       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar], for Mr. Santorum, for 
     himself and Mr. Biden, proposes an amendment numbered 1172.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of 
the amendments be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments are as follows:


                           amendment no. 1171

Purpose: To ensure that eligibility for assistance under the Millennium 
Challenge Account includes a demonstrated commitment to the sustainable 
                        use of natural resources

       On page 250, line 4, insert the following before the semi-
     colon; and the sustainable use of natural resources


                           Amendment No. 1172

     (Purpose: To make a technical correction to the United States 
  Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003)

       At the appropriate place, insert the following:

     SEC. __. TECHNICAL CORRECTION RELATING TO THE ENHANCED HIPC 
                   INITIATIVE.

       Section 1625(a)(1)(B)(ii) of the International Financial 
     Institutions Act (as added by section 501 of the United 
     States Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria 
     Act of 2003 (Public Law 108-25)) is amended by striking 
     ``subparagraph (A)'' and inserting ``clause (i)''.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendments.
  The amendments (No. 1171 and 1172) were agreed to.


                           amendment No. 1171

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I want to thank the managers of the bill 
for accepting this amendment, and I also want to thank the White House 
for its support.
  This is an amendment of few words--only seven, in fact, but they are 
important words. The Millennium Challenge Account, MCA, authorized in 
this bill, provides for a determination by the Millennium Challenge 
Board of eligibility of candidate countries for assistance. The Board 
is to determine whether such a country has demonstrated a commitment to 
several things, including ``just and democratic governance,'' 
``economic freedom,'' and ``investments in the people of such 
country.'' I support this. It is long overdue for our foreign 
assistance to be linked to concrete benchmarks like these. Too often, 
we have squandered U.S. taxpayer dollars on corrupt, autocratic 
governments that do not share our values or a commitment to democratic 
and economic reform.
  However, as orignally drafted, the criteria for MCA eligibility do 
not include a country's commitment to protect the environment. Many 
governments of developing countries have turned a blind eye or even 
participated in the wholesale destruction of the timber, mineral and 
fossil resources that are among a country's greatest source of wealth. 
In Indonesia and parts of South America, the forests and wildlife are 
being destroyed at an astounding rate. In Angola, billions of dollars 
in oil revenues have been stolen by corrupt officials, and this 
continues today. Other countries are rapidly depleting their scarce 
water resources, or poisoning their rivers and lakes with toxic 
pollutants. Fisheries are being mismanaged, and valuable arable land is 
being lost to erosion.
  Economic development cannot be sustained without the sustainable 
management of a country's natural resources, yet few developing 
countries have adopted laws or policies which adequately reflect the 
irrevocable link between economic growth and environmental protection. 
And some countries that have such laws or policies do not enforce or 
implement them. My amendment addresses this issue by ensuring that in 
order to qualify for assistance under the MCA, a country must have 
demonstrated a commitment to ``the sustainable use of natural 
resources.''
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, for some time now a bipartisan group of 
Senators expressed concern about the letting of billions of dollars in 
Iraqi reconstruction contracts without competitive bidding. We have 
worked very closely with the chair of the Armed Services Committee, 
Chairman Warner, and with Senator Collins, who chairs the Governmental 
Affairs Committee. We have been able to attach an amendment to the 
Defense authorization bill requiring the disclosure of awards that 
involve closed-bid or no-bid accounts.
  But the fact is, as the legislative process goes forward, too much 
money is now moving out of public coffers into private hands with too 
little assurance that those hands have won their contracts fairly.
  As a result, today Senator Clinton and I are requesting the immediate 
public disclosure of all documents relating to USAID's decision to 
exempt Iraqi contracting from full and competitive bidding. In 
addition, Senator Clinton and myself are asking Defense Secretary 
Rumsfeld for explanations regarding particularly troubling contracts 
that have recently come to light and have been awarded by his 
Department.
  Recently, a number of Senators have returned from Iraq. Every one of 
them I have heard discussing their trip, Democrats and Republicans 
alike, have concluded that the U.S. military will be spending more time 
in that country than originally calculated. The work to rebuild that 
ravaged nation will be more difficult rather than less so. Certainly, 
the billions of dollars of costs to the American people seem only to be 
going up.
  This week, Civil Administrator Paul Bremmer said that just over the 
next 6 months, Iraqi oil revenues will be $2 billion short of what will 
be needed to finance occupation and reconstruction. U.S. taxpayers are 
being asked to fund the difference. They are being asked to fund the 
difference for the 6 months and presumably for the foreseeable future. 
Yet the rationale behind much of this cost remains unknown to the 
American people and even to the Congress. Companies have been given 
contracts for work in Iraq with little or no competition and no 
explanation.
  The history of this, documented by the General Accounting Office, is 
such that this is a very unwise approach. The General Accounting Office 
has repeatedly said sole source or limited source contracts are not the 
best buy. They found that military leaders have often simply accepted 
the level of services given by a contractor without once asking if it 
could be done more efficiently or at a lower cost. Yet these 
noncompetitive contracts now seem to be the rule rather than the 
exception when it comes to Iraqi reconstruction.
  In my view, when Federal agencies employ a process that may expose 
taxpayers to additional costs, the need for explanation increases 
manifold.
  There is a crying need for transparency in how these billions of 
dollars are being spent. On April 19 of this year, a $50 million 
policing contract was awarded through closed bidding. On the same day 
it was reported that an $8 million contract for personnel services had 
been awarded nearly a month before the war began.
  Think about that--awards actually before the conflict began. By the 
time the end of hostilities was officially declared in May, billions of 
dollars of contracts had already been awarded.
  Fortunately, the news media has helped to get out the word about some 
of these issues. Right now the media is

[[Page 17620]]

the American people's only source, apparently, for insight into these 
contracts. The more we learn about this, the more troubling the pattern 
is. Just recently the New York Times ran a feature-length article 
describing the letting of a multimillion dollar oil field contract to 
Kellogg Brown & Root.
  I ask unanimous consent that important article be printed in the 
Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

           [From the New York Times Magazine, June 22, 2003]

                        Nation Builders for Hire

                             (By Dan Baum)

       The huge effort to restore Iraq's oil industry begins every 
     day two hours south of the Iraq-Kuwait border, at the lavish 
     Crowne Plaza Hotel in Kuwait City. No sooner does the lobby 
     restaurant open at 5 a.m. than a line of middle-aged men in 
     jumpsuits, golf shirts and identical tan caps forms at the 
     breakfast buffet, eschewing the mezzeh and labneh for French 
     toast, home fries and beef bacon. Outside, a couple of dozen 
     silver S.U.V.'s are lined up, and after a quick breakfast the 
     men are off in a swift northbound convoy, each car marked 
     with the sideways V of duct tape that designates American and 
     British vehicles. The road knifes across a packed pebble 
     desert as flat as a griddle, with hardly a plant or a rock 
     gentling the view to a hazy 360-degree horizon. But nobody's 
     minding the scenery.
       The men in the S.U.V.'s are all talking at once, handing 
     clipboards and calculators back and forth, trying to make 
     10,000 impossible things happen in Iraq's oil fields in 
     exactly the right order. A couple are getting in last-minute 
     calls to headquarters in Houston before leaving Kuwaiti 
     cellphone coverage. Though they speak with the drawling soft 
     consonants of the Texas-Oklahoma oil patch, these are truly 
     citizens of the world--or at least the petroleum-producing 
     corners of it.
       For they are the legions of Kellogg Brown & Root, 
     subsidiary of the oil-services giant Halliburton, which in 
     March won an open-ended Army contract to restore Iraq's oil 
     fields to working order. Most have spent years toiling in the 
     raw, scraped and sometimes violent places where oil lurks, 
     and each hews to the oilie's ethic: no place is a hardship. 
     How were your 12 years in Algeria? ``Not bad.'' Your six 
     years at Prudhoe Bay? ``Not bad.'' Your 14 years in Nigeria? 
     ``Not bad.'' Southern Iraq--searing, bleak, lawless--is an 
     assignment like any other. Also, they are very well paid.
       At the border, where for most Kuwaitis formalities can take 
     an hour, the KBR S.U.V.'s barely slow down. Each man presses 
     his U.S. Department of Defense Contractor ID to the window, 
     and the Kuwaiti guards wave them through. Nobody's 
     controlling the Iraqi side. An hour later, the S.U.V.'s reach 
     an abandoned gas station in the middle of nowhere. In the 
     shade of crumbling walls a company of British soldiers is 
     squatting in the sand, eating packets of weenies-and-beans 
     from their boxed rations. They're a mixture of Royal 
     Engineers, R.A.F. ground troops and 7th Armored Brigade--the 
     famous Desert Rats who fought Rommel in North Africa. As the 
     Brits brew tea on their folding tin stoves, Jim Koockogey, a 
     muscular security coordinator for KBR, stands with clipboard 
     and shouts into the hot wind.
       ``Tuba Tango: we need two shooters. Arthur power station: 
     two shooters. GOSP Three Romeo: four shooters. . . . '' From 
     Kuwait City to here the S.U.V.'s were safe enough in their 
     long silver convoy, but now, traveling singly, they'll need 
     armed guards. The British soldiers toss aside the trash from 
     their rations and drape themselves with weapons and long, 
     glinting belts of ammunition. As the KBR cars roar off toward 
     their daily appointments with Iraqi oil, the soldiers, many 
     of whom fought the hard battles for Basra and Umm Qasr, pile 
     into Land Rovers and fall in behind.
       When Dwight Eisenhower warned in 1961 of the ``military-
     industrial complex,'' he never imagined the regimental 
     descendants of Monty's boys at El Alamein tenting in the 
     desert to baby-sit corporadoes earning $10,000 tax-free a 
     month. This, however, is modern might. The military has 
     become the industrial, and vice versa.
       Representative Henry Waxman, a Democrat from California, is 
     in high dudgeon lately, suggesting that Vice President Dick 
     Cheney's former chairmanship of Halliburton gave KBR the 
     inside track on the Iraqi oil-fields contract, which could be 
     worth as much as $7 billion. But the reality is subtler: KBR 
     didn't need any help. It is by now so enmeshed with the 
     Pentagon that it was able essentially to assign the contract 
     to itself.
       KBR was founded in 1919 as Brown & Root, and quickly 
     acquired a reputation for taking on the kinds of projects 
     that tend to recall the building of the pyramids. It 
     constructed the gigantic Mansfield Dam in Texas, New Orlean's 
     24-mile Lake Pontchartrain Causeway, Colorado's Eisenhower 
     Tunnel and the Johnson Space Center, among many other mega-
     projects. Halliburton acquired it in 1962, and in 1998 merged 
     it with the petrochemical company M. W. Kellogg to form 
     Kellogg Brown & Root. KBR now accounts for almost half of 
     Halliburton's annual $12.5 billion annual revenue.
       The Army says KBR got the Iraqi oil-field contract without 
     having to compete for it because, according to the Army's 
     classified contingency plan for repairing Iraq's 
     infrastructure, KBR was the only company with the skills, 
     resources and security clearances to do the job on short 
     notice. Who wrote the Army's contingency plan? KBR. It was in 
     a position to do so because it holds another contract that is 
     poorly understood yet in many ways more important, and 
     potentially bigger, than the one to repair the oil fields: 
     the Logistics Civil Augmentation Program, or Logcap, which 
     essentially turns KBR into a kind of for-profit Ministry of 
     Public Works for the Army. Under Logcap, which KBR won in 
     open bidding in 2001, KBR is on call to the Army for 10 years 
     to do a lot of the things most people think soldiers do for 
     themselves--from fixing trucks to warehousing ammunition, 
     from delivering mail to cleaning up hazardous waste. K.P. is 
     history; KBR civilians now peel potatoes, and serve them, at 
     many installations. KBR does the laundry. It fixes the pipes 
     and clean the sewers, generates the power and repairs the 
     wiring. It built some of the bases used in the Iraq war.
       Writing the oil-field contingency plan was only one of a 
     thousand things KBR did for the Army last year under Logcap. 
     (KBR has a similarly broad contract with the Navy, under 
     which it built, among other things, the cages for suspected 
     terrorists at Guantanamo Bay.) The technical term for Logcap 
     is ``cost-reimbursement, indefinite-delivery/indefinite 
     quantity,'' or ``cost-plus,'' meaning KBR spends whatever it 
     believes necessary to get a job done, then adds from 1 to 9 
     percent as profit. There's practically no limit on how 
     lucrative Logcap can be, and as the awarding of the Iraqi 
     oil-field contract--by KBR, to KBR--demonstrates, Logcap can 
     become a generator of yet more contracts. Nothing like it 
     exists elsewhere in government. That KBR wrote the oil-field 
     plan wasn't considered by the Army a disqualifying conflict 
     of interest--in fact, just the opposite. ``They were the 
     company best positioned to execute the oil-field work because 
     of their involvement in the planning,'' said Lt. Col. Gene 
     Pawlik, an Army spokesman.
       The military has relied on civilian contractors ever since 
     George Washington hired farmers to haul supplies for the 
     Continental Army, and the use of mercenaries is as old as 
     time. But the KBR-style blending of corporations into the 
     fabric of the military is relatively recent. Its genesis is 
     one of the unsung but seminal ideological documents of the 
     Reagan era, a revolution-on-paper that goes by the dry title 
     Circular No. A-76. Issued in 1983 by the budget director, 
     David Stockman, A-76 mandates that government should ``rely 
     on commercial sources to supply the products and services the 
     government needs.''
       Circular No. A-76 wasn't written specifically for the 
     Defense Department, and the military was slow to adopt the 
     approach. It took the end of the cold war for the Pentagon to 
     discover the benefits of outsourcing. The times demanded that 
     the military shrink--remember all the talk about a ``peace 
     dividend''? Oddly, though, the end of the cold war uncorked a 
     froth of conflicts from Africa to the Balkans that the 
     military had to monitor and, in the case of the former 
     Yugoslavia, fight. By one count, the Army has deployed 
     soldiers more than three times as often in the 14 years since 
     the cold war ended than in the cold war's four-decade 
     history, even though it is today down to only two-thirds the 
     size of its cold war peak.
       Downsizing the military not only meant doing more with 
     less; it also meant that a lot of former soldiers, sailors, 
     airmen and officers were suddenly on the street looking for 
     the kind of work for which their particular skills would be 
     valuable. The Pentagon still needed those skills. So the 
     downsized warriors joined a constellation of corporations 
     that sold those skills--everything from data processing to 
     interrogation to bomb disposal--back to the military at 
     private-sector prices.
       In 1992 the Defense Department, under Dick Cheney, hired 
     Brown & Root to write a classified report detailing how 
     private companies could help the military logistically in the 
     world's hot spots. Not long after, the Pentagon awarded the 
     first five-year Logcap--to Brown & Root. Then Bill Clinton 
     won the election, and Cheney, in 1995, became C.E.O. of 
     Halliburton, Brown & Root's parent company. A lot of 
     Halliburton's business depends on foreign customers getting 
     loans from U.S. banks, which are in turn guaranteed by the 
     government's trade-promoting Export-Import Bank. In the five 
     years before Cheney took the helm, the Ex-Im Bank guaranteed 
     $100 million in loans so foreign customers could buy 
     Halliburton's services; during Cheney's five years as C.E.O., 
     that figure jumped to $1.5 billion.
       ``Clearly Dick gave Halliburton some advantages,'' a 
     Hilliburton vice-president, Bob Peebler, told The Chicago 
     Tribune in 2000. ``Doors would open.''
       Doors continue to swing freely between the corporate boards 
     of companies like KBR, whose livelihood depends on U.S. 
     energy and

[[Page 17621]]

     military policy, and the upper echelons of government, where 
     those policies are set. In addition to its connection to Dick 
     Cheney--who as vice president continues to be paid ``less 
     than $180,000 a year'' in deferred compensation by 
     Halliburton, according to a company spokeswoman--Halliburton 
     has on its board former Secretary of State Lawrence 
     Eagleburger, who also sits on the board of Phillips Petroleum 
     alongside a former chairman of the Senate Select Committee on 
     Intelligence, David Boren. Among the vice presidents of Booz 
     Allen Hamilton--another does-everything company that has 
     received millions in military contracts--is the former 
     Director of Central Intelligence James Woolsey. Of the 30 
     members of the Defense Policy Board--the influential Pentagon 
     advisory panel from which Richard Perle was recently forced 
     to resign--at least nine are directors or officers of 
     companies that won $76 billion in defense contracts in 2001 
     and 2002, according to the Center for Public Integrity. 
     Lieut. Gen. Jay Garner, who served as chief civilian 
     administrator of Iraq, ran a subsidiary of L-3 Communications 
     that makes missile systems used in the Iraq war; and L. Paul 
     Bremer III, who took over from Garner, was plucked from a new 
     unit of the insurer Marsh & McLennan that was created a month 
     after 9/11 to profit from the new concern over catastrophic 
     risk.
       I am unabashedly an admirer of outsourcing,'' Army Gen. 
     Barry McCaffrey told The Dallas Morning News three years ago. 
     ``There's very few things in life you can't outsource.'' 
     McCaffrey now serves on the boards of the weapons makers 
     Raytheon Aerospace and Integrated Defense Technologies, among 
     others.
       It's a relatively small club that has both guided U.S. 
     military, energy and Middle Eastern policies over the past 
     three decades and then run the corporations that benefit from 
     those policies. And it's a club that had a long history with 
     Saddam Hussein. A sheaf of declassified 1980's State 
     Department cables demonstrate that in 1983 Secretary of State 
     George Shultz--former president of Bechtel--sent Donald 
     Rumsfeld to meet personally with Saddam Hussein several 
     times, in part to promote an oil pipeline to the Red Sea port 
     of Aquaba. (The accompanying State Department photo of the 
     two men warmly shaking hands is startling, given the recent 
     vitriol between them.) In the midst of negotiations with 
     Rumsfeld, Hussein used poison gas against the Iranian Army. 
     While cables demonstrate the State Department discouraged 
     this, a memo to Eagleburger, then the under secretary of 
     state, noted it may have been American firms that sold 
     Hussein the gas, and outlined the need ``to avoid 
     unpleasantly surprising Iraq'' with public statements.
       By July 2000, Cheney claimed on ABC's ``This Week'' that 
     neither Halliburton nor its subsidiaries dealt with Iraq at 
     all. ``Iraq's different,'' Cheney said at the time. ``I had a 
     firm policy that wouldn't do anything in Iraq, even 
     arrangements that were supposedly legal.'' But in fact from 
     1997 to 2000, when Cheney was running Halliburton, two of its 
     subsidiaries sold Saddam Hussein's government a total of $73 
     million in oil-field supplies. The deal didn't violate U.S. 
     sanctions because the subsidiaries, Dresser-Rand and 
     Ingersoll Dresser Pump Company, were foreign.
       KBR/Halliburton, then, has rounded the bases when it comes 
     to Iraq. It got rich doing business with Iraq, it got rich 
     preparing to destroy Iraq and it's now getting rich 
     rebuilding Iraq.
       Proponents of contracting make the point that as the 
     overall size of the military shrinks, the ``tooth'' needs to 
     increase relative to the ``tail,'' or, as one analyst put it, 
     ``You want the 82nd Airborne training to kill people and blow 
     things up, not cleaning latrines or trimming hedges.'' They 
     also argue it's cheaper to hire contractors to do short-term 
     work rather than have the military maintain full-time 
     capabilities it needs only briefly.
       A good example is Camp Arifjan, a U.S. Army base about 90 
     minutes southwest of Kuwait City. Six months ago, this was 
     nothing but a small collection of buildings that was supposed 
     to be a training base. On Oct. 11--the day Congress gave 
     President Bush authority to wage war on Iraq--someone in the 
     Pentagon picked up a phone and told KBR it had nine weeks to 
     run Arifjan into a full-blown Army base for 7,000 people. The 
     job went to Robert (Butch) Gatlin, a wizened 59-year-old 
     Tennessean who served 32 years in the Army Corps of Engineers 
     before coming to perform the same work, at much greater pay, 
     for KBR.
       ``When we got here, there was no power or water,'' Gatlin 
     said as we stepped from the air-conditioned trailer that is 
     KBR's Arifjan headquarters into the blinding desert sun. 
     Within about 72 hours of the Pentagon's call, Gatlin had a 
     handful of KBR specialists--electricians, carpenters, 
     plumbers--on planes headed here. Most of the rest were hired 
     locally. ``I had a thousand people working here in 24 
     hours,'' he said. ``The Army can't do that.''
       KBR essentially took an entire Army base out of containers 
     and made it rise in the middle of the Kuwaiti desert two days 
     ahead of schedule: air-conditioned tents complete with 110-
     volt outlets for the soldiers' boom boxes, male and female 
     shower blocks, kitchens, a laundry, Pepsi machines, a 
     Nautilus-equipped health club with an aerobics room (``Latin 
     Dance Thurs & Sat!''), a rec center with video games and a 
     stack of Monopoly sets, a Baskin-Robbins and a Subway 
     sandwich shop. (No beer, though; alcohol is illegal in 
     Kuwait.) To conjure Camp Arifjan in a twinkling amid one of 
     the most hostile environments on the planet was by any 
     measure a stunning logistical achievement. And now, as at 
     many bases in the U.S., it's KBR civilian employees, not 
     soldiers, who cook, do the laundry, shuttle supplies and 
     control the airspace overhead. KBR does everything but fight. 
     Though it looks like an Army base, Camp Arifjan effectively 
     is a subsidiary of Kellogg Brown & Root. The Army is merely--
     to use Gatlin's term--the ``client.''
       The advantage to the Pentagon of using contractors goes 
     beyond logistics. Had the Army tried to build Camp Arifjan 
     itself last October, it would have had to mobilize 
     reservists, said Lt. Col. Karen LeDoux, the Logcap commander 
     at Arifjan. Activating reservists means disrupting families 
     and businesses and generating TV coverage of men and women 
     leaving home in uniform. In October, the war was still being 
     debated at the United Nations and in the streets. ``It's a 
     political decision to use contractors,'' LeDoux said. ``The 
     Army can get a delicate job done quietly.''
       Outsourcing military missions also lets the Pentagon do 
     things Congress might not approve. Congress, for example, has 
     said the military can have only 400 U.S. soldiers in 
     Colombia, an oil-rich country destabilized by guerrillas and 
     the cocaine trade. But for years, civilian pilots employed by 
     DynCorp, a KBR competitor, have been flying what amount to 
     combat missions in Colombia under contract to the State 
     Department, spraying coca crops with defoliant and 
     occasionally getting shot at. Representative Janice 
     Schakowsky, Democrat of Chicago, has been trying to put a 
     stop to this kind of end run around Congressional oversight, 
     but in the bellicose post 9/11 atmosphere on Capitol Hill, 
     she can't get traction. Congress would never authorize the 
     U.S. military to perform such a politically explosive mission 
     as the Colombian spraying, Schakowsky argues, and if an 
     American soldier was killed in Colombia it would be Page 1 
     news.
       ``Is the U.S. military privatizing its missions to avoid 
     public controversy or embarrassment--to hide body bags from 
     the media and shield the military from public opinion?'' she 
     asks. Iraq, Schakowsky says, is no different. ``We talk a lot 
     in Congress about how many U.S. troops are there and for how 
     long, but not at all about the contractors,'' she said. 
     ``They don't have to follow the same chain of command, the 
     military code of conduct may or may not apply, the 
     accountability is absent and the transparency is absent--but 
     the money keeps flowing.''
       The General Accounting Office and several watchdog groups 
     say it's not yet even clear that Pentagon contractors are 
     cheaper in the long run than a larger military; the 
     experiment is still too young. And there are other concerns, 
     first among them the uncomfortable fact that the military can 
     find itself dependent in wartime on people it doesn't 
     control. Often, the only people who know how to run the 
     military's new high-tech gear are the geeks of the company 
     that makes it, so the soldiers manning, say, an Abrams tank 
     don't necessarily know how to fix it if it breaks. After 
     visiting Arifjan I met a reserve Air Force colonel in the 
     lobby of the Kuwait Hilton who told me the communications 
     gear on which his job depends is entirely maintained by 
     civilian employees of the manufacturer (he wouldn't tell me 
     which). ``We had a problem in the middle of the night and 
     called down for the contractor; they told us he doesn't come 
     in until 9 a.m.,'' the officer told me. ``We're fighting a 
     war, and the contractor doesn't come in until 9 a.m.!'' And 
     really, there's no guarantee the contractor will be there at 
     all if things get ugly. Soldiers have to stay put when the 
     shells start falling or face punishment for desertion; 
     contractors who decide the high pay isn't worth the risk can 
     simply leave. As the Defense Department itself put it in a 
     1991 report, ``D.O.D. Components cannot ensure that 
     emergency-essential services performed by contractors would 
     continue during crisis or hostile situations.'' And that was 
     before the big increase in Pentagon contracting.
       From the public's point of view, the increasing use of 
     contractors makes it harder to know what the military is 
     really doing. The Pentagon has lots of maddening rules that 
     citizens have to follow if they want information, but while 
     the Pentagon has secrets, it also fundamentally recognizes 
     that it is a public institution. Not so the contractors, 
     whose first allegiance is to their shareholders and who have 
     little incentive to share information about how they operate. 
     Take salaries. An Army sergeant with four years' service 
     earns $48,292.03 a year, a captain with two years' service 
     earns $60,500.47 and a lieutenant colonel with six years' 
     service earns $87,299.81; the salaries are even posted on the 
     Internet. But when I asked a KBR spokeswoman how much her 
     people were earning for their hard, beerless months in the 
     desert, she said, ``We absolutely don't discuss salaries.''
       ``Why not?'' I asked. ``You're paying them with taxpayer 
     money.''

[[Page 17622]]

       ``We absolutely don't discuss salaries,'' she repeated. 
     (Later, a KBR manager told me on the sly that because he and 
     his colleagues have all their expenses paid by KBR and 
     Americans abroad pay no income tax on the first $80,000 they 
     earn annually, they expect to net $120,000.)
       At Camp Arifjan, Butch Gatlin spoke of the good old days of 
     the late 90s, when he had signing authority for any purchase 
     up to half a million dollars. Then came the U.S. involvement 
     in Bosnia and Kosovo from 1995 to 2000, when one of every 
     seven Pentagon dollars passed through KBR and both the 
     company and the Pentagon got dinged by the General Accounting 
     Office for overspending. The G.A.O. said it found ``no 
     evidence that cost was taken into consideration.'' Last year, 
     KBR paid $2 million to settle federal fraud charges that it 
     inflated the cost of an Army contract in California and ``in 
     doing so, it increased its profits at the government's 
     expense.''
       Now when Gatlin wants to buy anything over $2,500--which is 
     almost everything--he has to get a signature from an Army 
     officer living at Arifjan. ``He signs a lot,'' Gatlin sighed. 
     Cost-plus contracting offers the Army maximum flexibility; in 
     an emergency or a politically sensitive moment, KBR can 
     quietly throw as much money as necessary at a problem. But 
     the more KBR spends, the more it earns.
       Bechtel, another hydra-headed American giant, won what's 
     often called the ``mother contract'' from the U.S. Agency for 
     International Development to revive Iraq's water, power and 
     electricity and the port of Umm Qasr. Unlike KBR, which fills 
     the Crowne Plaza with a huge regiment of Texans who actually 
     turn wrenches, Bechtel keeps fewer than 50 engineers and 
     managers quartered at the Kuwait Sheraton. Bechtel's client 
     is USAID, not the military, so none of its work is 
     classified, and that makes it easier to hire its muscle 
     locally. So while the lobby of the Crowne Plaza feels like a 
     particularly high-rent sergeants' club--noisy and smoky, men 
     clumping in work boots across the faux-Persian carpets--the 
     cool marble lobby of the Sheraton plays the role of officers' 
     billet to the reconstruction campaign. On the Sheraton's 
     black leather sofas, British businessmen perch primly in no-
     wrinkle blazers, sample cases ready, watching for the company 
     golf shirt of a Bechtel executive to emerge from the 
     elevators.
       Robert Sedgbeer, who works for a smallish British company 
     that makes cellphone towers, was fighting jet lag to stay 
     awake. ``If I can just get these into the right hands, my 
     trip will be worth it,'' he said, fingering a stack of 
     company literature and craning his neck for a Bechtel exec. 
     Stephen Thomas, whose achingly polite Oxbridge manner belies 
     his 15 years in Oman (``not bad''), said he hopes to sell 
     Bechtel his company's food-service and telecommunications 
     skills. Like Sedgbeer and everybody else in the lobby, he 
     lowered his voice when saying ``Bechtel,'' lest he risk 
     offending the keepers of the golden keys. ``We don't often 
     get the chance, in our lifetimes, to see a country with such 
     tremendous oil wealth and virtually no civilian commercial 
     infrastructure get a whole new blueprint,'' Thomas said 
     eagerly.
       The revolving door that spins at the top of the military-
     industrial ziggurat spins at the bottom too. On my way out of 
     Arifjan, I looked more closely at the heavily armed soldiers 
     guarding the gate and found they weren't soldiers at all, but 
     rather civilian employees of something called Combat Support 
     Associates, a joint venture of three obscure American 
     companies that provide the Army with security, logistics, 
     ``live-fire training'' and maintenance. In southern Iraq I 
     ran into four big men in full combat gear and Robocop 
     sunglasses whom I also took to be soldiers until I noticed 
     the tape over the left shirt breasts; instead of US ARMY, it 
     said EODT. That stands for ``Explosive Ordnance Disposal 
     Technology,'' not an Army unit but a company based in 
     Knoxville, Tenn. The Web site says EOD Technology ``applies 
     leading-edge geophysical technologies to provide documented 
     efficient solutions to environmental challenges,'' and what 
     that translates to is: these guys dig up minefields for a 
     living. Their challenge the day I saw them was an unexploded 
     American artillery round that had crashed through an oil 
     pipeline and was buried who-knew-where underneath. All four 
     used to be soldiers; now they do the same work at private-
     sector wages.
       It's an article of faith among KBR's people that they will 
     be in Iraq only a short while. KBR's top client, Brig. Gen. 
     Robert Crear of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, is the man 
     in charge of Team RIO (Restore Iraqi Oil) and on a walking 
     tour of the Basra oil refinery he insisted that the Army's 
     role--and by extension KBR's--is temporary. ``This is an 
     Iraqi operation,'' he said several times. ``The oil belongs 
     to the Iraqi people. We are only support, and only until the 
     infrastructure is up and running.''
       But neither he nor anybody else was able to say what ``up 
     and running'' means. Depending on how that question is 
     answered, companies like KBR will be in Iraq for months and 
     will make millions, or years, and make billions. Decades of 
     war and sanctions have left the wellheads, drills, pumps, and 
     pipelines so inefficient and unsafe that, by some estimates, 
     it will take $50 billion and a decade to fix them.
       There is no question that companies like KBR are up to the 
     job. What isn't clear is whether there will come a day, 
     anytime soon, when the United States says, ``O.K.; good 
     enough,'' and goes home--leaving the Iraqi oil fields patched 
     together and its equipment semi-safe. Or does the effort to 
     ``assist the Iraqi people'' require a decadelong, oil-
     financed bonanza for oil-service companies like KBR/
     Halliburton? If anybody has the answer to that question, he 
     or she is not saying. ``That's way above my pay grade,'' says 
     General Crear.
       What's certain is that as long as the Army is in Iraq, KBR 
     will be there with it. In Baghdad every morning, a crowd of 
     desperate job seekers gathers at dawn at the back gate of the 
     old Republican Palace compound, which is now U.S. Army 
     headquarters. At about 7, a Humvee full of KBR men roars up, 
     and like doorkeepers at the old Studio 54 they select a dozen 
     or so grateful men and women for menial tasks on the base. 
     Nobody objected to my watching this scene, but later, when a 
     photographer took out a camera, an Army public-affairs 
     officer walked up with his hand outstretched. ``The 
     authorities in charge have decided not to allow access at 
     this time,'' he said. When asked if those ``authorities'' 
     were the Army or KBR, the officer sighed and said, ``To be 
     honest, the lines get a little blurred sometimes.''

  Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, the reason that article is so important is 
because it indicates Kellogg Brown & Root essentially wrote the specs 
for the U.S. Government with respect to an oil field restoration 
effort. What that article shows is that the process basically allowed 
an incumbent contractor to identify the criteria for a multibillion 
dollar contract and virtually ensured that company would be awarded the 
contract without competition. If the news reports are correct, the 
potential for sole-source, custom-crafted contracts is basically 
guaranteed now by the Kellogg-Brown agreement. Senator Clinton and I 
have asked the Defense Department to provide within 30 days answers to 
some of the serious questions that involve contracting processes that 
seem to be used as of today.
  The Department of Defense recently announced, for example, that they 
had some concerns about the original agreement. That is fine, but we 
want to know whether there are other contracts that are being let in 
this fashion. We want to know whether the Department of Defense intends 
to continue the practice where it has not been discovered by the news 
media.
  The reason we are so concerned is if individual contractors are 
customarily setting the criteria for the work they plan to pursue, 
there are conflict-of-interest issues that ought to be resolved by our 
Government today. When you consider the Kellogg Brown & Root contracts 
are so-called cost-plus contracts, this arrangement becomes even less 
acceptable. Cost-plus contracts let the companies spend what they think 
is necessary, and then on top of it they tack on a percentage fee to 
make a profit. The more taxpayer dollars the company spends, the more 
profit they are able to bring home. A number of Iraqi reconstruction 
contracts, not just Kellogg-Brown's, have been designed in this way.
  My view is, if the Federal Government is going to spend my 
constituents' money in this way, my constituents deserve an 
explanation.
  I was at a town meeting in a small Oregon community on the Oregon 
coast this last weekend, where they could not afford money to have 
their port dredged. It may take upwards of $100 billion under some of 
these plans to rebuild Iraq. When our country can't afford the money to 
make sure our small ports get help quickly, there is no place for waste 
in these reconstruction matters.
  Finally, to just highlight the immediacy of this concern, questions 
have been raised as to how MCI, a company that does no wireless service 
in the U.S. and never has, could end up winning the contract from the 
Defense Department to set up a wireless telecommunications network in 
Iraq.
  That is the kind of question we want to see answered. That is why we 
are sending these letters today, calling for immediate public 
disclosure of these contracts so we can see whether the American people 
are getting their money's worth. We come to the Senate

[[Page 17623]]

floor today because these are new concerns that have come to light. 
Chairman Warner, Senator Collins, and others have worked with us in a 
very constructive way with bipartisan legislation that I hope will be 
passed quickly. But I don't think we ought to allow the outsourcing of 
accountability over billions of dollars of contracts for Iraq to 
continue one day longer. That is why I come to the floor today to 
announce this effort, to try to bring some sunshine to Iraqi 
contracting. I have always felt sunshine is the best disinfectant. It 
sure looks like we need some of that right now.
  I yield the floor.
  Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I join Senator Wyden in expressing 
concern over the process regarding the awarding of reconstruction 
contracts in Iraq. As Senator Wyden has pointed out, this is an issue 
that impacts the spending of hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars. 
After the magnificent performance of our U.S. military in Iraq, we are 
now faced with the task of rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure. Huge 
contracts are being awarded in support of these efforts. However, many 
of these contracts are being awarded without fair and open competition 
and with no public oversight.
  This week, Senator Wyden and I sent a letter to the administrator of 
the U.S. Agency for International Development, Andrew Natsios, 
requesting that he make public all documents related to USAID's 
decision to exempt contracts for reconstruction of Iraq from full and 
open competition. As the letter points out, sole-source and limited-
source contracts seem to be the rule, not the exception, for rebuilding 
Iraq.
  However, as the U.S. General Accounting Office has reported, sole-
source or limited-source contracts usually are not the best value for 
the taxpayers. With $100 million in taxpayer funds projected for 
rebuilding Iraq, it is critical that we ensure that this money is being 
spent wisely.
  Certainly, there may be times that contracts need to be awarded 
outside the normal contract award process. But in those cases, it is 
particularly important that we ensure that those contracts undergo full 
disclosure to avoid unnecessary expenses for the taxpayers.
  As our letter makes clear, both the GAO and the USAID Inspector 
General have raised questions about the processes used to award 
reconstruction contracts in Iraq. It is the responsibility of Congress 
to ensure that the funds we appropriate for reconstruction in Iraq are 
spent in a fair and open manner.
  Earlier this year, I joined Senator Wyden, Senator Collins, Senator 
Byrd and others in introducing the Sunshine in Iraq Reconstruction 
Contracting Act. The bill provides an element of accountability so that 
Congress and the American people can have a full understanding of how 
these contracts are being awarded. It would require that when contracts 
are awarded without a full and open competition, the awarding agency 
would have to publicly explain why.
  We were able to get similar language inserted into the Department of 
Defense Authorization bill which would require that Iraq reconstruction 
contracts be subject to these reporting requirements. However, until 
that provision becomes law, we are calling upon USAID to voluntarily 
make these documents public.
  As I have said before, it would be unfortunate if, in our effort to 
set an example of open government and democratic principles abroad, we 
undermined those principles here at home. I hope that the rest of my 
colleagues join me in asking USAID to make these documents public.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent I be permitted 
to speak for 5 minutes following the last speaker in the unanimous 
consent request.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Mrs. MURRAY. Reserving the right to object, is the Senator speaking 
against the Murray amendment?
  Mr. SANTORUM. I will offer an amendment on Syria and speak on it and 
then I will be withdrawing the amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. SARBANES. I understood the Senator from Oklahoma was lined up to 
go next. If he wishes to defer, I would be happy to go now, if that is 
acceptable to him.
  Mr. NICKLES. For the information of colleagues, I don't believe the 
UC had an order. It lists Senators. I can't do it right now.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, as I understand it, I am recognized for 
5 minutes under the unanimous consent?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is correct.


                           Amendment No. 1170

  Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, I rise in very strong support of the 
Murray amendment. I commend the very able Senator from the State of 
Washington for coming forward with this initiative. It is a critical 
issue for millions of Americans across the country, and I know how 
concerned she has been about this issue. I am very happy to join in 
supporting it as a co-sponsor.
  This, historically, has been a bipartisan issue. Unemployment 
insurance benefits were extended four times during the Reagan 
administration and three times during the Bush administration. The 
recent unemployment figures offer very strong support for acting on the 
Murray amendment.
  Last week it was reported that the unemployment rate rose to 6.4 
percent in June. This is the highest unemployment rate in over 9 years. 
We have to go back to April of 1994 for a higher rate. Mr. President, 
9.4 million workers are unemployed, the most since December of 1992. 
This, of course, doesn't account for those who are so discouraged that 
they are not looking for work. Were we to count them, the unemployment 
rate would be well above 7 percent.
  The economy has lost 394,000 jobs since January. We have lost jobs 
each of the past 5 months. Since this administration took office, 
private sector employment has fallen by more than 3 million.
  Two million workers have been unemployed for more than 26 weeks, 
which is the period covered by regular unemployment insurance benefits. 
This morning, the Labor Department reported that an additional 439,000 
workers filed initial unemployment insurance claims. More than 400,000 
workers have been filing initial unemployment insurance claims for 21 
consecutive weeks. The last time there was a longer streak of initial 
unemployment insurance claims over 400,000 was in September of 1992, 
more than 10 years ago.
  Furthermore, the number of continuing claims is at its highest level 
in 20 years. You have to go back to February of 1983 to find continuing 
claims at the level which we are now experiencing.
  There are over 1 million Americans who have exhausted all of their 
unemployment insurance benefits and are still not able to find a job, 
not because they don't want to work but because there are not jobs to 
be had.
  Under current law, extended unemployed insurance benefits last only 
13 weeks for most workers. Those in high unemployment States receive 26 
weeks. This amendment would provide an additional 13 weeks to those who 
have already exhausted their benefits in most states and a further 7 
weeks for those in high unemployment States.
  It is not as though this proposal is excessive historically. In 
previous recessions, we have passed extensions comparable or, indeed, 
beyond what is contained in this amendment. When we had a recession 
from July of 1990 to March of 1991, we extended unemployment benefits 
until April of 1994. At the program's peak, benefits were available for 
26 to 33 extra weeks. That was in the previous Bush administration.
  It is bad enough to get this level of unemployment in these 
administrations. That is a breakdown in policy. But it is even worse 
not to provide these benefits to help people go through the period of 
unemployment

[[Page 17624]]

that they are experiencing, as the Senator from Washington so aptly 
stated in detailing the problems.
  Let me make one final point. We build up an unemployment insurance 
trust fund in good times to fund the benefits when we encounter an 
economic downturn. The cost of this amendment, as I understand it, is 
$2.5 billion.
  I ask the Senator from Washington if that is correct.
  Mrs. MURRAY. The Senator is correct.
  Mr. SARBANES. There is $19 billion in the trust fund specifically 
collected for the purpose of paying unemployment insurance benefits in 
an economic downturn. This amendment would take less than 15 percent of 
that trust fund balance in order to expend these benefits.
  We are facing a very serious situation. We need to recognize it here. 
We recognized it when we had a downturn under the Reagan 
administration. We recognized it when we had a downturn in the first 
Bush administration. We ought to recognize it once again and make 
benefits possible for these families who are experiencing tremendous 
difficulties and burdens. We ought to help carry them through this 
economic downturn until we start getting substantial job restoration.
  I commend the Senator from the State of Washington for offering this 
amendment. She has followed this issue very closely. I think it is 
imperative that the Murray amendment be agreed to.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Iowa is recognized.
  Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, I understand there are 5 minutes reserved 
for Senator Kennedy.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. That is correct.
  Mr. HARKIN. I am told by his staff that Senator Kennedy is unable to 
be in the Chamber due to other commitments. He has yielded his time to 
me on this amendment. I thank Senator Kennedy for yielding me this 
time. I ask to be recognized at this point for those 5 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, Senator Kennedy has been a great leader on 
this issue. I know he wanted to speak on Senator Murray's amendment, 
but he could not be here at this time.
  We have been debating for the last few days the medical malpractice 
bill. We moved off it. But I think there is another, more pressing 
issue we need to address. It is what I call ``President Bush's economic 
malpractice.'' The victims are working Americans.
  As has been stated, unemployment has continued to climb; at 6.4 
percent, it is the highest level since 1994. That is 9.4 million people 
looking for work who can't find any. Under President Bush's misguided 
leadership, we have lost 3.1 million private sector jobs. This is the 
first time since Herbert Hoover's administration we have had an 
administration with a net loss of jobs. What a record.
  Again, the numbers don't reflect the millions of workers who were 
laid off and had to take jobs that paid far less. In fact, the 
unemployment rate, in addition to the unemployed, would include part-
time workers who want to work full time but can't find it and 
discouraged workers no longer seeking jobs. This rose to 10.3 percent 
in June. We are still losing jobs every month--33,000 last month alone.
  The economy is limping along. Our national deficit continues to 
balloon and will reach about $400 billion by the end of this year. 
Again, that is why I accuse this administration of ``economic 
malpractice.''
  I don't think any illustration is better than this cartoon in the 
Pittsburgh Post Gazette. Here is a man holding a cup of coffee. He 
says: ``I tried to get angry with Bush for attempting to take away my 
overtime pay, but then I remembered I don't have a job.''
  Later on, I am going to have an amendment also dealing with overtime 
pay because not only do we have people who are unemployed who need an 
extension, as Senator Murray says in her amendment, but now they want 
to take away overtime pay for those who are working. It is sort of a 
double hit on the workers of America.
  In May, after weeks of Democratic efforts, Congress extended the 
unemployment benefits for 2.5 million Americans who had been laid off. 
But our Republican colleagues refused to include assistance for the 1.1 
million Americans hit the hardest by the economic crisis--those long-
term unemployed who have already run out of their unemployment 
benefits.
  It is unconscionable to provide billions of dollars in tax breaks for 
the wealthiest of Americans and refuse to provide an average of $260 a 
week for the recession's first and hardest hit victims. That is what 
the Murray amendment does. This amendment provides up to a 13-week 
additional benefit for these 1.1 million long-suffering Americans.
  I might add that I looked at the figures. There are 9,800 in my State 
of Iowa alone. This would give them 13 weeks of additional benefits, 
and it would provide 7 additional weeks of benefits for those who have 
received the 26 weeks of benefits but who are out of it and who live in 
those States hardest hit by the recession.
  It occurred to me when I looked at the amendment offered by the 
Senator from Washington that it really is unconscionable that this 
Congress proposed these tax breaks for the wealthiest but won't come 
down and help those who are unemployed.
  I ask a rhetorical question: The tax breaks we provided for the 
wealthiest in our country, did we limit them to 26 weeks? Did we limit 
them to 13 weeks so they can get the tax breaks, but they are only for 
26 weeks and once the 26 weeks are over, they snap back again and they 
have to pay the tax rate they paid before? No. It is unending. It goes 
on and on. From now on, they continue to get those tax breaks. But for 
hard-hit Americans out of work, our colleagues on the other side of the 
aisle are saying 26 weeks, that is enough; you are out. I don't believe 
that is fairness in our society.
  I commend and compliment my friend and colleague from Washington 
State for addressing this issue and for pointing out that these hardest 
hit Americans deserve and need to have this extension.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oklahoma.
  Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the Murray 
amendment. I urge our colleagues to vote no on the amendment.
  Just for the information of our colleagues and the sponsor of the 
amendment, I will make a budget point of order. Not only does it 
violate the budget, but it also violates, I am going to say, the spirit 
of the Senate.
  We are supposed to be working on a State Department authorization 
bill. Every Senator knows this amendment does not belong on this bill. 
Yet some people say: Oh, we are going to put it on this bill. It is 
ridiculous. It is not like we have not voted on this before. Just last 
May we passed an extension of unemployment compensation that takes us 
through the end of the year. It costs about $7 billion. We passed it 
overwhelmingly. It is a clean extension.
  We have passed clean extensions in the past, but it seems like, for 
the last year and a half, a lot of colleagues say: Well, we don't want 
to pass a clean extension of unemployment benefits. And by that I mean 
a Federal unemployment assistance, which is temporary. Most States 
provide 26 weeks of benefits. I believe Massachusetts has 30 weeks, but 
most States have 26 weeks of unemployment comp. And then there is a 
Federal program of 13 weeks that is temporary. The Murray amendment 
would make that 26 weeks for certain people. It would double the 
Federal temporary assistance. That is very expensive. It costs billions 
of dollars. I have opposed that and the Senate has opposed it.
  As a matter of fact, we voted on it four times this year. We voted on 
it on January 22, March 25, May 15, and then May 23. We have defeated 
doubling this program. Yet here we are again trying to double it on a 
State Department reauthorization bill. It does not belong on this bill. 
It violates the budget. Some States even get more than 52

[[Page 17625]]

weeks, including the State of Washington. Most States get 26 weeks of 
State aid, 13 weeks Federal. And high unemployment States--and there 
are a few--get another 13 weeks of federal aid. So a few States already 
get 52 weeks. Some States that really have high unemployment, including 
the State of Washington, get another 13 weeks. That is a total of 65 
weeks. That is over a year.
  It is almost like no matter what program we have, we have to have 
more. This is a lot of money. I believe I heard my colleague say that 
benefits average about $260 per week. That is correct. Some States are 
up to $500-plus per week. And, yes, in some cases it might be paid for 
over a year.
  In this amendment, it will all be paid for by the Federal Government. 
I think there has to be a limit. That is why we have budgets. This 
would break the budget. But more important than that, it does not 
belong on this bill. This is the fifth time we are going to vote on 
this. Maybe people think they are scoring political points on this 
issue. I don't know. It does not belong on this bill.
  At the appropriate time, I will make a budget point of order and urge 
my colleagues not to agree to this amendment.
  Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of my time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, I rise to talk about a piece of 
legislation that Senator Boxer and I introduced last year and 
reintroduced this year which has 63 cosponsors. I understand the 
Senator from California may be offering this amendment after these two 
votes and speaking on that amendment; and then my understanding is she 
intends to withdraw that amendment. But I think it is important that 
both of us have an opportunity to talk about the importance of this 
issue; and that is the Syrian Accountability Act.
  Many in this Chamber--obviously, 63--have very serious concerns about 
the role Syria is playing in the Middle East and in the world 
community. Syria is, unfortunately, being treated differently than 
other countries that have been listed as sponsors of terrorism. There 
are a couple handfuls of states that sponsor terrorism. Syria is one of 
them. Yet it is treated fundamentally differently than all of the other 
state sponsors of terrorism.
  Yet arguably--maybe with the exception of Iran--it may be one of the 
most egregious violators of international law, one of the worst in 
terms of sponsoring terrorism, and one of the most disruptive to peace 
in the Middle East and the Palestinian-Israeli peace process.
  In addition, even since we introduced this legislation last year, we 
have seen Syria's horrendous actions with respect to the support for 
Saddam Hussein and his regime during the recent operation in Iraq. So 
there are even additional reasons for Syria to be held accountable for 
their actions, which are against the security interests of the United 
States of America.
  We had Under Secretary Bolton just recently over at the Department of 
State talking about how Syria has a stockpile of nerve agent, sarin 
gas, and is trying to conduct research and development on nerve toxins 
like VX. So not only are they a sponsor of terrorism, disruptive to the 
Middle East process--and one thing I did not mention, which is as 
egregious as any, is their occupation and manipulation of the country 
of Lebanon. So they are, in a sense, occupying with a puppet government 
where they have terrorist camps which provide great disruption in the 
region. They are developers of weapons of mass destruction. They aided 
a country that we were at war with, at the time we were at war with 
them. They are an underminer of the peace process. The list can go on 
and on and on.
  There are very few countries that you can say as many negative things 
about as far as their impact on the world stage as the country of 
Syria. Yet this country treats Syria better than all of the other 
terrorist states that we have listed. I find that to be very troubling. 
Senator Boxer and I have introduced a piece of legislation which just 
wants the United States to treat Syria the way we treat all the other 
rogue nations in the world--no worse but certainly no better, given 
their record of disruption and instability in that region and their 
threat to the national security of this country.
  This legislation would require the President to prohibit the export 
to Syria of any items on the U.S. munitions list or any item on the 
commerce control list. In addition, under the Boxer-Santorum amendment, 
the President would be required to impose two or more of a menu of five 
other sanctions, including a ban on all exports to Syria, except food 
and medicine; a ban on U.S. businesses operating or investing in Syria; 
a reduction of diplomatic contacts with Syria; restrictions on travel 
by Syrian diplomats in the United States; and the blocking of all 
transactions in Syrian property. It does provide, as all these kinds of 
legislation provide, the President's ability to waive sanctions if he 
determines that waiving is in the national security interests of the 
United States.
  So I believe this is a vitally important measure for the U.S. 
Congress and our country, to go on record and say Syria--maybe one of 
the worst offenders and most destabilizing countries not just in the 
region but in the world--should be treated no better--not worse than 
but no better--than other state sponsors of terrorism.
  Senator Boxer and I talked to the chairman and ranking member about 
this legislation. We had a very good discussion yesterday about it. The 
chairman, who I see is in the Chamber, assured us this was of great 
interest to him, and he understands the concern of Senator Boxer and 
myself and the other cosponsors about this issue. If the chairman would 
like to make a comment, I think we have come to some sort of agreement 
as to how we might handle this situation.
  I yield to the chairman.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Let me respond to the distinguished Senator from 
Pennsylvania by saying, we will have a hearing on Syria in the Foreign 
Relations Committee. We take the issue seriously, as the Senator does, 
and Senator Boxer, who is a member of our committee. We look forward to 
that hearing.
  Mr. SANTORUM. I thank the chairman for his assurance that the issue 
of Syria and the Syrian Accountability Act will be taken seriously by 
the committee. We hope, as a result of that, we can move forward with 
some productive legislation in the Senate to give our country a 
stronger hand in dealing with terrorism in the Middle East.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.


                           Amendment No. 1170

  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, how much time remains under the agreement 
before the vote?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 3\1/2\ minutes.
  Mrs. MURRAY. How much time does the other side have?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Senator Grassley has 5 minutes, Senator 
Nickles has 6\1/2\ minutes.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I would ask the Senator from Oklahoma if 
he intends to use all his time.
  Mr. President, I know many Senators are waiting to vote. I will just 
make a few more comments. I know Senator Nickles intends to raise a 
budget point of order.
  Let me say in response to the comments made in opposition to the 
Murray amendment that we will be voting on shortly, that we on this 
side, Democrats, have brought this issue up time and again.
  That is because our economy is struggling. That is because we have 
families at home who have been laid off, who have run out of 
unemployment insurance. We would love to have a debate on how to 
increase jobs. Democrats believe investing in transportation that 
provides infrastructure and new jobs is critical. Democrats believe 
investing in education, getting our economy going again is an important 
way to provide jobs for people. And there are other investments we 
believe would be helpful in providing jobs. We

[[Page 17626]]

have not had the debates. We have been thwarted at every turn.
  As a result, we have people at home who have been laid off. In the 
last 5 consecutive months we have lost jobs. We cannot continue to 
ignore those people at home who are out of work, who have run out of 
unemployment insurance, who cannot pay their mortgage, put food on the 
table, are becoming even more of a drag on our economy because they 
can't contribute back. We believe by extending unemployment benefits we 
will at least help them in the temporary.
  We welcome a debate on getting jobs and the economy going again. We 
have been waiting for that discussion. We have had time to have a tax 
cut debate. We have seen that has not produced the kinds of jobs we 
need. In fact, 3.5 million Americans have lost their jobs since this 
President took office. We want to have a jobs program. But at this 
point that has not occurred.
  What we now have is more than 1 million Americans who have run out of 
their unemployment insurance. The time is right. We hear this violates 
the Budget Act. I welcome my colleagues to go home and say to a young 
family whose father or mother has lost their job, who are struggling 
every single day with tears in their eyes, that this violates the 
Budget Act or this is not the right time or the right bill. We can do 
this, and we can do it now.
  I urge my colleagues to support the amendment.
  I tell our colleagues on the other side as long as this economy 
struggles, as long as people are losing unemployment insurance 
benefits, we are going to continue to bring this issue back to the 
floor. We would like to have a jobs program. We would like to see jobs 
increased. We want to have the debate. Right now we need to deal with 
the immediate.
  I ask unanimous consent that Senators Cantwell and Dayton be listed 
as cosponsors of the Murray amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Oklahoma.
  Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, I am willing to yield back the remainder 
of my time, if all sides are, and proceed to the votes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, all time is yielded back.
  Mr. NICKLES. I raise a budget point of order against the amendment 
offered by the Senator from Washington, Mrs. Murray. It increases 
mandatory spending and, if adopted, would cause an increase in the 
deficit in excess of the level permitted in the most recently adopted 
budget resolution. Therefore, I raise a point of order against the 
amendment pursuant to section 505 of House Concurrent Resolution 95, 
the Concurrent Resolution on the Budget for fiscal year 2004.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, pursuant to section 904 of the 
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, I move to waive the applicable 
sections of that act for purposes of the pending amendment and ask for 
the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will now 
proceed to the vote on the Reid amendment No. 1164, followed by a vote 
in relation to the Murray amendment No. 1170, with 2 minutes equally 
divided in the usual form prior to each of the votes.


                           Amendment No. 1164

  Mr. REID. Mr. President, since 9/11 we have had to refocus on the 
issue of national security. The amendment before the Senate deals with 
our national security in a very direct way. This amendment deals 
directly with our neighbor with whom we share a 2,000-mile border, 
Mexico. This amendment would help the poorest of the poor in rural 
Mexico. The four components of the amendment are, No. 1, it would 
establish a microcredit lending program; No. 2, it would establish 
programs to assist rural Mexican small businesses; No. 3, it would 
assist small rural farmers; No. 4, it would establish a system of 
private property ownership. This is not a typical aid package, not a 
handout, but a commitment to a free market society to spur economic 
development. This is $1 for every Mexican. It doesn't sound like too 
much to me. Mexico is our friend, our neighbor. They deserve our 
support. Anyone who votes against this amendment should never ever 
again complain about illegal immigration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I oppose the Reid amendment. I ask Members 
to vote no. I do so mindful of the fact that Mexico is our friend and 
that we are going to have $67.5 million of foreign assistance in the 
budget as we now have it that may be of assistance to our friends. The 
ideas presented by the distinguished Senator from Nevada are good ones, 
but they are ones that I believe require further discussion either in 
committee or on the floor. Clearly, $100 million, which is the request 
for authorization in his amendment, is well outside the budget we have 
adopted. That $100 million must be subtracted from some other part of 
State Department foreign assistance at some other point. The Senator 
has made the point the appropriators might very well do that. Indeed, 
they might. But I believe it is irresponsible to push that 
responsibility onward knowing the $100 million is not there, is not a 
part of the parameters of our foreign assistance. Therefore, I ask 
Senators to oppose the Reid amendment.
  Mr. REID. Irresponsibility is not helping our neighbor.
  Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The question is on agreeing to Amendment No. 1164. The clerk will 
call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Graham), the 
Senator from Connecticut (Mr. Lieberman), and the Senator from Georgia 
(Mr. Miller) are necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Graham of South Carolina). Are there any 
other Senators in the Chamber desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 54, nays 43, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 268 Leg.]

                                YEAS--54

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Byrd
     Cantwell
     Carper
     Clinton
     Conrad
     Corzine
     Craig
     Daschle
     Dayton
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Ensign
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Harkin
     Hollings
     Hutchison
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lincoln
     McCain
     Mikulski
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Nelson (NE)
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Rockefeller
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Stabenow
     Stevens
     Wyden

                                NAYS--43

     Alexander
     Allard
     Allen
     Bennett
     Bond
     Bunning
     Burns
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Chambliss
     Cochran
     Coleman
     Collins
     Cornyn
     Crapo
     Dole
     Enzi
     Fitzgerald
     Frist
     Graham (SC)
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Inhofe
     Kyl
     Lott
     Lugar
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Nickles
     Roberts
     Santorum
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith
     Snowe
     Specter
     Sununu
     Talent
     Thomas
     Voinovich
     Warner

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Graham (FL)
     Lieberman
     Miller
  The amendment (No. 1164) was agreed to.
  Mr. REID. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. ENSIGN. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.


                           Amendment No. 1170

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Is the order now to have a rollcall vote on the Murray 
amendment?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. That is correct, 2 minutes equally divided on 
the Murray amendment, followed by a vote.
  Mr. LUGAR. I yield to Senator Nickles.

[[Page 17627]]


  Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, the bill we are trying to amend is the 
State Department authorization bill. The amendment Senator Murray has 
offered is an unemployment compensation amendment. One that, I might 
add, we have not marked up or had a hearing on in the Finance 
Committee. I might also add, one that we have already voted on four 
times this year. We have defeated it every time.
  In May, we passed an unemployment compensation extension that costs 
about $7 billion. We continued the current program. It lasts through 
the end of the year. Senator Murray's amendment wants to double the 
program from 13 weeks of Federal temporary assistance to 26 weeks. Her 
State already gets 65 weeks of combined State and Federal benefits, and 
has maximum benefits of about $500 per week.
  There is a budget point of order because it breaks the budget and 
spends billions of dollars. I made that budget point of order and I 
urge my colleagues not to waive the budget point of order.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
  Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, 30,000 jobs were lost in the month of 
June alone. We have lost jobs in the last 5 consecutive months. A 
million people have now lost additional compensation under UI. This 
amendment is extremely important.
  I yield the remainder of my time to Senator Kennedy.
  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, we passed an extended unemployment in May 
but that was to only take care of the recently unemployed. The Murray 
amendment will take care of 1.1 million Americans who were fully 
employed 2 years ago. Every one of them was employed. Every one of them 
was working. They want to work. Now they are completely cut off by the 
abbreviated amendment we passed last spring.
  We ought to provide the $2 billion included in the unemployment 
compensation fund. That fund has $20 billion. This will only use $2.5 
billion. These workers have paid into it; they are entitled to it; they 
need it; and they ought to be provided for. That is what the amendment 
does.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion to 
waive the Budget Act on the Murray amendment.
  The yeas and nays have been ordered.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Graham), the 
Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry), the Senator from Connecticut 
(Mr. Lieberman), and the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Miller) are 
necessarily absent.
  I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry) would vote ``aye''.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
desiring to vote?
  The yeas and nays resulted--yeas 48, nays 48, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 269 Leg.]

                                YEAS--48

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Byrd
     Cantwell
     Carper
     Clinton
     Collins
     Conrad
     Corzine
     Daschle
     Dayton
     Dodd
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Harkin
     Hollings
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kohl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lincoln
     Mikulski
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Nelson (NE)
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Rockefeller
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stabenow
     Wyden

                                NAYS--48

     Alexander
     Allard
     Allen
     Bennett
     Bond
     Brownback
     Bunning
     Burns
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Chambliss
     Cochran
     Coleman
     Cornyn
     Craig
     Crapo
     DeWine
     Dole
     Domenici
     Ensign
     Enzi
     Fitzgerald
     Frist
     Graham (SC)
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Kyl
     Lott
     Lugar
     McCain
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Nickles
     Roberts
     Santorum
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith
     Stevens
     Sununu
     Talent
     Thomas
     Voinovich
     Warner

                             NOT VOTING--4

     Graham (FL)
     Kerry
     Lieberman
     Miller
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The yeas are 48, the nays are 48. Three-fifths 
of the Senators duly chosen and sworn not having voted in the 
affirmative, the motion is rejected. The point of order is sustained, 
and the amendment falls.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to set the pending 
amendment aside.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.


                Amendment No. 1173 to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar], for Mr. Kyl, proposes 
     an amendment numbered 1173.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the 
amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

  (Purpose: Requirement for report on the role of North Korea in the 
                   trafficking of illegal narcotics)

       On page 90, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. REQUIREMENT FOR REPORT ON THE ROLE OF NORTH KOREA 
                   IN THE TRAFFICKING OF ILLEGAL NARCOTICS.

       (a) Requirement.--Not later than 90 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, the President shall submit to the 
     appropriate congressional committees a report that describes 
     the role of North Korea, since January 1, 2000, in the 
     trafficking of illegal narcotics.
       (b) Classified Report.--If the President submits the report 
     in a classified form, the President shall also submit an 
     unclassified version of the report.
       (c) Content.--The report shall--
       (1) address each aspect of North Korea's role in the 
     trafficking of illegal narcotics, including any role in the 
     cultivation, sale, or transshipment of such narcotics;
       (2) identify the origin and destination of all narcotics 
     that are transshipped through North Korea;
       (3) provide an estimate of the total amount of income 
     received by the Government of North Korea each year as a 
     result of such trafficking and the currencies in which such 
     income is received;
       (4) describe the role of North Korean government officials 
     and military personnel in such trafficking, including any use 
     of diplomatic channels to facilitate such trafficking; and
       (5) include an assessment of whether the leadership of the 
     Government of North Korea is aware and approves of such 
     trafficking activities in North Korea.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, the amendment requires a report on the role 
of North Korea in trafficking of illegal narcotics. It has the support 
of both sides. I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment (No. 1173) was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote, and I move 
to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I have a unanimous consent request.
  I ask unanimous consent that Senator Bingaman be recognized to offer 
an amendment related to AIDS, provided that Senator Bingaman be in 
control of 40 minutes and Senator Lugar be in control of 20 minutes 
and, following that debate, Senator Reid be recognized to speak for up 
to 15 minutes as if in morning business; finally, I ask that following 
that, the Senate proceed to a vote in relation to the Bingaman 
amendment, with no second degrees in order to the amendment prior to 
the vote.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. I thank the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico is recognized.


                Amendment No. 1174 to Amendment NO. 1136

  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.

[[Page 17628]]

  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New Mexico [Mr. Bingaman], for himself, 
     Mr. Daschle, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Durbin, Mr. Lautenberg, Mrs. 
     Feinstein, Mr. Harkin, Mrs. Clinton, and Mr. Corzine, 
     proposes an amendment numbered 1174.

  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of 
the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

(Purpose: To express the sense of Congress on funding for assistance to 
                         combat AIDS globally)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON FUNDING FOR COMBATTING AIDS 
                   GLOBALLY.

       (a) Findings.--Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) With the President's support, Congress overwhelmingly 
     and expeditiously approved the United States Leadership 
     Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003 
     (Public Law 108-25; 22 U.S.C. 7601 et seq.), indicating the 
     gravity with which Congress considers the pandemic of HIV and 
     AIDS infection.
       (2) The Act, which was supported and signed into law by the 
     President, authorized the appropriation of a total 
     $15,000,000,000 for fiscal years 2004 through 2008. 
     Specifically, the Act authorized $3,000,000,000 to be 
     appropriated in fiscal year 2004 for HIV/AIDS and related 
     programs, of which up to $1,000,000,000 was authorized to be 
     made available for the United States contributions to the 
     Global Fund.
       (3) In contrast to the amounts authorized to be 
     appropriated in the Act, the President's budget for fiscal 
     year 2004, includes only $1,900,000,000 for HIV/AIDS and 
     related programs, of which only $200,000,000 is for the 
     United States contribution to the Global Fund.
       (4) Approximately 5,000 people contract HIV each day.
       (5) In Africa, more than 17,000,000 people have died from 
     AIDS, another 28,000,000 are infected with HIV, including 
     1,500,000 infected children, and 11,000,000 children have 
     been orphaned by AIDS.
       (6) The United Nations Development Programme Annual Report 
     for 2003 states, ``HIV/AIDS is a catastrophe for economic 
     stability [and] may be the world's most serious development 
     crisis.''.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     Congress, when considering appropriations Acts for fiscal 
     year 2004, should fully appropriate all the amounts 
     authorized for appropriation in the Act, even to the extent 
     that appropriating such amounts will require Congress to 
     appropriate amounts over and above the funding levels 
     contained in the Concurrent Resolution on the Budget for 
     Fiscal Year 2004 (H. Con. Res. 95, 108th Congress, 1st 
     session).
       (c) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Act.--The term ``Act'' means the United States 
     Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 
     2003 (Public Law 108-25; 22 U.S.C. 7601 et seq.).
       (2) Global fund.--The term ``Global Fund'' means the 
     public-private partnership known as the Global Fund to Fight 
     AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria established pursuant to 
     Article 80 of the Swiss Civil Code.

  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, this is an amendment I am offering on 
behalf of myself, Senator Daschle, Senator Leahy, Senator Durbin, 
Senator Lautenberg, Senator Feinstein, Senator Harkin, Senator Clinton, 
and Senator Corzine.
  This year in his State of the Union Address, President Bush announced 
a new global AIDS initiative which would provide $15 billion in U.S. 
funding over the next 5 years. Unfortunately, when the time came for 
the President to submit his budget and to stand behind that commitment 
to $15 billion, the budget did not reflect that commitment.
  In the fiscal year 2004 budget request, the President asked Congress 
to appropriate at least $1 billion less than what he had spoken of in 
this new initiative. Rather than requesting that Congress appropriate 
$3 billion for these issues, the President effectively said in his 
budget that less funding was good enough this year.
  This chart points out, in the bottom line, the President's budget 
request. As you can see, it is a total of $1.9 billion for the next 
fiscal year. The other line on this chart is the level at which we have 
authorized funding, which is consistent with what the President asked 
for in his State of the Union speech.
  Using the most liberal of calculations, the President's budget asks 
for $1.9 billion for this AIDS effort. This includes $200 million 
pledged to the global fund in fiscal year 2004.
  What makes this reduction even more difficult to swallow is that at 
the same time we were asking for less than we promised as a nation with 
regard to AIDS funding, we also saw in the budget of the administration 
requests for reductions in funding for critical global health issues in 
other areas as well.
  I am very proud to say that this May, the Congress chose to realize 
the President's original vision when it authorized, over the next 5 
years, the $15 billion the President asked for in his State of the 
Union speech. This was legislated as the United States Leadership 
Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003.
  Within this $3 billion, we provided that $1 billion could be directed 
to the global fund. So Congress did authorize what the President talked 
about in his State of the Union speech.
  The President is now, of course, in the midst of a tour through 
Africa. He is meeting with the leaders of those countries. Many of 
those countries have suffered from the ravages of these diseases. Of 
course, he is discussing, as he should, the fight against HIV/AIDS, 
against tuberculosis, against malaria.
  The morning news report that I saw in the New York Times I think sums 
it up well. It has quotations. The President said yesterday in 
Botswana:

       The people of this nation have the courage and resolve to 
     defeat this disease and you will have a partner in the United 
     States of America.

  He went on to say:

       This is the deadliest enemy Africa has ever faced, and you 
     will not face this enemy alone.

  There is another article I have from the New York Times that speaks 
of the President's trip to South Africa yesterday. It indicates the 
following: He talked about his AIDS proposal. He did not mention that a 
House subcommittee is likely to cut funds for the first year of the $15 
billion 5-year program below the $3 billion sought by legislation that 
Mr. Bush signed this spring. The program would provide help to 14 
countries. Twelve of those countries are in Africa.
  The question for us in the Congress is whether we will vote now to 
fully realize the President's stated intentions or will we succumb to 
political expediency and essentially go along with taking credit for a 
$15 billion commitment while in fact doing substantially less than 
that. I believe a promise made should be a promise that is kept.
  The amendment I am offering today, along with Senator Leahy and 
Senator Daschle, simply states that we will appropriate the amounts 
Congress and the President have pledged to commit to these programs, 
and that we will do so without reducing our funding commitments to 
other important global health programs.
  The urgency behind our promise is borne out in a report that was 
released this week in which the United Nations finds that the greatest 
impediment to development in poor countries around the world today is 
HIV/AIDS.
  In 1990, 10 million people were infected with HIV. Today, in 2003, 
there are 42 million people who are infected with HIV. To date, this 
disease has killed 25 million people. It has created over 14 million 
orphans. In the next 10 years, it is estimated that a full 25 percent 
of sub-Saharan Africans could die from HIV/AIDS.
  Most of the victims of HIV/AIDS are children and young adults. It is 
a disease that cuts lives short before they ever reach their full 
potential. Because of this, it creates a generational vacuum in 
countries where it is most prevalent. The President today is in 
Botswana. That is the country with the highest rate of HIV/AIDS of any 
country in the world. So this generational vacuum I referred to means 
there will not be leaders for tomorrow. It means the ideas and energy 
that youth carries with it will not have an opportunity to express 
themselves as cultural, societal, and governmental forces. It means the 
development of nations is seriously jeopardized and the doors of 
opportunity for fanaticism and terrorism are thrown wide open.
  In 1998, Zambia lost 1,300 teachers to HIV/AIDS. In a country that is 
able to train only 1,900 teachers in a full year, it is not hard to 
imagine the depth of the devastation that is being created.

[[Page 17629]]

  To date, over 17 million Africans have died from AIDS and another 28 
million are infected with HIV. This includes 1.5 million children who 
are infected with HIV. Experts estimate that in less than 25 years, 
there will be 110 million cases of HIV/AIDS in India, 70 million in 
China, 13 million in Russia. The magnitude of the health resources that 
will be required in these countries is mind-boggling.
  Looking beyond the health service demands of these diseases, it 
becomes apparent that domestic productivity, the continued growth and 
development of these nations, will be significantly impaired.
  I could go on at length about the extent of the problem we face. I 
think all of us in the Senate have become aware that this is a serious 
issue. By providing the promised $3 billion each year, in an effort to 
fight HIV/AIDS and TB and malaria, we would prevent a minimum of 2.3 
million additional people from contracting the HIV virus. I say that is 
a minimum because by fully funding our promise, we can leverage more 
resources from the other countries as well.
  The question we are faced with is whether Congress is going to step 
up and do what it has promised to do. It is not enough to say some year 
in the future we will get around to doing this. We have authorized $3 
billion per year. We should appropriate $3 billion per year.
  Our amendment answers that question and makes it clear that the 
Congress is committed to keeping its promise and this Nation's promise 
in this regard. It also makes clear we are committed to doing that not 
at the expense of other global health programs. The funding cuts in the 
President's budget seem to rest on an underlying assumption that 
because we are going to up the ante for funding HIV/AIDS, TB, and 
malaria, we do not need to do as much in the areas of poverty and 
disease and malnutrition and development of democracy abroad in other 
respects. The reality is, the confluence and the interaction of these 
factors in Third World nations contradict that assumption.
  By choosing to focus intensely on one of these issues, we are not 
then free to ignore others. The effective model for helping nations 
that are less wealthy than ours requires an appreciation of the 
interdependence of the issues of poverty, disease, early mortality, 
famine, and poor education.
  I do not believe that in order to fund efforts directed against HIV/
AIDS and TB and malaria, other efforts to help these countries should 
suffer. Unfortunately, in the President's budget, other essential 
international programs are cut anywhere from 5 percent to 63 percent. 
Programs that help vulnerable children, children who are blind, who 
suffer mental disabilities, who have physical disabilities, those are 
cut 63 percent in that budget request. Immunizations, therapeutic and 
surveillance programs for infectious diseases are proposed for cuts of 
32 percent. Child survival and maternity programs will be cut by 12 
percent. So we need to address this issue.
  The amendment I have sent to the desk is a sense of the Congress, but 
it is one that will make it clear to the rest of the world, as well as 
to all who are concerned about this issue, that we will make good on 
this promise. The Congress needs to choose between this funding and 
other items. The Congress needs to make a decision. The amendment we 
are offering today simply states that we are committed to putting the 
money behind our promises when it comes to fighting HIV/AIDS. We will 
provide the funds we promised. We will do so without cutting funding to 
other vitally important health needs.
  Let me just read the very short ``resolved'' sentence out of this 
amendment I am offering. It says:

       It is the sense of Congress that Congress, when considering 
     appropriations Acts for fiscal year 2004, should fully 
     appropriate all the amounts authorized for appropriation in 
     the Act. . . .

  That refers, of course, to the United States Leadership Against HIV/
AIDS Act.

       [We] should fully appropriate all the amounts authorized 
     for appropriation in the Act, even to the extent that 
     appropriating such amounts will require Congress to 
     appropriate amounts over and above the funding levels 
     contained in the Concurrent Resolution on the Budget. . . .

  In my view, this is a statement that needs to be made, particularly 
this week as the President is traveling on the continent of Africa. I 
urge my colleagues to join me in helping to ensure that our commitment 
to fight HIV/AIDS is made a reality.
  I yield up to 10 minutes to my colleague and a person who has been a 
very strong leader on this issue, Senator Leahy from Vermont.
  Mr. BYRD. Will the Senator yield briefly for an inquiry?
  Mr. LEAHY. Yes.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, how much time remains?
  Mr. LEAHY. The Senator from New Mexico yielded me up to 10 minutes. I 
don't think I will take quite that long.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Bunning). There are a total of 26\1/2\ 
minutes.
  Mr. BYRD. I ask unanimous consent that upon the conclusion of the 
remarks by Mr. Leahy I be recognized out of order, without the time 
being charged against either side, on another matter.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. For how much time?
  Mr. BYRD. Not to exceed 20 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BYRD. I thank the Chair and I thank the Senator.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I thank my good friend from New Mexico. I 
commend him for his amendment. What the Senator from New Mexico has 
pointed out is the reality behind the rhetoric; perhaps, to some 
extent, the honesty behind the headlines.
  Like so many others, I have read with interest and a little 
frustration the press articles, the letters to the editor, the other 
expressions of view by various people about how Congress needs to 
``step up to the plate'' and fund the President's global HIV/AIDS 
initiative. Of course, we should fund it. This is far more than a 
Presidential initiative. It is the culmination of years of work by 
Members of Congress, both Democrats and Republicans, and the White 
House and many private groups to significantly increase funding to 
combat the spread of AIDS.
  When I talk about the reality behind the rhetoric and the honesty 
behind the headlines, I recall how right up until the end of last year 
the White House was actively opposing efforts by Senators, particularly 
Senator Durbin, to provide emergency funding for this purpose. In fact, 
the White House refused many times to declare AIDS an emergency.
  This January in his State of the Union Address the President 
announced a 5-year, $15 billion global AIDS initiative. The President 
received a lot of praise for that announcement. He should have. In 
fact, I am one of those who did praise him for it. And he deserves 
credit for speaking out more than any previous President about the need 
to combat AIDS. I commend him for going to Africa, and for calling for 
greater efforts to fight AIDS, which has ravaged those countries.
  But whether he intended it or not, the President's State of the Union 
announcement created the expectation that the administration would 
provide $3 billion toward this initiative in 2004, a reasonable 
expectation when you consider that there are 15,000 new HIV infections 
every single day. In 40 days, that is an amount equal to the entire 
population of my own State of Vermont.
  The United States Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and 
Malaria Act of 2003, which passed last month--and we all recall, with 
very strong support from the President--reinforced this expectation 
because it authorized up to $3 billion for these programs in 2004.
  I support that funding. In fact, while it represents a significant 
increase over the current level of funding, it is way short of what a 
country as wealthy as ours, the wealthiest Nation in history, should be 
spending to fight the worst public health crisis that history has ever 
known. But let's look at what has happened since then.

[[Page 17630]]

  After the headlines were over, after the meetings at the White House 
were over, after all the photo ops were over, the President did not 
include $3 billion to fight AIDS in his 2004 budget. He provided $2 
billion, not $3 billion.
  In fact, depending upon who you ask in the administration, it is not 
even $2 billion. It is somewhere between $1.65 and $2 billion.
  Let's assume it is the full $2 billion. That is $1 billion less than 
what he promised. And then when the Republicans in the House 
Appropriations Committee met, they provided in their allocation for 
foreign assistance, which includes funding to fight AIDS, an amount 
which cut the President's $18.8 billion foreign assistance budget by 
$1.8 billion. The Senate cut it by $800 million.
  So what happened is, the President underfunded his own AIDS 
initiative by one-third when he actually sent his proposal to the 
Congress, and then the Republican-controlled Congress cut his budget 
even more. So now we are faced with the impossible task of finding $3 
billion in a total budget that is considerably less than the 
President's budget which was already too little.
  I am growing weary of hearing in the press: Now it is up to the 
Democrats to find the $3 billion to back up the President's promise. 
First off, it was not his initiative. It was a joint initiative of 
many. Secondly, he didn't include the money in his budget. And even 
with the amount of money that he did include in his budget, the Members 
of his own party cut it even deeper. Actually, if the Members of the 
President's party agree with the promise he and they made, they ought 
to be offering this amendment themselves, at least vote for this 
amendment.
  The amendment says we want the President's promise to be fulfilled 
because if the Members of the President's party don't vote for this, 
what they will have done, as so often happens here, is pass a big 
authorization bill, pat themselves on the back, have the photo ops, 
accept the praise about finally getting serious about fighting AIDS and 
then, when the cameras have gone home and it comes time to appropriate 
the money, they say no.
  Let's find the $3 billion. One easy way would be for the President to 
send up a budget amendment that actually asks for the amount of money 
that he promised. And then the Congress needs to declare AIDS an 
emergency, which we all agree it is, and appropriate the additional $1 
billion.
  I commend the Senator from New Mexico for his amendment.
  And I take the President at his word, that he does feel strongly 
about the AIDS crisis and that he intends to do something about it. But 
words won't prevent AIDS. Words will not provide treatment to those 
suffering from it. Words are not enough to fight the worst epidemic in 
recorded history. It is going to require money, too.
  The President has said the right things but now it is sort of like 
``the check is in the mail.'' He has to write the check and he has to 
tell members of his own party who have voted for the President's 
budget, which actually cuts his promise substantially: Look guys, I 
made this promise; we have to stand up and vote for it. I think he 
would be doing a very good thing if he did. We are not going to cure 
AIDS overnight. We are not going to stop every new case. But we know 
how to slow it considerably.
  We are going to see civil strife and conflict especially in Africa, 
and calls for the United States to send troops. And when you look to 
the root causes, it will be AIDS that is part of the problem.
  We have been blessed in this Nation with the most wealth of any 
people in history. We should ask ourselves: Don't we have a moral 
responsibility to do everything we can to help those who are less 
blessed?
  Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of Senator Bingaman's time and 
I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senator from 
West Virginia is recognized for up to 25 minutes.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, on August 22, 1920, an article written by 
former LTC Thomas Edward Lawrence appeared in one of the great 
newspapers of London, the Sunday Times. This legendary British military 
officer--better known as Lawrence of Arabia--began his commentary with 
a sharp warning about his country's occupation of ancient lands in the 
Middle East:

       The people of England have been led in Mesopotamia into a 
     trap from which it will be hard to escape with dignity and 
     honor. They have been tricked into it by a steady withholding 
     of information. The Baghdad communiques are belated, 
     insincere, incomplete. Things have been far worse than we 
     have been told, our administration more bloody and 
     inefficient than the public knows. It is a disgrace to our 
     imperial record, and may soon be too inflamed for any 
     ordinary cure. We are today not far from a disaster.

  Colonel Lawrence concluded with an equally sharp question:

       How long will we permit millions of pounds, thousands of 
     Imperial troops, and tens of thousands of Arabs to be 
     sacrificed on behalf of colonial administration which can 
     benefit nobody but its administrators?

  Mr. President, it seems that history does have a way of repeating 
itself. These were the observations some 83 years ago of a British 
soldier who had studied the history of the Middle East, fought 
alongside Arabs in the Great War, and understood the anger of those who 
lived under the administration of a distant power. How prescient were 
those words--then and now.
  His observations, which might have been considered academic in the 
months before U.S. and British troops began their recent advance into 
Iraq, now appear, as I say, prescient. As violence in the streets of 
Baghdad increases, as our troops are being killed and wounded by 
guerrilla attacks, as progress toward creating a new Iraqi Government 
stagnates, the American public is only just now beginning to come to 
grips with the enormity of the task that we have before us in Iraq.
  A clear picture had never been painted for the American public by the 
``powers that be.'' Oh, we heard rosy scenarios about instant liberty 
and flowers to the troops. The Vice President talked about flowers that 
would be bestowed upon our troops by those people in Iraq who would be 
liberated by us, the liberators. That was the talk of the day.
  But now reality has emerged and it is harsh. And seeing the 
enormity--the enormity, I say--of the task before us and the increasing 
dangers to the loved ones who serve in uniform, the American people out 
there who are watching this Senate forum are beginning to ask, How long 
must our troops remain in those distant hot sands? How long? They are 
asking that in the mail I receive from the people back home. How long 
must they patrol the dangerous streets of Najaf and Fallujah? When will 
our troops be coming home?
  Weeks ago, the President gave vague assurances about the timely 
withdrawal of our troops. He said:

       We will stay as long as necessary to get the job done, and 
     then we will leave.

  Those were his remarks at Santa Clara, CA, on May 2 of this year. But 
I say, Mr. President, such words are without substance; they are 
``doublespeak.'' They do nothing but feed the hopes of the American 
people, as well as the people of Iraq, that our troops will soon return 
from Iraq, while avoiding any real indication of when that might 
happen.
  The fact is, the Bush administration has carefully avoided telling 
the American people when it expects our occupation of Iraq to conclude. 
So far, this administration has yet to even estimate how soon it will 
be able to hand over Iraq to the Iraqi people. In short, it appears 
that we have no exit strategy, and we have had none from the beginning.
  The word ``quagmire'' is starting to be used by the media. Clearly, 
many people are very worried about our situation in Iraq. The death 
toll keeps mounting.
  Last week, the President actually taunted those forces who are 
murdering our troops in the streets of Iraq. He dared the violent 
militants by saying: ``Bring 'em on.'' One can hardly think of a more 
inappropriate comment for a President to make when Americans are under 
siege in Iraq and being asked to deal with the treacheries of urban 
guerrilla warfare with no

[[Page 17631]]

end in sight. Chest thumping should have no place in such a situation.
  This was the same President who went to the trouble to put on a 
flight suit, land on an aircraft carrier, and with great fanfare tell 
the American people that major combat operations in Iraq have ended, 
while overhead there was a banner stream which said: ``Mission 
accomplished.'' But British and American soldiers are still dying in 
Iraq. Now the President is saying: ``Bring 'em on.'' What are we to 
believe?
  The President has backed away from earlier suggestions of a 
foreseeable end to U.S. peacekeeping efforts in Iraq. He warns of the 
return of tyranny if our troops begin returning home.
  Judging by the President's statements, our armed forces have become 
the thumb in the dike--the only obstacle that prevents the return of a 
repressive dictatorship in Iraq.
  How did it come to this? Members of Congress were told that our 
forces would be greeted as liberators. We will be going in not as 
occupiers but as liberators. Iraqi citizens were supposed to eagerly 
embrace democracy and serve up Saddam Hussein on a silver platter the 
moment they sipped from the cup of freedom. We should have known that 
the burden of democratizing Iraq would be no easy task. The 
Administration should have been more forthcoming about the difficulty 
of that task, about the time it would take to execute it, and about the 
cost to the taxpayer.
  To be sure, the Defense Department is now scrambling to scrape up as 
many as 20,000 foreign troops to join our forces in occupying Iraq by 
the end of September. I applaud these efforts. But it would be folly to 
believe that a deployment of 10,000, 20,000, or even 30,000 foreign 
troops would significantly reduce the dangers to the scores of 
thousands of Americans who are now in Iraq.
  The failure of this Administration to adequately plan for postwar 
Iraq has become painfully evident. Before the war, I said: Where is the 
plan? What is the plan? At yesterday's Armed Services Committee 
hearing, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said he did not know if 
the United States had made any formal request for assistance from NATO 
or the United Nations since the beginning of the war in Iraq. The 
deployment of experienced peacekeepers from our friends and allies 
would go a long way to relieving the strain on our troops. And, Mr. 
President, it is simply shocking that our Secretary of Defense would be 
unaware of efforts by the administration, if there are any, to make a 
formal request to NATO and the United Nations to provide these troops.
  The tragic failure of the Administration's efforts to build 
international support before launching its impatient rush towards war 
against Iraq is now bearing its bitter, bitter fruit.
  The Secretary of Defense tells the Senate Armed Services Committee to 
be patient. Well, the administration was not all that patient before 
launching its rush toward war against Iraq.
  The difficulty in finding just 20,000 peacekeepers to patrol Iraq is 
evidence that White House efforts to assemble 49 nations into a 
``coalition of the willing'' was merely an exercise in rhetoric, meant 
to cover the lack of significant military or financial contributions 
from dozens of nations, save for those of Britain, Australia, and 
Poland.
  Has the lack of a plan for postwar Iraq needlessly cost American 
lives? If we had not been so convinced that Iraqis would greet our 
armies with flowers and smiles, could we have better anticipated the 
chaos and lawlessness that broke out in the days after the war?
  If we had not been so cocksure about our ability to neatly decapitate 
the leadership of the Iraqi regime, could we have fashioned a better 
plan to deal with the collapse of civil order as our tanks rolled into 
Baghdad?
  Perhaps this White House should have listened to the advice of some 
senior military leaders who foresaw the need for several hundred 
thousand troops to stabilize postwar Iraq. Perhaps it should have 
contemplated the consequences of a Saddam Hussein driven into hiding 
but still potent and dangerous. Perhaps, perhaps, perhaps.
  The Administration appears quite ready now to dedicate our military 
to a long-term occupation of Iraq. War-weary soldiers will continue to 
patrol the areas around Baghdad. The citizen-soldiers of the National 
Guard and the Reserves will be kept from returning to their homes, 
their jobs, and their families.
  Senators, read your correspondence from back home. See what those 
families of guardsmen are saying. Read your letters. You are receiving 
them. My office is not unique in that respect.
  The citizen-soldiers of the National Guard and the Reserves will be 
kept from returning to their homes, their jobs, and their families. 
Thousands of American families will continue to worry about the fate of 
their loved ones.
  Ah, the sleepless nights that are spent by mothers, by wives, by 
husbands of guardsmen who have already been in Iraq for weeks and weeks 
and who are not told when they will be coming home but were told we 
will be there for a long time. Think of the tears that are spilled by 
mothers and wives and children for the husbands, the sons, the fathers 
who are away and who are not told when they will be coming home.
  And in spite of the heavy commitment that this Administration has 
made to the most ambitious policy of nation-building in more than half 
a century, it appears to be on the verge of sending unknown numbers of 
U.S. troops to yet another peacekeeping mission in Liberia.
  In my home state, there is a growing sense of disenchantment with 
these foreign adventures. Every day, more letters come to my office 
from West Virginians asking when their family members will be coming 
home. How long will it be? How long must we wait? When will they be 
coming home? My letters contain details about National Guard and Army 
Reserve units with unclear missions and open-ended deployments. I have 
received word that some units are without mail service--we are not told 
that by this administration--others must wait weeks between phone calls 
home to their families. One unit had to ration water to just 20 ounces 
per day because of supply shortages. I suspect that other Senators are 
experiencing a similar phenomenon in the content of their mail from 
families of the Guard and Reserve.
  These part-time soldiers are proud to serve in our nation's military, 
but they know that they are also full-time members of their 
communities. Our nation's reservists have important duties in their 
civilian lives, serving their cities and towns as police officers, 
business men and women, doctors, teachers, and laborers. Members of the 
Guard and Reserves proudly joined to serve their country in times of 
crisis, and they have demonstrated that pride and done well, but not to 
be a permanent constabulary force in the Middle East. Nobody told them 
that.
  Our brave and professional fighting men and women are awesome on the 
battlefield, but they must not be expected to carry out the role of 
peacekeepers or nation-builders in an open-ended mission, whether it 
take place in Lebanon, Somalia, Bosnia, Afghanistan, Liberia, or Iraq. 
Our American soldiers are not Iraqi bureaucrats. Our Armed Forces are 
trained to win wars, not run countries. Putting our men and women in 
such an untenable situation is a misuse of our military and a 
disservice to our military personnel.
  This Administration should think hard about whether we have the 
manpower--do we?--to sustain a large commitment of troops in Iraq for 
the long term. They better think about it. We currently have overseas 
commitments in South Korea, Japan, the Balkans, and Afghanistan. I have 
heard we have our military forces spread so thinly around the world, in 
136 countries, I recently saw. Keeping tens or hundred of thousands of 
troops in Iraq for as many as ten years may demand more troops than our 
voluntary armed forces can muster. Think about it.
  This Administration should think hard about whether we have the money 
to single-handedly pay for the occupation and reconstruction of Iraq. 
The Department of Defense has reported

[[Page 17632]]

that we are spending $3.9 billion each month to occupy Iraq. That is a 
billion dollars a week. How much is a billion dollars? A billion 
dollars is $1 for every minute that has passed since Jesus Christ 
turned the water into wine in the city of Caanan.
  So the Department of Defense has reported that we are spending $3.9 
billion a week. They had not said that until yesterday. Pulling that 
information from the Secretary of Defense was like pulling teeth. It 
was hard to do.
  How much time do I have remaining, Mr. President?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. One minute and thirty-eight seconds.
  That is in addition to the $950 million we are spending each month 
for our mission in Afghanistan. At a time when the United States is 
running record-breaking deficits of $400 billion each year, the 
Administration has not even included these $58 billion in occupation 
costs in its budget. In sharp contrast to the 1991 Persian Gulf war, 
where our allies contributed $54 billion of the $61 billion cost of 
that war, the American taxpayer is virtually alone in bearing the 
burden for the staggering cost of this most recent war with Iraq.
  Americans have good cause to be proud of the men and women who 
unselfishly serve our country in uniform. They have carried out their 
duty in Iraq admirably. But what is the next step? The last thing we 
want to do is repay the services our troops have given to our country 
by committing them indefinitely to a fuzzy reconstruction mission of 
uncertain duration.
  Iraq is fast becoming an urban guerilla shooting gallery with U.S. 
troops as the targets. It is time to go to the United Nations and work 
to deploy a trained multinational peacekeeping force to cope with the 
perils of the occupation of Iraq. Before there is a disaster to cope 
with, before there is a major loss of life, before there is a crisis, 
we must read the tea leaves.
  This White House cannot further presume on the patience of the 
public. The American people must be given an exit strategy for our 
troops. We must ask the international community for help in Iraq.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. DURBIN. Will the Senator from West Virginia yield for a question?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
  Mr. BYRD. My time has expired.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time has expired.
  The minority leader.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I will use my leader time to yield to the 
Senator from Illinois for whatever question he may want to ask of the 
Senator from West Virginia.
  Mr. DURBIN. I thank the Democratic leader for the time.
  I rise for a brief moment in tribute to my colleague from West 
Virginia. Over the last 6, 8, or 10 months, the United States has been 
making critical and historic foreign policy decisions which have 
reversed values and traditions that have guided this country for 
decades. One Senator has come to this floor time and time again to turn 
that bright, glaring light on America that is our responsibility to do, 
and the Senator from West Virginia has done it again today. I thank him 
for being that voice time and again in the Senate, and I hope that many 
of us will join in this chorus to accept our congressional 
responsibility to the people we represent, to stand up and ask the hard 
questions that Congress must ask of every President, regardless of 
party, particularly at a moment in time when over 100,000 of our best 
and brightest in service to this country are risking their lives. My 
tribute and thanks to the Senator from West Virginia.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, my thanks to the senior Senator from 
Illinois who has added his voice and his vote in support of his 
conscience on this matter.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I will use the remainder of my leader 
time to make a couple of remarks with regard to the Bingaman amendment, 
but I, too, want to join the Senator from Illinois in expressing our 
gratitude to the Senator from West Virginia for his outspokenness, his 
candor, the strength and conviction with which he has once again 
articulated the views of so many of the people of this country, as well 
as the members of our caucus. I thank him once again for his 
contribution.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished leader.


                           Amendment No. 1174

  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I express my strong support for the 
amendment offered by the Senator from New Mexico. It is very 
straightforward. It says as clearly and as succinctly as it can that 
the United States must keep its promise when we consider the 
appropriations bill later this month, that we will fully fund the $3 
billion promised in the fight against global AIDS. That is all it says.
  The Senator from New Mexico has laid it out very clearly. I applaud 
him and thank him for his leadership and the compelling arguments that 
once again he has articulated with regard to the urgency as well as the 
need to do this as we consider the appropriations bill later on.
  The President early this year laid out a very ambitious proposal. 
Unfortunately, for whatever reason, the President did not fund that 
proposal when he submitted his budget to the Congress. We are now 
responsible to fill that hole, to address that vacuum, to make that 
commitment. That is, in essence, what the Senator from New Mexico is 
saying with this amendment. Let's acknowledge the commitment, let's 
acknowledge our determination at the appropriate time, in the 
appropriations bill, to send a clear message.
  Why is it important now? It is important now because the focus of the 
world media is on Africa. The President today is in Botswana. I 
happened to be in Botswana last August. It is a beautiful country with 
remarkable natural beauty. They have a dedicated democratic government, 
one of the most successful in all of Africa. It has the fastest growing 
economy in the world over the last three decades.
  However, if there is any hope of economic survival, if there is any 
chance this economy will continue to flourish, they must grapple 
effectively with a very serious matter. Forty percent of all Botswanans 
today are infected. Consider that 4 in 10 people in Botswana today have 
HIV. We opened an AIDS testing and counseling center when we were in 
Botswana. The townspeople turned out for that ceremony with a joy and 
excitement that I had not expected in a country where 40 percent may 
have that disease. They were joyful for one reason: They knew we could 
now begin to address this incredible problem.
  If we fully fund our promise, if we fully ensure that centers such as 
the one we opened in Botswana last August can test, can treat, can 
care, can provide the outreach, then indeed we will have fulfilled our 
commitment. We will have recognized the critical nature of this crisis.
  The world has never known a pandemic as brutal as this AIDS pandemic. 
But the world has never known a country as strong and giving and caring 
as America. So this is our moment to prove that the commitments made in 
the past are no less and no more than the commitment we make now to 
address this pandemic in a meaningful way, to send a clear message to 
the Botswana people Botswana who are listening today and who want to 
believe what they heard in the commitment given earlier this year is 
one that will not erode, that will be there, not only with words but 
with deeds, not only with promises but with resources.
  That is what the Bingaman amendment does. That is why I rise so 
strongly in support of it today.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico has 16 minutes and 
20 seconds.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I thank Senator Daschle, the leader, for 
his strong support for this effort.
  I had the good fortune to be with him in Botswana last August and 
underscore and emphasize the very points he made about the enormous 
need that exists in that country and throughout the African continent.
  I yield all but 2 minutes of the remaining time to my colleague from 
Illinois. I reserve 2 minutes to summarize at the end.

[[Page 17633]]

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Illinois is recognized for 14 
minutes.
  Mr. DURBIN. Perhaps I will not use all of the time and will yield 
back to the sponsor of this amendment.
  Mr. President, I thank the Senator for focusing the attention of the 
Senate on an issue of such moral gravity. As the President of the 
United States said in Africa yesterday, that continent has never been 
challenged as greatly as it is challenged today by the AIDS epidemic. I 
might add parenthetically, the world has never been challenged in a way 
we are being challenged today by this world AIDS epidemic.
  I sit on the Democratic side of the aisle and am proud of my party 
loyalty, but when I went to the State of the Union Address with 
President Bush just a few months ago and he said the United States of 
America was going to lead the world with a $15 billion commitment over 
5 years to fight the global AIDS epidemic, this Democrat stood up and 
applauded as loudly as he could. And ever since, every opportunity I 
have had, I have given this President credit for leading our Nation in 
the right direction on the global AIDS epidemic.
  I add, as well, I am happy this President has joined two of his 
predecessors in visiting sub-Saharan Africa. We have overlooked this 
continent far too long. There is great potential in sub-Saharan Africa, 
a great potential for economic growth and a great potential for 
building democracy, building a market economy.
  But as President Bush has learned and everyone who visits Africa 
learns, this whole continent is consumed with this epidemic. You can go 
to Africa looking for any issue you are interested in; I guarantee what 
you will find is the AIDS epidemic. Whether you are interested in food, 
AIDS, or economic development, whether microcredit or education, your 
first concern will be the AIDS epidemic.
  How can you teach children in school when school teachers are dying 
at an alarming rate? How do you keep up with the health care needs with 
so many AIDS orphans and so many infected people? What is the economic 
future of a country where you cannot predict what next month's 
workforce will look like? All of these issues, whatever they may be, 
all point to the one central concern: Fighting and conquering this 
epidemic.
  We applauded President Bush on both sides of the aisle for the $15 
billion over 5 years. What Senator Bingaman is doing today is saying to 
the Senate, don't let the applause die down. Let's give the President a 
chorus of support, not just a chorus of applause. Let's make certain 
those who did stand up and laud the President for his leadership will 
be here doing our part.
  It is inexcusable to say we can only spend $2 billion this year to 
fight the global AIDS epidemic. The United States can do more and must 
do more. If we do not, more people will become infected, more people 
will die, more AIDS orphans will populate the poor countries around the 
world which means the challenges in the later years will be even more 
substantial.
  How much money is needed at this point? Here is an estimate that has 
been given from the United Nations agency about the need to fight the 
global AIDS epidemic. If you look at the next fiscal year, 2004, $8 
billion is needed on a global basis. The United States AIDS spending is 
substantial but, unfortunately, it makes up only a small part of this 
global need. Frankly, when you look at what the President has proposed, 
if we could increase our spending to a $3 billion level it could make a 
significant difference.
  This year about $4.7 billion will be spent worldwide fighting the 
global AIDS problem; $1.6 billion of international bilateral assistance 
country to country of which the United States puts up about $640 
million; $1 billion in multilateral AIDS groups like the Global Fund, 
which I support; $1 billion by the governments of infected countries, 
and $1.1 billion by the families of those infected countries--about 
$4.7 billion. And the need is $8 billion.
  What Senator Bingaman brings to the Senate today is an amendment 
asking the Senate to put the money where the promise has been made. The 
President has toured South Africa, Botswana, countries like Senegal. In 
visiting these countries he has said the United States is committed to 
$15 billion. With the Bingaman amendment, we will make certain that 
commitment is more than just passing rhetoric.
  I say to my colleagues in the Senate who have had a chance to travel 
overseas and not visited Africa, if you want to be a convert on the 
urgency of this issue, visit Africa. Meet the people who are infected 
today and are trying, every single day, just to survive.
  Go to Soweto Township in South Africa, as I did just a few months ago 
with Senator Feingold of Wisconsin, and meet women who are infected 
with HIV who have small children and will never be able to have access 
to antiretroviral therapy which could keep their lives stronger and 
longer than otherwise would be the case. The best they could hope for 
is one nutritional meal a day, to give them strength to ward off 
infection.
  Come to the streets of South Africa. Come see in Cape Town the AIDS 
orphans roaming those streets, AIDS orphans--I saw this with my own 
eyes--who are sniffing glue, stealing, living on the streets. Their 
families are gone. It is repeated over and over, thousands of times, 
millions of times, in sub-Saharan Africa.
  Come to Uganda and find those battling with the AIDS epidemic with 
very little money but great resolve, preaching abstinence and fidelity 
and condoms if necessary to protect themselves. These are people 
winning this battle every single day, waging the battle every single 
day, surviving for another day. But they need our help.
  The richest nation on Earth should put $3 billion on the line this 
year, this next year, as the President has promised--in 2004. By 
keeping that promise, we will say to the world, we are not only trying 
to meet our moral obligation, we are urging you to do the same.
  This money has a multiplier effect. Mr. President, $3 billion from 
the United States will multiply into more and more money being spent on 
the global AIDS crisis. But, likewise, our failure to do so, our 
failure to keep our word--what the President said in the State of the 
Union Address--that is going to be noted as well.
  We have a lot more we can do. It is not just a matter of humanity and 
compassion; it is a matter of global security. These countries that are 
devastated by AIDS are fragile societies which, if they fall, if they 
cannot maintain their civil structure, will become vacuums, and in 
those vacuums we know we will find havens for terrorism, laboratories 
and experiments for the worst possible political outcomes. We don't 
want that to happen.
  We need to stand together with the President. I don't think we should 
be making excuses or coming up with alternatives. Let's put our money 
where the President promised it would be. Let this President, traveling 
in Africa, receive word within an hour that the Senate is standing 
behind him. The promises he is making to the continent of Africa are 
promises which both political parties in the Senate are going to stand 
behind. That is the best possible message.
  Senator Bingaman, Senator Leahy, Senator Daschle, I, and others want 
to make certain $3 billion will be available next year to combat this 
pandemic across the world.
  I stand in strong support of this amendment, and I reserve the 
remainder of my time.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, how much time remains?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There remain 7\1/2\ minutes.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. I will yield to the Senator from California who had a 
question or two she wanted to ask at this point.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California is recognized.
  Mrs. BOXER. Yes, I wish to address a couple of questions to my 
friend, Senator Bingaman.
  First, I thank you so much for bringing this amendment to the floor. 
We have a situation where President Bush is in Africa. I want to make 
sure I am

[[Page 17634]]

right on how I read your amendment. He is there saying he has 
committed, over a 5-year period, $15 billion. Is that correct?
  Mr. BINGAMAN. That is exactly the commitment the President has made.
  Mrs. BOXER. As I understand my friend, what has happened is that the 
President's own budget, instead of giving $3 billion for this effort, 
which would be $3 billion this year and $3 billion each year for 5 
years to meet his commitment, has underfunded his own request and has 
underfunded where the authorizing bill said this ought to be at $3 
billion.
  Am I correct in saying when the President says he is waiting for 
Congress to act, essentially his own budget has undercut his 
commitment?
  I just want to make sure I understand that what the Senator is doing 
today is sending a signal to the people of the United States of 
America, and to the people who are suffering from AIDS worldwide, that 
this amendment would bring the amount up to the amount that was 
promised in the President's own authorizing legislation but that he has 
underfunded in his own budget and that this bill is underfunding.
  What you are doing is keeping the promise made by the President 
himself, in correcting what was a terrible mistake, it seems to me, in 
the fact that this bill, as it currently stands, without my colleague's 
amendment, underfunds that account for AIDS.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, in response to the question, let me just 
say that is the thrust of the amendment. The amendment is a sense of 
the Congress. It is the sense of the Congress that when appropriations 
bills do come to the floor of the Senate, we will agree to fully 
appropriate the money needed to meet this $3 billion per year 
commitment. That is not the amount the President has asked for. He has 
asked for substantially less. It is not what early indications are the 
House Subcommittee on Appropriations is likely to provide.
  We are also concerned, of course, about the availability of those 
funds in our own Appropriations Committee.
  So this would make it clear to the whole world, we are committed to 
providing these funds, even if it is outside the bounds of the budget 
resolution--which it may well have to be. But we will provide the funds 
necessary to meet the commitment the President has made and continues 
to make on this trip to Africa.
  I would like to reserve the remainder of my time. I know Senator 
Lugar wishes to reserve the remainder of his time so we can have short 
statements. We will not use the full amount of time reserved.
  At this point, Senator Reed is here wishing to speak so I yield the 
floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Alexander). Under the previous order, the 
Senator from Rhode Island is recognized for up to 15 minutes.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, over the past few weeks the entire world has 
witnessed the images emanating from Liberia of chaos and carnage and a 
people who are bedeviled by a civil war that has lasted too long. This 
is a country that is in turmoil, a country with which we have a deep 
historic relationship. It is a country I do believe we must assist.
  The trouble in Liberia is not of the last few days or few months. It 
has extended at least for a decade. But at this time we have the 
opportunity, and I believe also the responsibility, to assist the 
people of Liberia to find a better way, a way without violence, a way 
that will guarantee a democracy that works and an economy that provides 
for the people of Liberia.
  Liberia has a special relationship to the United States. In 1822, a 
group of freed slaves from America began to settle the west coast of 
Africa. They were provided assistance by private philanthropists but at 
the insistence and encouragement of the U.S. Government. This was, at 
that time, a response to the prevailing system of slavery in the United 
States, a humanitarian approach.
  By 1847, these settlers had established the Republic of Liberia, the 
first independent country in Africa. It was modeled after the United 
States. In fact, even today, 5 percent of the population trace their 
heritage directly back to these American slaves who were freed and 
repatriated to Liberia.
  The Liberians modeled their Constitution on the United States 
Constitution. The Liberian flag closely resembles the United States 
flag. The capital of Liberia is named Monrovia, after President James 
Monroe.
  Before 1990, before the beginning of this civil war, Liberia's 
leading trading partner was the United States, and the United States 
was a major source of assistance to the country of Liberia.
  Our histories have been inextricably linked since 1822. Without the 
attempt of the United States in a small way to work its way through the 
problem of slavery and the creation in this country of private 
philanthropy, Liberia would not exist.
  I argue that these close historical ties are very important 
influences that should govern our decision today as we seek to help the 
people of Liberia.
  At the core of the problem today in Liberia is the behavior and the 
conduct of the President of Liberia, Charles Taylor. Taylor is 55 years 
old. He is the son of an American father and a Liberian mother who was 
a direct descendent of American slaves.
  During the 1970s, he worked in Boston, MA, while earning an economics 
degree at a Massachusetts college. He returned to Liberia in 1979, 
having spent a significant part of his life here in the United States. 
In 1979, the Government of Liberia was at that time taken over by 
Samuel Doe. President Taylor worked briefly for Samuel Doe. When he was 
accused of embezzling over $1 million from that Government, he left 
Liberia. He fled to some place with which he was very familar, 
Massachusetts. He was arrested there but he managed to escape from jail 
and made his way to Libya where he trained at a camp run by Qadhafi, a 
guerrilla training camp.
  In 1989, he led a small band of irregular forces that overthrew the 
Samuel Doe government, and he effectively became leader. Then, through 
an election, he became the President.
  But his Presidency has been marred not only by the decline of Liberia 
but by the instability throughout west Africa, spawned by his policies 
and his practices. Between 150,000 and 200,000 people have been killed 
and over 1 million people have been dispossessed in Liberia during the 
Taylor reign.
  Monrovia, the capital of Liberia, a city of more than 1 million 
people, is the only African capital that has no electricity, no running 
water, and no telephone service. Tens of thousands of people live in 
the ruins of bombed-out buildings. There are only two functioning 
hospitals in the entire country. Only a handful of flights each week 
leave Monrovia in small planes and go to adjacent west African 
countries. There is no direct connection between this country and the 
capitals of the world.
  In the past decade, in response to this violence, this chaos, and 
this collapse, the United Nations has passed seven resolutions seeking 
to halt the destabilizing force of the Liberian Government--seeking to 
halt it from its policies of encouraging rebel groups in adjacent 
countries and trying to induce it to fully abide by numerous Security 
Council resolutions to end the internal conflict in Liberia.
  The United Nations-backed Special Court in Sierra Leone is 
investigating war crimes that have taken place in Sierra Leone. These 
crimes include mass rapes, kidnapping, murder, amputation of limbs of 
civilians, and recruitment and use of child soldiers.
  Last month, the Court unsealed an indictment against Charles Taylor 
for ``bearing the greatest responsibility for war crimes, crimes 
against humanity and serious violations of international humanitarian 
law within the territory of Sierra Leone since November 30, 1996.''
  Taylor has deliberately assisted rebel forces in Sierra Leone and has 
provided resources for and is a willing party to the atrocities which I 
mentioned--the atrocities which have led to his indictment by the Court 
in Sierra Leone. He did it for diamonds. He did it for power. But the 
results have been devastating to that country.

[[Page 17635]]

  It is quite clear that Taylor has not only destroyed his own country 
but he has also helped to undermine and destabilize adjacent countries, 
such as the Ivory Coast and Sierra Leone.
  One of the problems with countries such as Liberia and adjacent 
countries is when there is a government that does not work or simply 
works for the benefit of the party in power or the person in power, 
those countries are likely breeding grounds for terrorist activity and 
terrorism that will spread beyond their borders. In fact, in today's 
world, it could spread worldwide.
  As a CRS report noted, ``For more than a decade, cycles of conflict 
in Liberia have generated a range of effects that have undermined the 
national security, political stability, and economic prosperity of its 
neighbors, and had secondary negative repercussions in the wider sub-
region. Among the most serious of such effects are the spread of small 
arms; the diffusion of violence-based social norms, often with 
commercial underpinnings; and increasing amounts of mercenary activity 
in the region; the deployment of diverse, often state-assisted rebel 
groups along regional borders; rampant human rights abuses; and the 
creation of aggrieved refugees and internally displaced populations.''
  That has been the record of Charles Taylor.
  I believe the United States has an obligation to Liberia based on 
history, based upon the chaos that is obvious in the country, based 
upon the policies and practices of President Taylor that has ruined his 
own country and harmed his neighbors. We must act for the security of 
west Africa and possibly even for the security of the United States.
  I should also point out that our British allies intervened in Sierra 
Leone to ensure stability because of their historic ties with Sierra 
Leone. The French have intervened in the Ivory Coast. In fact, a month 
ago it was the French forces that evacuated Americans who were in 
danger in Liberia itself.
  I believe we have to take several steps. First, the United States 
should organize a robust multinational force endorsed by the United 
Nations Security Council to support the cease-fire and to restore order 
in Liberia.
  We all recognize that this is a decision for the President of the 
United States. But the Department of Defense must give the President of 
the United States all the options he needs and which he requires for 
the movement of troops--troops that could, with the President's order, 
intervene in Liberia. Without timely orders and giving troops notice of 
movement and beginning the movement process, we could find ourselves 
with other ugly episodes of violence in Liberia in the next few days, 
or weeks, or months. Finding the President being moved to act, it could 
take days to put our forces in place to operate.
  With respect to not only organizing our response, we also should 
seriously begin marshaling the forces necessary to intervene if and 
when the President of the United States gives such an order.
  Our involvement should not be contingent on Charles Taylor's decision 
to leave.
  I have already described the record of Mr. Taylor. It is a record 
that lacks credibility. And his decision should not represent a veto of 
our policy. The President has said that he would consider the use of 
force or international forces if Taylor left. I think we should make it 
quite clear that if the situation deteriorates sufficiently and there 
is a prospect of using force for positive change for the Liberian 
people, then Charles Taylor should not decide by his presence or his 
absence whether we commit forces or assist with these international 
forces.
  The United States should also seek Security Council approval of 
chapter VII authority to further support the Sierra Leone Special Court 
and its indictment of Taylor for crimes against humanity.
  Presently, although the Special Court is backed by the United 
Nations, only Sierra Leone is bound by its decision. We should use our 
diplomatic influence to ensure that Taylor answers the indictment, in 
the event he does leave Liberia, or in the event that he comes into 
international custody in Liberia.
  Finally, we should support a U.N. mission for Liberia, in 
consultation with the Economic Community of West African States, or 
ECOWAS, and the International Contact Group for Liberia, to provide for 
an interim government and ultimately a democratic transition.
  The world, and particularly the people of Liberia, are waiting for 
our leadership. We should provide it.
  There is another aspect of the issue of Liberia that is important to 
consider. It is not with respect to those Liberians who are in that 
country but actually with respect to Liberians who are here in the 
United States and who have been here in the United States for more than 
a decade.
  When the Liberian civil war broke out, many Liberians began to flee 
to the United States. The chaos began to be obvious to our political 
leaders and in March of 1991, the then-Attorney General recognized 
their plight, and granted to these people temporary protective status, 
or TPS. This was back under the administration of President George 
Herbert Walker Bush.
  Under TPS, nationals of a country may stay in the United States 
without fear of deportation because armed conflict or extraordinary 
conditions make it unsafe for these people to return home.
  To obtain TPS, persons must register with the Bureau of Citizenship 
and Immigration Services--formerly known as INS, before its 
reorganization--pay a processing fee, and apply for an authorization to 
work. They must have a passport from the country from which they have 
fled. And they cannot be granted TPS if they have any criminal 
convictions.
  Persons with TPS in the United States must pay taxes, but they do not 
qualify for benefits such as welfare or food stamps, and not a single 
day spent in this country under TPS counts toward the residency 
requirement for permanent residency.
  As required by statute, the Attorney General reviews the situation in 
the country each year and then decides whether to extend TPS.
  In the case of Liberia, the civil war has raged on and on for more 
than a decade, prompting Attorneys General of the first Bush 
administration, the Clinton administration, and the present Bush 
administration to annually review the status of Liberians in the United 
States.
  In 1996, 1998, and again in 2002--this time under the present Bush 
administration--the Attorney General found that the situation in 
Liberia had deteriorated to such an extent that TPS was not only 
granted but there was a ``redesignation.''
  What does that mean? It means that people who had fled the country 
after 1991, or who had returned to Liberia and then returned to the 
United States, were also included in the protected category of TPS. So 
we have had a situation going over a decade in which annually Attorneys 
General have looked at the issue and have granted protective status to 
these people.
  There was one brief period, from 1999 to 2001, where the conflict 
seemed to be ebbing. In that period, TPS was not granted. However, the 
Attorney General and the administration determined that it was still 
inappropriate to return these people to Liberia.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The 15 minutes allocated to the Senator from 
Rhode Island have expired.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent for an additional 3 
minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. REED. Thank you, Mr. President.
  During this period of time, the Attorney General, therefore, granted 
a different form of relief known as deferred enforced departure, which 
was used to shelter the population of Liberians in the United States 
from immediate deportation.
  But I think the point is, it is quite clear we have recognized the 
legal right of these people to stay in the

[[Page 17636]]

United States because of the turmoil in Liberia for more than a decade.
  That turmoil today is even worse. It is reaching a crisis proportion, 
so much so that the President of the United States is actually 
contemplating the use of American forces or certainly American support 
for an international peacekeeping mission.
  Now, I have given this long and complicated history to suggest that 
we have a population that each year waits anxiously for a decision by 
the Attorney General whether to be sent back to a very difficult 
environment.
  We are talking about 15,000 people in the United States. There is a 
human face to this. They cannot tell an employer they can take a job 
for 2 years. They do not know if their children can go off to college 
for 2 or 3 years because you cannot give those assurances. They pay 
taxes, but they do not qualify for benefits. And many of these 
Liberians have lived in the country longer than the 5 years of 
residency required for citizenship.
  What I have done for several years is introduce legislation to allow 
these individuals to become permanent residents as a step towards 
citizenship. I have been supported by my colleagues, Senators Chafee, 
Kennedy, Corzine, Durbin, and Hagel because we believe--and 
particularly at this moment we believe--it is appropriate to give these 
Liberians in America a sense of permanency.
  Let me say, this would not be a unique occasion. We have, in many 
other instances, extended coverage like this to other nationals. We 
have had situations in which we have allowed people staying in our 
country to adjust to permanent residency status.
  For example, in 1998 Congress passed a law allowing four national 
groups, who were in similar situations, staying in the United States at 
the discretion of the Attorney General to adjust to permanent residency 
status: 4,996 Poles, 387 Ugandans, 565 Afghanis, and 1,180 Ethiopians.
  In the 102nd Congress, we passed a law that allowed 52,968 Chinese 
nationals with deferred enforced departure to apply for permanent 
residency and then citizenship because they were victims of Tiananmen 
Square.
  In the 105th Congress, we passed the NACARA legislation. Under this 
law, 150,000 Nicaraguans, 5,000 Cubans, 200,000 El Salvadorans, and 
50,000 Guatemalans were given the chance to reach permanent residency 
status.
  In 1999, we passed a bill allowing 2,000 Syrian Jews to accede to 
permanent residency en route to citizenship.
  My legislation would not set a precedent, but it would provide 
support and comfort, and I think long overdue justice, to 15,000 
Liberians in this country.
  Mr. President, I hope we can work together in the near future to make 
this legislation law.
  I thank my colleagues for listening to this speech about Liberia. We 
have two functions: One, to provide assistance internationally to help 
the people struggling there; and then to provide a sense of permanency 
to those Liberians who are here.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I will give a short speech as part of the 
20 minutes allocated to me at this time.
  My understanding is, my colleague Senator Bingaman will speak on the 
AIDS legislation that he has proposed with many cosponsors, and then we 
will proceed to a rollcall vote on the Bingaman amendment.
  Let me say at the outset that during our debate today on these 
authorization bills, we have heard from Senators on very important 
foreign policy issues. The distinguished Senator from Rhode Island, who 
just spoke on Liberia, is an excellent example of one who has spent 
time and effort in analyzing that issue.
  We heard from the distinguished Senator from West Virginia, Mr. Byrd, 
earlier on with regard to his apprehensions on Iraq. Other Senators 
likewise have taken this forum.
  Although that means perhaps our debate has been more extended on the 
authorization bills, this is a good time for Senators who are focusing 
on foreign affairs to speak and to enlighten their colleagues and the 
public in this important body.
  On the AIDS question, let me simply say that I indicated early on to 
Senator Bingaman and the sponsors that we would be prepared to accept 
that amendment. I did so simply because I think it is important, with 
the President in Africa, that there be clarification, in a bipartisan 
way, that we support the initiative he has given to the world. It is an 
extraordinary initiative. It has large impact. Hopefully, it will have 
good results on the ground with medical services, pharmaceutical 
products, other practices that are initiated by the various states that 
may be recipients as well as individual persons.
  I come to the floor simply to say I hope Senators will support the 
amendment, that we understand the President has made a very large 
offer. Now, authorizers and appropriators are going to have to work 
their way through that situation, along with the White House, in 
responsible ways for the next 5 years or so. That will take some doing, 
as most speakers today have pointed out.
  There has been, at least with some of those who have spoken on the 
issue, some skepticism about whether the President either understood 
the enormity of the task, whether he or his staff have in fact asked 
for the amounts of money that are required to get the job done, to 
follow the plan. And, in fact, some have suggested even a photo op 
followed by a lack of activity and followthrough that would be 
disastrous both to the credibility of the proposal as well as to the 
recipients.
  My own view is that our President, George Bush, is very sincere about 
this project. I say that from personal conversations with the President 
and the opportunity to work with him. The occupant of the Chair, as a 
distinguished member of the Foreign Relations Committee, is well aware 
that our committee took up the AIDS legislation issue. Senator Biden 
and I, in a bipartisan way, formulated, with the aid of many Senators 
on both sides of the aisle on our committee, an initiative that we 
believed was most appropriate in following through on that.
  In due course, colleagues in the House of Representatives, led by 
Henry Hyde of Illinois and others, formulated a piece of legislation 
that was a strong piece of legislation, in our judgment. It was the 
hope of the President and the leadership of the Senate that we could 
all turn to, in unity with our colleagues in the House, and pass an 
AIDS bill prior to the President going to the G-8 to lay before the 
European states and Japan and others the full benefits that would come 
to the world if they were willing to sign up likewise and work with us 
and follow our leadership.
  And in a very late night session, the Chair will recall, we did pass 
that legislation. The President promptly signed it in the early days of 
the following week, as soon as it reached his desk, and proceeded to 
Europe with that initiative. He proceeds to Africa with that initiative 
now.
  It is very meaningful, as he visits in countries, even as we speak, 
that have a very high incidence of AIDS. It is important with the 
President in Africa on the ground speaking to this issue that we speak 
in one voice likewise. This is why I will propose to Senators that we 
in fact support the amendment.
  I am advised my colleague from Pennsylvania would like to have a few 
minutes. I am prepared to yield to him. I have 20 minutes. How much 
time would the Senator desire?
  Mr. SANTORUM. Two minutes.
  Mr. LUGAR. I yield 3 minutes to my distinguished colleague from 
Pennsylvania.
  Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, I want to echo the chairman's comments 
that this body in a very late session, under his leadership and that of 
Senator Biden, was able to pass this historic measure providing the 
President the fodder he needed to go to Europe and the G-8 and make a 
pitch that the United States is behind trying to take on this scourge 
that has enveloped a continent, the subcontinent of Africa, and he was 
able to do that. As a result, he has been able to get the European 
Union to make a substantial commitment to participating in this 
project.

[[Page 17637]]

  I don't know if it has been said yet, but not only did we believe it 
was necessary to provide the appropriate leverage for our comrades in 
Europe to participate, but it worked. It was successful. They have come 
to the table and we are grateful for that. I think Senator Bingaman's 
amendment, as the chairman suggested, is just further evidence of our 
commitment to funding.
  My belief is we should come forward with the necessary funds. I don't 
necessarily agree with Senator Bingaman that we need to put $3 billion 
in the appropriations process in the pipeline right now. The commitment 
was $2 billion plus $1 billion in matching funds. The President said he 
would put up $200 million in good faith. So that puts us at $2.2 
billion which is what I believe is the number that is necessary to meet 
the commitment the authorization requires. I don't think it is 
necessary for us to appropriate $1 billion without having the match in 
place for that $1 billion. I think we can always come back, as we are 
maybe even this week, with supplementals throughout the course of the 
year to fulfill the commitment.
  Our commitment in the Congress was $2 billion plus $1 billion if 
other countries match it. So we need to put in $2 billion. We have $1.9 
billion, as the Senator from New Mexico said. So we are not that far 
off. But the President did say he would put $200 million forward, 
whether or not it is matched, as a good faith effort. And so I think to 
comport with that, we should do our best, within the appropriations 
process, to come up with $2.2 billion. But I think anything beyond 
that, candidly, is unnecessary, under the authorization is unnecessary. 
And I hope we do what is required and candidly sit back and wait and 
see what kind of commitments we will get from the rest of the world 
before we start ponying up real dollars in the appropriations process 
when those dollars are contingent upon other countries coming through 
with their contributions.
  While I agree in principle with what the Senator from New Mexico said 
and will certainly support his amendment--I encourage Senators to 
support this amendment--I do so with the caveat that really full 
funding, under the understanding on this floor the night we passed it 
as well as the President's initiative, is, in my mind, $2.2 billion. 
And then we can go from there subsequently, depending upon the kind of 
support we get from other countries around the world.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, how much time remains?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico has 3 minutes and 
46 seconds remaining, and the Senator from Indiana has 10 minutes and 
20 seconds.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator 
Stabenow be added as a cosponsor of my amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BINGAMAN. Let me begin by thanking the Senator from Indiana for 
his willingness to support the amendment and urge others to. That is 
very important. It is important we pass this amendment by a large 
bipartisan vote. He indicated he believes the President is sincere in 
his commitment to provide this $15 billion over 5 years. I certainly 
agree. I believe the President is sincere as well. I believed that when 
he said it in his State of the Union speech. I still believe it.
  Unfortunately, the fact we are faced with is we have authorized the 
$15 billion to be spent consistent with what the President asked for. 
But as we all know, there is a difference between what is authorized 
and what is appropriated. And the early indications are the 
appropriation may not be that generous or that robust.
  That is the reason for my amendment.
  The early indications I am referring to are the President's own 
budget request. In his request to the Congress, the President did not 
ask for $3 billion this first year. He asked for, perhaps in a most 
generous reading of his budget request, $1.9 billion; $200 million of 
which would be committed to this global AIDS fund. We had authorized $3 
billion, $1 billion for the global AIDS fund, $2 billion on other 
bilateral programs and AIDS initiatives. All I am saying is, we need to 
step in and, as is appropriate under the Constitution, appropriate the 
funds the President is talking about in Africa, that we have authorized 
to be spent.
  I believe that is the least we can do. This amendment is a sense of 
the Congress that we are committed to that when the appropriations 
bills come to the floor later this year. We will all have a chance at 
that point to look at those bills and see whether or not the funding is 
present.
  If it is, fine; if it is not, we can add funding at that time before 
we complete action on those bills. I do not subscribe to the view that 
the President's commitment of $15 billion is contingent upon all sorts 
of other things. I think it is a commitment this country has made. I 
commend the President for it. I commend him for taking this trip to 
Africa. I know those countries have desperate needs for which that 
funding could be used. And this pandemic that we are seeing worldwide, 
but most particularly on the African Continent, is something that 
deserves our top priority. I urge my colleagues to join me in passing 
this sense-of-the-Congress amendment and then, of course, I will urge 
them to support following through when the appropriations bills 
actually come to the floor. That is when the real decision point comes. 
This is a great indication that the Senate is standing behind the 
President, behind its commitments, and that is exactly what we should 
do.
  Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on the amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I yield back the remaining time that I 
have, and I commend the amendment to Senators. I hope there will be 
strong support.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment.
  The yeas and nays have been ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk called the roll.
  Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Graham), the 
Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry), the Senator from Connecticut 
(Mr. Lieberman), and the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Miller) are 
necessarily absent.
  I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry) would vote ``yea''.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Crapo). Are there any other Senators in 
the Chamber desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 78, nays 18, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 270 Leg.]

                                YEAS--78

     Akaka
     Alexander
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Bunning
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Cantwell
     Carper
     Chafee
     Chambliss
     Clinton
     Cochran
     Coleman
     Collins
     Conrad
     Corzine
     Craig
     Crapo
     Daschle
     Dayton
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Dole
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Frist
     Graham (SC)
     Hagel
     Harkin
     Hatch
     Hollings
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lincoln
     Lugar
     McCain
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Nelson (NE)
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Santorum
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Shelby
     Smith
     Specter
     Stabenow
     Voinovich
     Warner
     Wyden

                                NAYS--18

     Allard
     Allen
     Bond
     Cornyn
     Ensign
     Enzi
     Fitzgerald
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hutchison
     Lott
     Nickles
     Sessions
     Snowe
     Stevens
     Sununu
     Talent
     Thomas

                             NOT VOTING--4

     Graham (FL)
     Kerry
     Lieberman
     Miller
  The amendment (No. 1174) was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

[[Page 17638]]


  Mr. HARKIN. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.


  Amendments Nos. 1182, 1183, 1184, 1185, 1186, and 1187, en Bloc, to 
                           Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, at this point I wish to send to the desk a 
packet of agreed-upon amendments and ask for their consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the pending amendment is 
set aside.
  Mr. LUGAR. These amendments include a chairman's amendment regarding 
Pakistani debt reduction; a chairman's amendment that will provide 
technical fixes of the State Department's Fellowship of Hope Program; 
an amendment by Senator Frist to authorize the United States-Russian 
Interparliamentary Group; an amendment by Senator Frist to authorize 
the United States-China Interparliamentary Group; an amendment by 
Senator Warner to strike section 206 of the pending State Department 
authorization bill relating to security capital cost sharing; an 
amendment by Senator Ensign regarding the level of U.S. funding for the 
United Nations peacekeeping operations; an amendment by Senator 
Voinovich to require the Annual Report on Religious Freedom to include 
a section on anti-Semitism; an amendment by Senators Inouye and Akaka 
to authorize additional appropriations for the Center for Cultural and 
Technical Interchange Between East and West.
  I ask unanimous consent these amendments be agreed to en bloc.
  Mr. REID. Reserving the right to object, Senator Biden is not on the 
floor. His staff has said Senator Biden has not had a chance to look 
all these over.
  Mr. LUGAR. Very well, I will withdraw my motion. I will attempt to 
consult with the Senator.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The minority leader.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, just as soon as the list has been 
reviewed more carefully by our distinguished ranking member, I am sure 
we will be in a position to work with the chair to accommodate his 
unanimous consent request.
  We have a number of Senators who have been working with the managers. 
I think they may be in a position to offer their amendments with the 
understanding they would not require rollcall votes.
  I know Senator Dodd and Senator Clinton and Schumer, at least, are in 
that position, maybe others.
  I have just shared with the majority leader a list of amendments that 
may not be finite but is almost officially finite. We are hopeful we 
can continue to work with our managers in accommodating those Senators 
who wish to offer amendments but with a recognition that in most cases 
they will not require a good deal of time. In some cases they will not 
be offered at all.
  We have only been on the bill for about a day--full--and we were 
reminded it has been since 1985, which was the last time we actually 
brought up successfully the State Department authorization bill.
  We are very desirous of completing the work on all three pieces of 
it. We will continue to work with the distinguished majority leader and 
chair to figure out a way to accommodate the successful conclusion and 
consideration of the legislation. As I say, this list is not 
necessarily finite, but I do not expect it to grow. In fact, I think 
there are amendments on the list that will probably not be offered. So 
we will go from here.
  In the meantime, perhaps, if we could dispose of the amendments that 
will not require rollcalls, we will expedite this process even more.
  Mr. REID. Will the distinguished Senator yield for a question?
  Mr. DASCHLE. Yes, I will be happy to.
  Mr. REID. The Senator indicated we have spent basically a day, a half 
day yesterday and so far today, on the State Department authorization. 
All Democrats want to finish this bill. I think the leader would 
acknowledge that. We had our policy meeting today and our caucus 
luncheon Tuesday. I remind the leader--the majority leader is in the 
Chamber also--we spent 2 days this week on a bill that everyone knew, 
when it came up, was going nowhere. We all believe this bill is going 
somewhere--has the opportunity to go somewhere. I hope the two leaders 
would work to move it forward.
  I know the Democratic leader feels that way. I think it would be a 
shame, for lack of a better description, after all the work we have 
done on this--as the Democratic leader has announced, we have a list 
that is a good list, nearly complete. We could complete this 
legislation. We can't complete it in a matter of hours, but I think we 
could complete it in a matter of a day or so.
  Mr. DASCHLE. I will comment and then yield the floor. It was reported 
to me the last time we took up the bill in 1985 we took a couple of 
weeks to pass it. We certainly do not expect to spend a couple of weeks 
on the bill in this session of Congress. But I think it does, again, 
remind us that there are very important issues involving foreign 
policy, the State Department, and other issues--whether or not they are 
directly relevant to the State Department--that are meritorious and 
deserve consideration. I know of no one, on this side at least, who 
would require a good deal of time, an inordinate amount of time, for 
their amendment to be considered.
  We will work with our Republican colleagues in the hope we can 
accommodate this list, expedite the consideration of the bill, and move 
to a successful conclusion.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I am very pleased that the Democratic 
leader agrees we can complete this very important piece of legislation. 
The fact it has been such a long time since we have carried out our 
real responsibility in this authorizing legislation, trying to do what 
we are doing in a very systematic, orderly way, rather than throwing it 
on appropriations which, in the past, historically, has been done, I 
hope reflects my intent and the intent of all of us working together to 
go about this in an orderly way, the way that is most appropriate.
  We have a lot of work to do. We have made a lot of progress this 
week. We knew at the outset of the week we were setting out an 
ambitious agenda, in the sense that it is really what I believe our 
responsibility is to do. We tried not to rush things too much and 
consider amendments, some of which are not germane to the underlying 
bill. It is the right of every U.S. Senator to offer those. Those 
amendments have come from the other side of the aisle. I know every 
effort is being made to focus on the bill itself.
  We will be in session today. We will be in session late tonight. We 
will be in session tomorrow. We will be in session, voting, tomorrow. 
My goal remains to be to finish this bill. We will do legislative 
appropriations. We can discuss when to do that that is most appropriate 
on both sides of the aisle. We are going to bring that to the floor. We 
can do it tonight. We can do it tomorrow. We can do it tomorrow 
afternoon.
  My goal would be to be able to complete that bill and go to military 
construction as well. We can talk among ourselves.
  The Democratic leader stressed the importance of getting amendments 
forward. We just talked through a list from the other side of the 
aisle. I just talked to Chairman Lugar. We have really just two or 
three amendments. So for the first time we have sort of a finite list 
of amendments with which we can work. I ask that the chairman and 
ranking member do their very best to cull through the amendments. As 
the Democratic leader said, if they do not need a rollcall vote, let's 
try to work through this in an orderly way.
  I do want our colleagues to know, for scheduling, just as I said last 
Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday--today, I am saying it again, we 
are going to go through these next three bills. If we can complete this 
bill in a few hours, which the Democratic leadership said we cannot 
do--and I respect that if we really can't. I hope we could. Talking to 
Chairman Lugar, he says he thinks we can. But if you believe it is 
absolutely impossible, then it may be that later tonight we will set 
this aside and

[[Page 17639]]

we will begin the other two bills, which we will be addressing. We will 
be voting on them with rollcall votes. I will talk to Chairman Stevens 
in a few minutes and see what he thinks is best, in terms of that 
overall schedule.
  If there were any chance we could systematically go through this bill 
and complete the work--and again the chairman and ranking member have 
done a great job in terms of considering the whole range of amendments 
thus far, but if we can complete that bill and get started on 
legislative appropriations, and military construction, if we can do 
that tonight we wouldn't even have to vote tomorrow at all.
  I know we just heard that is not going to be possible in terms of the 
range of amendments as we go forward. We are voting today, tonight, we 
will stay on this bill a while longer, and we can talk. If you believe 
we need to set it aside so we can go to the appropriations, we can come 
back to this as soon as we finish this appropriation.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is the Chair's understanding the chairman 
has sent to the desk a series of amendments which he wishes to be 
considered en bloc. Is that correct?
  Mr. LUGAR. That is correct. I would like to amend my proposal to 
eliminate an amendment by Senator Warner to strike section 206, and an 
amendment by Senator Ensign regarding the level of U.S. funding. I had 
listed eight of these. These two should be omitted from that list.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Mr. BIDEN. Reserving the right to object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
  Mr. BIDEN. No, I do not object.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, we on this side have worked with the ranking 
member of the committee, and we have a list of Democratic amendments we 
want to go in order.
  I would like to announce those for the benefit of the Senate.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, if the Senator would yield for just a 
moment, if I could complete the action with regard to the six 
amendments.
  Mr. REID. I apologize. I thought that had been done.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that those six 
amendments be agreed to en bloc.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments were agreed to as follows:


                           Amendment No. 1136

 (Purpose: To authorize Economic Support Fund assistance for Pakistan)

       At the end of section 2123, add the following:
       (d) Assistance for Pakistan.--
       (1) In general.--Of the funds authorized to be appropriated 
     to carry out chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign Assistance 
     Act of 1961 for fiscal year 2004, $200,000,000 may be made 
     available for assistance for Pakistan, of which up to 
     $200,000,000 may be made available for the costs, as defined 
     in section 502 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, of 
     modifying direct loans and guarantees for Pakistan.
       (2) Treatment of certain assistance.--The amount made 
     available under paragraph (1) for the cost of modifying 
     direct loans and guarantees shall not be considered 
     assistance for purposes of any provision of law limiting 
     assistance to a country.
       (3) Limitation.--The authority provided by paragraph (1) 
     shall be subject to the requirements of section 634A of the 
     Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.


                           Amendment No. 1183

(Purpose: To grant the consent of Congress to the receipt by employees 
  of a designated entity or designated country of salary and benefits 
 from such entity or country while they serve in offices of profit or 
                 trust within the Department of State)

       On page 31, between lines 23 and 24, insert the following:
       ``(c) For the purposes of the program authorized by 
     subsection (a), Congress consents to employees of a 
     designated country or designated entity continuing to receive 
     payment of salary and benefits from such designated country 
     or designated entity while they serve in offices of profit or 
     trust within the Department of State.


                           Amendment No. 1184

(Purpose: To authorize a United States-Russia Interparliamentary Group)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. UNITED STATES-RUSSIA INTERPARLIAMENTARY GROUP.

       (a) Authorization.--The United States Senate is authorized 
     to appoint Senators to meet annually with representatives of 
     the Federation Council of Russia for discussion of common 
     problems in the interest of relations between the United 
     States and Russia. The Senators so appointed shall be 
     referred to as the ``United States group'' of the United 
     States-Russia Interparliamentary Group.
       (b) Authorization of Appropriations.--
       (1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated 
     $75,000 for each fiscal year to assist in meeting the 
     expenses of the United States group.
       (2) Availability of funds.--Amounts appropriated pursuant 
     to this subsection are authorized to be available until 
     expended.


                           Amendment No. 1185

 (Purpose: To authorize a United States-China Interparliamentary Group)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. UNITED STATES-CHINA INTERPARLIAMENTARY GROUP.

       (a) Authorization.--The United States Senate is authorized 
     to appoint Senators to meet annually with representatives of 
     National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China 
     for discussion of common problems in the interest of 
     relations between the United States and China. The Senators 
     so appointed shall be referred to as the ``United States 
     group'' of the United States-China Interparliamentary Group.
       (b) Authorization of Appropriations.--
       (1) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated 
     $75,000 for each fiscal year to assist in meeting the 
     expenses of the United States group.
       (2) Availability of funds.--Amounts appropriated pursuant 
     to this subsection are authorized to be available until 
     expended.


                           Amendment No. 1186

   (Purpose: To require the Annual Report on International Religious 
             Freedom to include a section on anti-Semitism)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18, insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. REQUIREMENT FOR ANNUAL REPORT ON INTERNATIONAL 
                   RELIGIOUS FREEDOM TO INCLUDE INFORMATION ON 
                   ANTI-SEMITISM.

       Section 102(b)(1) of the International Religious Freedom 
     Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 6412(b)(1)) is amended by adding at 
     the end the following new subparagraph:
       ``(G) Acts of anti-semitism.--A description for each 
     foreign country of--
       ``(i) acts of anti-Semitic violence that occurred in that 
     country;
       ``(ii) the response of the government of that country to 
     such acts of violence;
       ``(iii) actions by the government of that country to enact 
     and enforce laws relating to the protection of the right to 
     religious freedom with respect to people of the Jewish faith;
       ``(iv) societal attitudes in that country toward people of 
     the Jewish faith; and
       ``(v) trends relating to such attitudes in that country.''.


                           AMENDMENT NO. 1187

(Purpose: To authorize certain additional appropriations for the Center 
     for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West)

       At the appropriate place, insert the following:

     SEC.   . AUTHORIZATION FOR THE CENTER FOR CULTURAL AND 
                   TECHNICAL INTERCHANGE BETWEEN EAST AND WEST.

       Of the amounts authorized in this Act under Section 102 for 
     United States Educational, Cultural, and Public Diplomacy 
     Programs up to $4 million is authorized to be appropriated, 
     in addition to such funds authorized under Section 102(a)(3), 
     in support of the Center for Cultural and Technical 
     Interchange Between East and West.


                      amendment nos. 1184 and 1185

  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I have two amendments to establish 
legislative exchange programs on behalf of the United States Senate.
  These two amendments will authorize funds necessary to create 
formalized, cooperative relationships between the U.S. Senate and the 
Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Parliament, as well 
as between the United States and the National People's Congress of the 
People's Republican of China.
  The genesis of these initiatives is the hard work and deep interest 
that two of our colleagues have shown in pursing a deeper relationship 
with our counterparts in those two bodies.
  Senator Lott, during a visit to Russian 2 years ago, began a very 
fruitful dialogue with members of the Federation Council that has 
continued at many levels since. I myself had the opportunity earlier 
this year to meet with the Mr. Mikhail Margelov, Chairman of the 
Foreign Relations Committee of the Federation Council, Senator Lugar's 
counterpart, and I look

[[Page 17640]]

forward to playing host this fall to my counterpart, Mr. Sergei 
Mironov, the Chairman of the Federation Council. At that time it is our 
joint intention to sign a memorandum of agreement that will formalize a 
regularized relationship between our two legislative bodies.
  U.S.-Russian relations are at a point today that would have been 
unimaginable even a decade ago. We are joined in a growing exchange of 
trade and investment, the open travel of tourists and the business 
community, and cooperation on the central threat facing our two 
nations--the scourge of global terrorism. We have our disagreements, 
but for the most part these are the normal disagreements that exist 
between any friendly nations. It is my firm belief that as part of our 
relationship with Russia, we should establish an institutional 
relationship with our counterparts in the Federation Council to examine 
our mutual interests and craft solutions that reflect our shared 
interests.
  In the case of the National People's Congress of the People's 
Republic of China, I would like to credit Senator Ted Stevens for his 
initiative in pursuing a more regularized relationship. It is my 
intention to invite my counterpart, Mr. Wu Bangguo, the Chairman of the 
National People's Congress, to visit the United States later this year 
or early next year.
  As an aside, I have the privilege to lead a delegation of eight 
Senators to China earlier this year. This delegation was hosted by 
Chairman Wu during our 3-day stay. He was a gracious host and provided 
us with an outstanding schedule of appointments during our stay. But 
beyond this, we also had very candid and complete conversations about 
the challenge and opportunities in the U.S.-China relationship. I will 
not suggest that there are not problems, but it was remarkable how 
openly Chairman Wu was willing to discuss these issues in an attempt to 
understand our perspective, if not find common ground.
  I detect on both sides an optimism about U.S.-Chinese relations that 
has not existed in well over a decade. By deepening our relationship 
with the National People's Congress, I am confident we can fortify that 
optimism and create real potential to solve some of the problems that 
have plagued our relationship in the past.
  I urge immediate adoption of these two amendments.


                           Amendment No. 1186

  Mr. VOINOVICH. I rise today to introduce an amendment that would 
require the State Department to include in its annual report on 
international religious freedom a section highlighting the issue of 
anti-Semitism abroad.
  As many of my colleagues are aware, we have seen a disturbing trend 
in the increase of anti-Semitic violence abroad, with growing reports 
of incidents in countries that have traditionally been among Europe's 
strongest democracies, including France and Germany. I remain deeply 
concerned with these reports, and I believe it is absolutely essential 
that we do all that we can to take action to combat this problem, both 
at home and overseas.
  Last month, former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani led the U.S. 
Delegation to the first conference of the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe, OSCE, dedicated solely to the issue of anti-
Semitism. The conference took place in Vienna, Austria, during the 
period of June 19-20, 2003, bringing together parliamentarians, 
officials, and private citizens from all 55 OSCE participating states.
  As a member of the Helsinki Commission, I strongly encouraged the 
State Department to make this conference a priority of the U.S. 
government. Last October, a number of my colleagues joined me in a 
letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell urging him to call on the 
OSCE to schedule this meeting. With the support of Secretary Powell, 
Undersecretary of State Marc Grossman, and our Ambassador to the OSCE, 
Stephan Minikes, I was very pleased that the chair-in-office of the 
OSCE did in fact agree to put this meeting on the calendar. It is an 
important step in the right direction.
  Work to highlight this alarming trend began in earnest last year. In 
May 2002, the Helsinki Commission conducted a hearing to examine 
reports of increased anti-Semitism. During that hearing, I called on 
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, OSCE, to 
conduct a separate session on anti-Semitism during the annual meeting 
of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly in Berlin last July. I was pleased 
that this did, in fact, take place. Delegates to the meeting 
unanimously passed a resolution calling attention to the danger of 
anti-Semitism, which I cosponsored. The conference held last month was 
a product of much of the work done during the past year.
  As we discuss the need to address this issue, I could not agree more 
with a statement made by Mayor Giuliani just before he left for the 
Vienna conference, in which he remarked, ``The conference represents a 
critical first step for Europeans, who have too frequently dismissed 
anti-Semitic violence as routine assaults and vandalism. Anti-Semitism 
is anything but routine. When people attack Jews, vandalize their 
graves, characterize them in inhumane ways, and make salacious 
statements in parliaments or to the press, they are attacking the 
defining values of our societies and our international institutions.''
  While we are headed down the right path, it is critical that we take 
action to follow up on the successful beginning found at the conference 
in Vienna. This amendment aims to ensure that the U.S. Government pays 
close attention to the issue of anti-Semitism internationally, with the 
hope that it will encourage our friends, allies, and partners abroad to 
do the same. The amendment requires the inclusion of the following 
information on the subject of anti-Semitism for each foreign country: 
acts of anti-Semitic violence that occurred in that country; the 
response of the government of that country to such acts of violence; 
actions by the government of that country to enact and enforce laws 
relating to the protection of the right to religious freedom with 
respect to people of the Jewish faith; societal attitudes in that 
country toward people of the Jewish faith; and trends relating to such 
attitudes in that country.
  The promotion of human rights worldwide is a central aspect of U.S. 
foreign policy, and consistent with this goal, the Senate has acted to 
condemn anti-Semitism abroad. I believe this amendment is a necessary 
step as we look to combat anti-Semitism at home and abroad.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in support of this amendment.
  Mr. LUGAR. I thank the Chair. I thank the Senator.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, the amendments offered on this side are 
amendments by Senator Biden, Senator Schumer, Senator Kennedy, Senator 
Stabenow, Senator Dorgan, Senator Harkin, and Senator Dodd, in that 
order. So everyone understands--we have a lot of people shuffling 
around--that will be the order of amendments by Democratic Senators.
  It is Clinton and Schumer. I apologize for that.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware sought recognition.
  Mr. BIDEN. I yield. Apparently the Senator from New York has a 
question.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, the amendment Senator Reid mentioned 
after Senator Biden's amendment is a different amendment. Senator 
Clinton and I have an amendment. Those two amendments we will do en 
bloc. We would not have a vote. The majority and minority have agreed. 
It affects matters in New York City. We would like to do those very 
quickly before we begin this order, if I may ask that we do that.
  Mr. REID. Following the Biden amendment?
  Mr. SCHUMER. One minute.
  Mr. REID. Right now?
  Mr. SCHUMER. Two minutes of debate right now.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware has the floor.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Will the Senator yield?
  Mr. BIDEN. Yes. I am happy to yield, not that I have the floor.
  Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending

[[Page 17641]]

amendments be set aside and that I call up amendment No. 1142 and 
another amendment at the desk by Senator Schumer.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.


          Amendments Nos. 1142 and 1188 to Amendment No. 1136

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New York [Mrs. Clinton], for herself and 
     Mr. Schumer, proposes an amendment numbered 1142 and an 
     amendment numbered 1188 to amendment No. 1136.

  Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of 
the amendments be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments are as follows:


                           Amendment No. 1142

     (Purpose: To increase the authorization of appropriations for 
protection of foreign missions and officials for fiscal year 2004, and 
to make an authorization of appropriations for expenses related to such 
        protection that were incurred prior to October 1, 2003)

       On page 10, strike lines 17 through 19 and insert the 
     following:
       (5) Protection of foreign missions and officials.--For 
     ``Protection of Foreign Missions and Officials'', $21,000,000 
     for the fiscal year 2004, and $55,900,000 to be available for 
     expenses related to protection of foreign missions and 
     officials incurred prior to October 1, 2003.


                           Amendment No. 1188

(Purpose: To impose an economic sanction on foreign countries that owe 
          property taxes to Washington, D.C. or New York City)

       At the appropriate place, insert the following new section:

     SEC. __. PENALTY FOR UNPAID PROPERTY TAXES.

       (a) In General.--Subject to subsection (b), an amount equal 
     to 110 percent of the total amount of unpaid property taxes 
     owed by a foreign country to the District of Columbia and New 
     York, New York as reported by the District of Columbia and 
     New York, New York, respectively, shall be withheld from 
     obligation for such country from funds that are--
       (1) appropriated pursuant to an authorization of 
     appropriations in this Act; and
       (2) made available for such foreign country under part I of 
     the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2151 et seq.).
       (b) Payment.--Funds withheld from obligation for a country 
     under subsection (a)(2) shall be paid to the District of 
     Columbia or New York, New York, as appropriate, to satisfy 
     any judgment for unpaid property taxes against such foreign 
     country.
       (c) Certification.--The withholding of funds under 
     subsection (a) shall apply with respect to a foreign country 
     until the Secretary of State certifies to the designated 
     congressional committees that the total unpaid property taxes 
     owed by such country have been paid in full.
       (d) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Designated congressional committees.--The term 
     ``designated congressional committees'' means the Committees 
     of Foreign Relations and Appropriations of the Senate and the 
     Committees on International Relations and Appropriations of 
     the House of Representatives.
       (2) Judgment.--The term ``judgment'' means a judgment, 
     order, or decree, including a judgment rendered by default or 
     nonappearance of a party, entered in favor of the District of 
     Columbia or New York, New York in a court of the United 
     States or any State or subdivision thereof, arising from a 
     proceeding regarding unpaid property taxes.
       (3) Unpaid property taxes.--The term ``unpaid property 
     taxes'' means the amount of the unpaid taxes, and interest on 
     such taxes, that have accrued on real property under 
     applicable laws.

  Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, the U.S. State Department is legally 
obligated to provide security protection for the United Nations and its 
missions. Under a longstanding arrangement, the City of New York has 
provided this police security for the United Nations and its missions, 
and then it has been reimbursed by the State Department.
  Long ago, the State Department decided the best way to do this was to 
have the city provide the service and then provide a reimbursement.
  Since September 11, the security needs of the United Nations have 
increased to about $18.5 million annually in New York alone. Then there 
have been additional events, such as the U.N. General Assembly and the 
Millennium Summit alone cost almost $20 million. Thus, the 
authorization for the program entitled ``Protection of Foreign Missions 
and Officials'' must be increased so that the City of New York can 
receive adequate reimbursement.
  I thank the chairman for his understanding and his cooperation in 
making this possible. I thank the ranking member as well.
  This program has been authorized at $10 million over the last several 
years. It will provide reimbursement not only for New York but also Los 
Angeles and Chicago. The annual figure will be increased $21 million to 
cover all three cities' expenses; plus an authorization of $55.9 
million is included to reimburse the cities for back claims accumulated 
over the last several years.
  I thank the chairman and the ranking member for accepting this 
amendment.
  I would like to yield to my colleague, Senator Schumer, on a second 
amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New York is recognized.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank the chairman and 
ranking member for their courtesy.
  We have two amendments. Senator Clinton has explained the first one. 
That deals with reimbursement for police expenses. We always had that 
in New York City. This simply raises the amount, given the 9/11 
situation.
  The second amendment is a little different. It very simply says that 
diplomatic scofflaws have to pay their property taxes. We have a whole 
lot of missions in New York. A handful of them don't pay their property 
taxes.
  This amendment is very simple. When they don't pay their property 
taxes, this gives authorization for them to be taken from their foreign 
aid. It is only fair. It is only right.
  We did this for parking tickets a few years ago. It was very 
successful. We want to do it for property taxes.
  It is mind-boggling to know, but there is $214 million in outstanding 
property taxes from these missions. This amendment will go a long way 
to collecting it.
  I ask unanimous consent that both amendments be agreed to by voice 
vote.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's request is not in order. Does 
the Senator request unanimous consent that the amendments be agreed to?
  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that both amendments be agreed 
to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments (Nos. 1142 and 1188) were agreed to.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I suggest that we move out of order to 
Senator Dodd. The chairman and I have accepted a modified Dodd 
amendment. Rather than have him wait all this time, I would like to 
suggest he be recognized to speak and that we move on his amendment.


                Amendment No. 1189 to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Connecticut [Mr. Dodd] proposes an 
     amendment numbered 1189.

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the 
amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

(Purpose: To prohibit MCA monies from being used to fund projects that 
 could displace US jobs or production, or pose an environmental hazard)

       On page 247, strike the period at the end of Section 
     3102(a) and add the following:
       ``, except that the Corporation is prohibited from 
     providing assistance to any entity for any project which is 
     likely to--
       (i) cause the substantial loss of US jobs, or the 
     displacement of US production, or
       (ii) pose an unreasonable or major environmental, health or 
     safety hazard.''

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, this amendment reflects the language and my 
discussion with the chairman of the committee which adds the word 
``substantial'' to the first paragraph of the first (i) clause--the 
substantial loss of U.S. jobs. And the rest of the amendment will read 
as it is presently printed.

[[Page 17642]]

  Let me, first of all, thank the distinguished chairman and ranking 
member for allowing me to offer this amendment and for accepting it. 
This language conforms to existing law with the Overseas Private 
Investment Corporation, the Export-Import Bank, and other foreign aid 
programs and takes into consideration job loss on environmental issues.
  I think it fits into the Millennium Account category. I am a strong 
supporter of the Millennium Account. I thank the chairman and others 
who have been involved. I think it will be a wonderful opportunity for 
us to provide education and needed assistance to others around the 
world.
  This amendment would add a proviso to Division C of the bill--
Millennium Challenge Assistance--to ensure that Millennium Challenge 
monies authorized in this legislation do no inadvertently fund projects 
that result in the loss of American jobs, or the transfer of U.S. 
production facilities abroad, or pose a threat to public health or the 
environment.
  Why is this amendment necessary? Aren't U.S. foreign assistance laws 
already on the books that prevent U.S. foreign aid monies from being 
used in ways that can hurt American families or damage the environment? 
The answer is yes such laws exist but the bill before us today would 
exempt the Millennium Challenge Corporation set up in Division C of 
this bill from this and other restrictions currently in law.
  The Millennium Challenge Account has been provided with substantial 
resources in this bill--more than $8 billion over three years with 
virtually no legislative strings attached.
  Clearly there was a rationale for giving the corporation flexibility 
to try a new approach to helping countries help themselves climb the 
development ladder. I am certainly willing to give this ``experiment'' 
a chance to see if it produces better results than our normal foreign 
assistance programs.
  Having said that, none of us in this body would support the use of 
American taxpayer dollars being used to displace American jobs or U.S. 
production or to pose an environmental or health hazard.
  There is also ample legislative history to suggest that restrictions 
of this kind are not unduly burdensome.
  USAID programs are already subject to somewhat similar restrictions 
as are U.S. Export/Import Bank and OPIC programs. None of these 
organizations have alleged that these restrictions impair their ability 
to carry out their activities.
  Opponents of this amendment suggest that this provision is 
unnecessarily restrictive and difficult to implement. I find that 
rather hard to accept. We clearly know that there are a number of 
sectors in this country that are particularly sensitive to foreign 
competition--steel, textiles to name a few. Over the last three years 
more than 2.3 million American manufacturing jobs have been lost. We 
must not unknowingly make matters worse by providing ill conceived 
subsidies to foreign competitors.
  My colleagues I am sure know that there is a U.S. government entity--
the International Trade Commission--which is charged with monitoring 
the impact that foreign production is having on U.S. industries and 
jobs in this country.
  Clearly there are enormous U.S. resources and information that will 
be readily available to the corporation to ensure that U.S. taxpayer 
dollars aren't being used to, in effect, subsidize the export of 
American jobs and production. So I don't accept the argument that this 
amendment is too difficult or draconian for the corporation to 
implement.
  Is this amendment more difficult to implement than a provision 
already in this bill which requires the corporation to make the 
judgement that a particular government is ``committed to just and 
democratic governance'' in order for it to be eligible for assistance 
from the Millennium Challenge Account? I don't believe it is.
  There is no reason to believe that the corporation should find this 
restriction any more burdensome.
  Frankly, I would think that the Administration would welcome this 
amendment because it will sensitize officials of the corporation that 
they must always be mindful that nothing that the corporation 
undertakes or supports should be injurious to American workers--the 
folks footing the bill for this experimental approach to helping poor 
countries lift themselves out of poverty.
  Some may argue that this provision is unnecessary, that the members 
of the corporation will be too smart to ever do anything to hurt U.S. 
workers or production.
  I would say to my colleagues that the conditions that currently exist 
in law with respect to this matter came about because U.S. agencies 
frankly weren't paying attention to the domestic effects because that 
wasn't in their ``job descriptions''.
  Moreover, the surest way for support to be eroded for the MCA is for 
it to become known that in its zeal to help MCA eligible countries, it 
has ignored the negative implications that ill conceived projects could 
have on American workers and production facilities. With this statutory 
red flag, it is less likely that such mistakes will be made.
  I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
  Let me lastly say, aside from this particular amendment, how deeply 
proud I am of the chairman and the ranking member. When I was a member 
of committee, I think I had a full head of black hair the last time we 
had a State Department authorization bill on the floor of the Senate.
  This is not an accident. The last time we were on the floor and it 
was brought up, the Senator from Indiana was chairing the committee. I 
am proud to be a member of this committee and proud to be affiliated 
and associated with the two distinguished Senators, the chairman and 
the ranking member. They do a fabulous job on this committee.
  I hope we get this bill finished. This is important, not only for 
what it includes but also the statement it makes about how important we 
consider the role of the State Department, the aid programs which we 
administer, and the assistance provided to people all over the globe.
  My compliments to the chairman and the ranking member for a job 
tremendously well done.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I thank the Senator for his generous 
comments. I thank him for his amendment and for his cooperation in 
working to strengthen the MCA, and likewise at the same time indicate 
our concern about loss of jobs in this country and the environmental 
damage by the modifiers of ``substantial loss of U.S. jobs,'' and the 
language already, ``unreasonable or major environmental health, or 
safety hazard.''
  The Senator has made a very good contribution.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I, too, thank the Senator from Connecticut 
for his kind comments. As they say, he uses overly formal language. He 
is a valued member of their committee. He is more than that. He is more 
than that. He is one of the engines of the committee. I thank him for 
his comments. I respect and reflect his comments relative to the 
chairman.
  This is an important bill. As my grandfather used to say: With the 
grace of God, the good will of the neighbors, and the creek not rising, 
we may get this finished.
  Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for its 
immediate consideration.
  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I think we have to ask unanimous consent 
that the Dodd amendment be accepted.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate on the amendment?
  If not, without objection, the amendment is agreed to.
  The amendment (No. 1189) was agreed to.
  Mr. DODD. I thank the chairman.


                Amendment No. 1190 To Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for 
its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the amendment.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Delaware [Mr. Biden], for himself, Mr. 
     Levin, and Mr. Daschle, proposes an amendment numbered 1190.


[[Page 17643]]

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the 
amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

       At the appropriate place insert:
       Sec.   . In appreciation of our armed forces and regarding 
     restoring stability and security in Iraq.
       (a) Findings.--The Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) The United States Armed Forces, with the support of 
     forces from Great Britain and other countries, historically 
     and courageously liberated Iraq in three weeks;
       (2) Conditions on the ground in parts of Iraq continue to 
     pose a grave threat to American troops, thereby complicating 
     efforts to restore law and order and essential public 
     services for Iraqis and these efforts are further complicated 
     by the absence of effective communication with the Iraqi 
     people;
       (3) Ultimately, maintaining law and order in Iraq and 
     preserving its territorial integrity will require the 
     creation of a professionally trained Iraqi police force and a 
     reformed Iraqi military but that will take a significant 
     amount of time and in the meantime international armed forces 
     and police must assume these responsibilities;
       (4) Approximately 145,000 U.S. troops are currently 
     deployed in Iraq, meaning that American troops comprise 
     roughly 90% of Coalition forces, and even if, as the 
     Department of Defense has stated, an additional 10,000 
     international troops join the Coalition effort in Iraq by 
     September, Americans will still comprise roughly 85% of 
     Coalition forces;
       (5) Maintaining the existing force level in Iraq currently 
     requires $3.9 billion each month;
       (6) The Department of Defense has stated that it will 
     require one year to train a new Iraqi Army of 12,000 soldiers 
     and three years to train 40,000 soldiers;
       (7) The Coalition Provisional Authority has stated that it 
     will require at least one year to recruit and train a police 
     force of 40,000 officers capable of assuming minimal police 
     functions in Iraq, that it will require five years to recruit 
     and train a full force of 75,000 officers, and that at least 
     5500 additional international police are needed to train, 
     assist and jointly patrol with the existing Iraqi police 
     force;
       (8) President Bush has noted that ``The rise of Iraq, as an 
     example of moderation and democracy and prosperity, is a 
     massive and long-term undertaking,'' and it is clear that 
     increasing the number of troops and police from countries 
     other than the United States will reduce risks to American 
     soldiers and the financial cost to the United States;
       (9) Secretary Rumsfeld testified that ``We certainly want 
     assistance from NATO and from NATO countries'' and it is 
     clear that involving the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 
     as is being done in Afghanistan and has been done in Kosovo 
     and Bosnia, allows the Coalition to maintain a robust 
     military presence while decreasing the exposure and risk to 
     American troops; and
       (10) Rebuilding Iraq's neglected infrastructure and economy 
     and administering Iraq--including providing basic services 
     and paying public sector salaries--is likely to require tens 
     of billions of dollars over several years and projected Iraqi 
     oil revenues will be insufficient to meet these costs.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that:
       (1) It is in the national security interests of the United 
     States to remain engaged in Iraq in order to ensure a 
     peaceful, stable, unified Iraq with a representative 
     government.
       (2) The President should request formally and expeditiously 
     that NATO raise a force for deployment in post-war Iraq 
     similar to what it has done in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Kosovo 
     and the Congress urges NATO allies and other nations to 
     provide troops and police to Coalition efforts in Iraq.
       (3) The President should call on the United Nations to urge 
     its member states to provide military forces and civilian 
     police to promote stability and security in Iraq and 
     resources to help rebuild and administer Iraq.

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I thank my friend from Indiana for his 
tolerance. I don't usually send to the desk, in the 30-plus years I 
have been here, sense-of-the-Senate resolutions. But this is a sense-
of-the-Congress resolution. I don't send those, either. But I want to 
explain, before I explain what this resolution does, why I am doing 
this.
  I am of the view--and I am not suggesting the chairman shares my 
view, or anyone else does--that the President's attitude as to how to 
proceed on Iraq from this moment on is in play and being influenced by 
two very important elements of his administration. I am of the view, 
speaking for myself, that Mr. Cheney and Mr. Rumsfeld, and others in 
the administration--who are referred to, not in a negative sense but 
straightforwardly, as the so-called neoconservatives of the 
administration in foreign policy--are importuning the President on one 
course of action.
  I am of the view that the Secretary of State--and I do not speak for 
the Secretary of State; I do not suggest he has represented to me what 
I am about to say--but I believe the Secretary of State and a lot of 
the uniformed military are suggesting the President take another course 
of action, not drastically different but different relative to the 
issue of post-Saddam Iraq: How do we win the peace?
  So it is my hope and my view that this is an appropriate place for 
the Senate to weigh in on what I believe to be an ongoing debate. I 
know it is an ongoing debate within the administration on a matter on 
which I do not believe the President has fully made up his mind. That 
is not a criticism. That is not meant to be a criticism. It is an 
observation because a lot of these issues are in play.
  Let me illustrate what I mean by that.
  The President bought on to a position proffered by the Secretary of 
Defense, prior to us going into Iraq, that in a post-Saddam Iraq we 
would have a general, named Garner, who would move in, and along with 
General Franks, he, General Garner, would put together the political, 
economic, and reconstructive pieces of this; that he would set up an 
Iraqi Government very quickly; that there would be in place an 
infrastructure of a bureaucracy; a significant element of an army that 
had been beheaded of the Baathist Party elements; and that a police 
force would be up and standing, once you took out the Baathist 
elements; and there would be something to work with.
  Well, we held hearings, as did my friend, Senator Kennedy, in the 
Armed Services Committee, and that was not what the experts told us 
prior to us going into Iraq. But that is what Mr. Rumsfeld, and others, 
convinced the President would be the case. So right afterwards, Mr. 
Chalabi landed in southern Iraq. General Garner was in there shortly 
after that. We started down a course that was based upon that 
recommendation. It became obvious, almost instantly, that it was not a 
very well-thought-out or likely-to-succeed initiative. So what 
happened?
  The President, importuned again by others in his administration, 
immediately corrected course, I think correctly so, and to his credit. 
He very shortly pulled out General Garner. He came along and put in an 
ambassador named Bremer, who is a first-class guy, put in a different 
team, brought in public information officers from the military, and did 
other things which literally changed the course that was planned.
  Now look, again, not a criticism. I am complimenting the President 
because he realized the first course set out was not likely to succeed 
and he changed course. That is what good leaders do when faced with an 
object in their way that is not able to be surmounted by the game plan 
they have in place.
  If anybody thinks I am exaggerating this, remember what Ambassador 
Bremer had to say: We are not going to hold elections right away. We 
are not going to move forward and set up an Iraqi Government. We are 
not going to have Mr. Chalabi running the show, et cetera. I happen to 
think these were correct decisions.
  My point is, the President saw the unlikely prospects of the first 
course of action succeeding and he changed course. That is good.
  Now, there are other things that are now in play--in my view, if he 
does not change course, we are going to reap the whirlwind in Iraq. We 
are starting from an incredibly difficult situation. I said in Iraq, 
when we were last there with the chairman, Senator Lugar--and have said 
since--that if the Lord Almighty came down and stood in the well of the 
Senate and said: ``I have told the President the right answers to the 
next 15 decisions he has to make on Iraq''--we would still only have a 
65- or 70-percent chance of getting it right in Iraq because there are 
another 30 decisions to follow.
  This is a complicated problem. This is a country that really isn't a 
country.

[[Page 17644]]

This is not a country in a way most Americans think of it. This is the 
idea of the Brits. After 1919, they put together three desperate 
elements--two Arab, one Indo-European--into the borders that now 
constitute Iraq, in a circumstance that is difficult, at best, to make 
work. The only way it has worked, quote, unquote and been held together 
since then, is with either an outside power or an authoritarian ruler.
  So what are we doing now? The President is saying he wants to 
establish a democracy there. I, quite frankly, think that is a bridge 
too far. If we establish a participatory government that is a republic, 
that takes into consideration in its constitution each of the major 
elements of that country, in a way that gives them representation but 
falls short of a liberal democracy, I will be happy. I will be happy. I 
will consider that a success.
  So the point I am making is, this is very difficult.
  What are the immediate obstacles we are facing now? I do not have to 
tell anybody in this Chamber. All my colleagues are well-informed women 
and men. The first obstacle is, it has proven to be incredibly 
difficult to stand up the infrastructure of Iraq.
  We were there. We did a press conference. I think it was literally 
about 120 degrees. At another press conference there, it was 114 
degrees. That I know for certain. My point is, it is hot there. Guess 
what. Failure to have refrigeration, failure to have lighting, failure 
to have air-conditioning ``ain't'' like failing to have it even on a 
steamy day in Washington.
  What happens when it gets to be 95 degrees in Washington, DC, or 
Wilmington, DE? We send out social service agencies to go out to every 
area we know of, or people with meals on wheels, to make sure their 
windows are up and their air-conditioning working, because people die.
  I want to put this issue in perspective. Not having air-conditioning, 
not having lighting, not having electricity in a country where it is 
not unusual to have 125 degree temperature for a long stretch of time 
is more than an inconvenience.
  Now, we are doing everything possible. The Corps of Engineers is in 
there. We have private contractors in there. We have let contracts, 
even contracts I have criticized. Bechtel gets a contract without even 
a bid. But the point is, we are moving as fast as we can.
  But we have a second problem. The second problem is: the expectations 
of the Iraqi people. They think we are the Second Coming. They cannot 
believe that we, the United States of America, within roughly 4 weeks 
were able to topple this guy they thought was invincible.
  We were able to take this several-hundred-thousand-person army and 
decimate it and have it evaporate, to take the thought-to-be-12-foot-
tall Republican Guard, and vanquish it. What do they think? They think 
we can do anything. So they don't believe now, many of them, that their 
failure to have these amenities is because we can't get it done quickly 
enough. They believe we don't want to do it because if we did, we could 
snap our fingers. We are the United States.
  There is a third piece here. They don't understand because we are not 
broadcasting it, in my view, sufficiently well, that when we do stand 
up a power grid, the Iraqis, whether it is the fedayeen, whether it is 
the left over remnants of the Baathist Party, whether it is the Sunni 
in the so-called Sunni triangle, whether it is the Shia who are angry--
whoever it is--they don't understand that Iraqis are blowing up the 
grids. We get it done; they go blow it up guerrilla warfare style--
blowing up the oil fields, the pipelines. So what do we do about that? 
That is our first big problem, a perception and a reality of not 
sufficiently quick movement.
  There is a second big problem we have, among many others, although I 
am sure the chairman would rather I not be bringing up this sense of 
the Senate. I will not state where I know he and I agree, and you 
should not imply we agree; you should not infer from what I say that we 
agree on this. Many people believe, on both sides of the aisle, that we 
have to internationalize this effort from the standpoint of the 
military.
  There are two reasons for that. People like me believe we don't have 
enough firepower there because this is a big country. Let me overstate 
the point. Let's assume we had 250,000 people there instead of 140,000. 
We don't have the ability to do that, practically speaking. We would be 
able to guard more pipelines. We would be able to guard more electric 
grids. We would be able to have a better chance.
  I am not proposing we add American forces. I am proposing we call 
upon our NATO allies and the coalition of the willing in earnest to 
provide significant increases in the number of forces we have, allowing 
us in the near term to draw down some of our forces. We have 10 
divisions. Seven of them are tied down in Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia and 
Kosovo. We only have three divisions left.
  It seems to me--speaking for myself, but I am confident I speak for a 
significant number of Republicans and Democrats--this is the time to, 
as they used to say when my sons were younger, ``get over it.'' Ask 
NATO. Ask them: Please, come help. Make this a NATO operation with a 
U.S. commander with a U.S. helmet, with us in charge, but get more 
firepower in there.
  There is a debate about that. Mr. Rumsfeld is saying: We don't need 
any more. We were over in Iraq. Without identifying their ranks, a 
number of officers with whom I met--and I suspect the chairman and 
Senator Hagel and the delegation from the Armed Services Committee that 
went over had similar experiences--all thought, we have to change the 
board here. And the rumors were rife, including on an Air National 
Guard plane that took us into Iraq that happened to be the Delaware Air 
National Guard.
  Those guys were saying: The rumors are, we are going to get down to 
30,000 forces over here by January.
  That is foolish. That is absolutely beyond comprehension unless we 
are saying we are just pulling out; we are just giving up on what we 
say our objectives were.
  I found fascinating--it is almost on point--Secretary Rumsfeld's 
testimony yesterday about the number of troops needed and whether or 
not NATO has been asked to participate. Again, I defer to my friend 
from Massachusetts who was at that hearing. I wasn't at the hearing. 
But this is actually a news report of it:
  When first asked whether the administration had asked France and 
Germany, whose leaders vigorously opposed the invasion of Iraq, to 
contribute to postwar peacekeeping, Rumsfeld said, ``I'll have to 
ask.'' After checking during the break in the hearing, he said that 
they been asked at least once, last December, which was before the 
French and German opposition to the war became a major disruption in 
transatlantic relations. And when asked if a request had been made 
since then, he said, ``I have no idea.''
  This is the Secretary of Defense.
  ``I'd be happy to run around and try to find out the answer to 
that.''
  As they say in my neighborhood: Give me a break. The Secretary of 
Defense doesn't know whether or not on his watch, NATO, the French, the 
Germans have been asked to contribute.
  On the same trip only 10 days ago or thereabouts, we started off at a 
conference, appropriately, at the Dead Sea in Jordan. It was sponsored 
by the World Economic Forum. I met with a guy we all know well, a guy 
who has been my friend and acquaintance for almost 20 years, the head 
of NATO, the Secretary General, Lord Robertson. I pulled him aside. I 
said: Let me ask you a question: Has NATO been asked to make a 
significant contribution, other than providing logistical support for 
the Polish forces going in? Would they go in?
  He said: Joe, you have to ask.
  Here is the Secretary of Defense who says he doesn't know whether we 
have asked NATO. And the Secretary General of NATO is saying: You have 
to ask.
  What happens if I ask, George?
  He said: They will go.

[[Page 17645]]

  So the reason I give you that background is, the President, I am 
confident, is being told by some in his administration: Don't ask the 
French and don't ask the Germans. They weren't with us in the first 
place. Don't ask.
  I am confident some are further saying: Don't make this a NATO 
operation. With us, remember, we run the show in NATO, in practical 
terms and, on the ground, in specific terms.
  I am also positive there are other high-ranking administration 
officials saying: Ask. Ask. Get NATO involved.
  So why am I doing this sense of the Congress? I want Congress to go 
on record weighing in on the side of the administration and saying: 
Ask.
  Is the President still in play? To the best of my knowledge--and I am 
not a confidant of the President, although he is kind enough to speak 
to me whenever I ask to speak to him, and occasionally he asks to speak 
to me when I don't ask--it is my impression that the President is in 
play on this. He has not made up his mind, in my view--maybe he has--
which course to take. I think it is a profoundly important decision he 
has to make, not only in terms of relieving pressure on American 
military fighting women and men and providing additional military 
capacity, but for a second reason. I know my friend agrees with this 
because he and I started talking about it separately and collectively 
back in September of last year: It makes a difference whether we are 
viewed as occupiers or liberators, whether we are the only guys in 
town. It is kind of hard for extremists to make the case in the Arab 
world that we are occupiers if there is truly a genuine multinational 
force headed by Americans as opposed to an American force with a few 
multinational people helping out.
  Remember, we were told that 40 nations were a part of this war 
effort. Well, maybe a couple sent observers, but there were really only 
four nations involved--England, Australia, the U.S., and Poland. There 
were another 36 or so nations that said they supported us, and if they 
allowed an overflight of American forces, then they were part of the 
war effort.
  That is not what I am looking for. I want, when Iraqis go down the 
street, to see not just an American soldier at the checkpoint. This is 
going to sound tough and maybe even unfair, but I don't want every kid 
that is blown up at a checkpoint being an American soldier. This is the 
world's problem, not just ours. I want to give the French--as mad as 
the administration might be at them--the honor and the opportunity to 
do the same thing as our young men do. I said before this war began--
and I supported this war and I voted for it and I helped shape the 
resolution that allowed it--if we did not internationalize this 
rapidly, somewhere between 2 and 10 body bags a week would come home 
for the indefinite future. Unfortunately, it is one of the prophesies I 
made on this floor and in other places that I wish had never turned out 
to be correct.
  The fact is, we will get a lot more support from the Iraqis who will 
be a lot less suspect of us if we are not the only game in town. That 
is the second reason to internationalize.
  There is a third piece of this resolution that says it is in the 
national interest of the United States to remain engaged in Iraq in 
order to assure a peaceful, stable, and unified Iraq with a 
representative government.
  Look folks, I believe the President has been missing in action in 
explaining to the American people why it is important that we stay in 
Iraq. He needs to go on national television just as definitively as he 
did in making the case to go into Iraq, and explain why it is 
critically important that we stay in Iraq until it is stable, unified, 
and has a representative government. The President must explain that to 
the American people.
  The reason he must is the fear that a number of our military had in 
Qatar when I visited them with Senator Hagel in November or December 
before the war. We had over 100 generals in one room. When I was asked 
by General Franks if I would speak to them, I asked why. He said just 
answer their questions. They wanted to know whether or not the American 
public would be supporting them--not during the war or immediately in 
the aftermath, but whether they would stick with them in the long haul. 
These are smart men and women. They knew they were going to be locked 
down there for a long time.
  My answer to them then was very straightforward. I said the one thing 
I hope we have all learned from the Vietnam experience--whether you 
were for or against the war and you went to Canada--there is only one 
thing I know everybody agrees on: a foreign policy, no matter how well 
thought out, will not and cannot be sustained without the informed 
consent of the American people before it is initiated. There has been 
no informed consent. By ``informed,'' I mean the people are not even, 
to this moment, being told what the administration knows to be true: 
One, we are going to be there for a long time. We are going to be there 
with tens of thousands of troops for a long time. Johnny and Jane are 
not going to come marching home from Iraq any time soon. That is not a 
criticism on my part, that is the reality. We knew that before we went 
in. But we did not tell the American people.
  The second thing the American people have not been told since the war 
ended is why it is important to stay in Iraq. I am assuming the reason 
the President won't go on television and say that is because, if he 
does, he has to say, prior to that, that we are going to stay in Iraq 
and have a lot of people stay in Iraq. The chairman called a hearing 
just after the war. We had expert testimony from the White House that 
said it costs $2 billion a month to maintain troops there. We had a 
second hearing and they said it is going to cost $3 billion a month. 
This is a matter of a week.
  At the third hearing, yesterday, they said $3.9 billion. I have been 
agreeing with the chairman that we should hold more hearings, but I am 
not sure we should because it may go up to $5 billion. I am not sure I 
want to hear the answer.
  But the truth is that the American people still think Iraqi oil 
revenues are going to pay for this. Not a shot. Not a shot. When we 
were in Iraq, we met with a first-rate oil man who was picked by the 
administration to come over and handle the oil interests of Iraq for 
the Iraqi people and to get it up and running. He sat with us in the 
only air-conditioned room I am aware of in probably all of Baghdad. By 
the way, our people don't work in air-conditioning either. He said: 
Look, if everything goes well and things don't get sabotaged, Iraq may 
generate $5 billion worth of profit--in effect, revenues--in 2003. Next 
year, if everything goes swimmingly well, that number will be $14 
billion. Hear that? From now through the whole next calendar year, the 
next year and a half, there may be, if all goes well, about $19 billion 
in revenue to reconstruct Iraq. It is going to cost us almost $4 
billion a month just to keep American forces in Iraq at the present 
levels.
  I have heard administration witnesses before us. The last 
administration witness before the Foreign Relations Committee got his 
skin ripped off by our good friend Senator Hagel when asked how many 
folks are going to be needed. He said, ``I have no idea.'' No idea? 
Everybody has an idea. The idea is that General Shinseki was a heck of 
a lot smarter than Secretary Rumsfeld and a heck of a lot closer to 
what the number is likely to be. So at $4 billion a month, we are going 
to be spending about $70 or $80 billion in the next year and a half 
just to keep American troops there. Just putting this into perspective, 
there will be--maybe--$19 billion worth of Iraqi oil reserves in that 
period.
  By the way, we are not going to spend a penny of that to maintain 
American forces. That is the Iraqi people's money the President said, 
and rightly so. The World Bank is coming in, and others, to give an 
estimate of the cost of reconstructing Iraq. But I would bet my life it 
is going to be more than $19 billion.
  Again, why do I mention this? The President has to come forward 
because I do not want to be on this floor and be one of only several 
people, along with

[[Page 17646]]

the chairman and others, who continue to vote whatever is needed to get 
the job done with my constituents back home saying: What are you doing 
that for? Why aren't you putting more money in education? Why aren't 
you putting more money in tax cuts? Why aren't you putting more money 
in taking care of my roads? Why aren't you putting more money in--
whatever. Because the President does not have the political vision and 
the willingness to go before the American people and say 
straightforwardly: This is going to cost us tens of billions of dollars 
beyond what we are spending now. It is going to take tens of thousands 
of forces, which I support. This is not a cry to pull forces out. It is 
a cry to say: Please, Mr. President, level with the American people.
  The third part of this resolution--I won't go on much longer and I 
note this is the only time I have spoken on this bill--is also a sense 
of the Congress:
  The President should call on the United Nations to urge its member 
states to provide military forces and civilian police to promote 
stability and security in Iraq and resources to help rebuild and 
administer Iraq.
  There are two pieces I have not spoken to yet. I think there is 
continuing debate within the administration and I would like the 
Congress to weigh in to try to persuade the President the right way and 
to reject the suggestions being made by those who have been operating 
the policy in post-conflict Iraq so far. I do not mean the people in 
Iraq, I mean here in Washington.
  We sat out at a police training academy. I think I have made a dozen 
visits over 10 years to Bosnia and Kosovo. I believe I have spent more 
time in those two countries before, during, and after those wars than 
any Member of Congress. I could be wrong, but I think I have. My son, 
who is at the Justice Department, got sent over to Bosnia to be the 
Justice Department coordinator in a Republican administration, not by 
me, and over to Kosovo to help them set up a criminal justice system 
and a police force.
  We have learned a lot from our experience in setting up and 
maintaining public order in Bosnia, and we improved it in Kosovo and in 
Afghanistan. The people who are over there now, appointed by President 
Bush, are top notch--such as former New York City Police Commissioner 
Kerik who is respected by everyone. His top people have extensive 
experience in both Bosnia and Kosovo and we should be proud of the team 
we have. I just wish the folks in Washington would listen to them.
  We spent more than an hour, I believe, at the police academy. And we 
were told by these first-rate pros that it is going to take at least 1 
year to recruit and train a police force of 40,000 people, which they 
argue would provide only minimal police functions, and 5 years to build 
a force back up to 75,000 people.
  I asked a guy who has extensive experience, in front of my colleagues 
and in front of all the military there: Who is in charge of the prison 
system? He said: There is no prison now. There is not a prison in all 
of Iraq that we would call a prison--maybe the equivalent of a dungeon, 
but not a prison.
  I turned to him and said: If you had all the resources you needed, 
all the help you wanted, and all the personnel you needed, how long 
would it take you to set up a prison system in Iraq from this day on? 
He said 3 years.
  It is going to take 3 years minimum to set up, with all the 
resources, a prison system. It is going to take, according to our own 
administration experts on the ground, a year to minimally train 40,000 
police, and 5 years to build a force up to 75,000.
  Then came the kicker. What do you need? They said: We need right 
away, in addition to the MPs we have, which are stretched beyond 
limit--because most of the MPs are reserve officers and can you ask 
Reserves who have been there 6 months to stay another year, year and a 
half?--we need 5,500 trained, hardnosed European police officers, 
carabinieri, now to take over these functions and help us train the 
Iraqi police force.
  I might add parenthetically, our intelligence was abysmal on this 
point. The 78,000 police officers and the 10,000 or 20,000 member 
quasi-military--they weren't trained by what we call a trained police 
officer. An example was given: If there was murder in an apartment 
building, the police did not go to the apartment building to 
investigate the murder. They sent a notice to the apartment, and 
everybody emptied out of the apartment building and went down to the 
police station.
  There is no police force as we think of it. There were none as we 
think of them in Iraq. So the fact that somebody in the intelligence 
community did not tell the President that their police force is not our 
idea of a police force that could help maintain order is an abysmal 
failure. We have to deal with it.
  The third part of this resolution, to promote stability and security, 
is to have a civilian police force and to ask for the use of diplomacy 
with our French friends, our German friends, our Spanish friends, our 
Italian friends who are already sending some police there: Help us now.
  There is more to say. If we continue to comprise 80 to 90 percent of 
our forces on the ground, be sure we will get at least 80 or 90 percent 
of the blame for everything that happens in Iraq. If it is an American 
police officer, an American MP, an American soldier who is the one 
attempting to settle whatever the dispute is, just remember, we are 
going to take the blame. I would like to share the responsibility a 
little bit beyond what we have now.
  All I have suggested is not prescriptive in the literal sense. It 
does not require the President to actually find 5,500 police. It does 
not require him to do anything. But this is for us to weigh in on the 
side of the voices within the administration that say: We have to get 
smarter about how we are doing this.
  The last point I will make is, we now, in a physical sense, control 
Iraqi television. We are told by those with whom we visited--and two 
senior staff members, one Republican and one Democrat, who stayed 
behind for another week or so in Iraq confirmed this--that what we 
basically have 4 hours of television a day with Americans talking on 
it. They're trying to explain our position on television and, though 
they do not mean it to be, it sounds as if it is propaganda.
  With Al-Jazeera in Iraq, with Iranian television flooding in, with 
all the slant that these guys have, why we do not have the Board of 
International Broadcasting, why we do not have USI, why we do not have 
somebody in there setting up that television quickly, finding Iraqi 
newspeople, Iraqi personalities, explaining what happened, why the 
lights are not on, why the group of Iraqis under Saddam's former sway 
have blown up a pipeline or the reason why the grid went out in 
southern Baghdad is beyond me.
  Granted, it is hard to get all of this going, and I end by saying the 
very prescriptions I have offered, the very proposals or the direction 
I think we should be going may very well change. It is a fluid 
situation. One thing I am confident of right now, we do not have enough 
police to stand up a real force to restore order within the time we 
need.
  We are going to lose the support of the Iraqi people to the extent we 
have it but, more importantly, and what worries me more, we are going 
to lose the support of the American people. The American people are 
going to start to say to us, and maybe even some people who are 
watching this right now in person or on television are going to say, 
why is Biden saying we should stay there? We had two more kids killed 
today, nine kids killed yesterday and four kids the day before--not 
kids but soldiers, warriors. I do not want to stay there. Bring them 
home.
  The President has to go on the air and say if we bring them home, we 
will inherent the wind, because if the American people understand why 
it is critical to stay there, they will be prepared to come up with the 
money, the time, and the risk to stay there.
  The President has to ask them. He has to ask the American people. He 
has to ask the French, the Germans,

[[Page 17647]]

NATO. I hope those who are counseling him not to are not doing it out 
of false pride.
  My dad, who passed away a little while ago, used to say, only a big 
man can bend a considerable distance. We are the big man. We should act 
like it. Not in terms of taunts, bring them on, but in terms of saying, 
come on, help us, it is in your interest as much as it is ours.
  The President is very popular. He has done some very good things. In 
my humble opinion, he should use some of that stored-up popularity to 
make what I acknowledge is an unpopular case: My fellow Americans, we 
must stay in Iraq because if we do not the following will happen, and 
if we stay in Iraq, it means this is what I am going to be asking of 
you, this is the sacrifice I am going to be asking of you, and, by the 
way, I am asking the rest of the world in a real sense to help us.
  I am waiting for that speech. I am waiting for that to happen. If it 
does not happen, I fear we will lose support in Iraq very quickly, we 
will lose it at home very shortly, and we will lose it in fact in the 
near term. That is not why I voted to go into Iraq. That is not why I 
voted to go into Iraq.
  By the way, I sent this amendment up on behalf of myself, Senator 
Levin, and Senator Daschle. I now ask unanimous consent that Senator 
Kennedy be added as a cosponsor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, as I said, this is a sense-of-the-Congress 
resolution. It is meant, quite frankly, as the only way I know how to 
weigh in on the debate that is going on at the White House; to add 
another collective voice from another branch of the Government as to 
how we should proceed. It is not meant as a criticism of the President. 
It is not meant as a criticism of his policy. It is an observation. 
Just as he stated his initial game plan was not workable and he changed 
it, I respectfully suggest that unless we change the game plan here, we 
are going to be in for some real trouble.
  I yield the floor.


                    Amendment No. 1190, as Modified

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, could I inquire of the Senator if he would 
be prepared to modify his amendment in two ways? In the-sense-of-
Congress section, the second sentence, ``the President should request 
formally and expeditiously,'' would the Senator use the word 
``consider,'' ``the President should consider formally and 
expeditiously,'' and in the second one, ``the President should consider 
calling on the United Nations''? I modify it in that way in that the 
Senator has suggested the President is weighing these options. We have 
offered at least some ideas as to what he ought to weigh, clearly for 
the reasons stated earlier.
  My own view is if the Senator would be prepared to modify his 
sentences in that way, to use the word ``consider'' rather than 
``request,'' I would be prepared to accept the amendment and proceed 
with the Senator at least in a bipartisan statement with which I 
generally agree.
  Mr. BIDEN. Quite frankly, I am much less wedded to the particular 
verbiage of this resolution than I am to staying bipartisan, because 
that is what the chairman and I have been trying to do throughout. So I 
ask unanimous consent that my amendment be modified on page 2, 
paragraph 2, to say that ``the President should consider requesting,'' 
adding the word ``consider,'' and I ask unanimous consent to modify my 
amendment to say ``the President should consider calling on the United 
Nations.''
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has that right. The amendment is 
so modified.
  The amendment (No. 1190), as modified, is as follows:

       At the appropriate place insert:
       Sec.   . In appreciation of our armed forces and regarding 
     restoring stability and security in Iraq.
       (a) Findings.--The Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) The United States, with the support of forces from 
     Great Britain and other countries, historically and 
     courageously liberated Iraq in three weeks;
       (2) Conditions on the ground in parts of Iraq continue to 
     pose a grave threat to American troops, thereby complicating 
     efforts to restore law and order and essentially public 
     services for Iraqis and these efforts are further complicated 
     by the absence of effective communications with the Iraqi 
     people;
       (3) Ultimately, maintaining law and order in Iraq and 
     preserving its territorial integrity will require the 
     creation of a professionally trained Iraqi police force and a 
     reformed Iraqi military but that will take a significant 
     amount of time and in the meantime international armed forces 
     and police must assume these responsibilities;
       (4) Approximately 145,000 U.S. troops are currently 
     deployed in Iraq, meaning that American troops comprise 
     roughly 90% of Coalition forces, and even if, as the 
     Department of Defense has stated, an additional 10,000 
     international troops join the Coalition effort in Iraq by 
     September, Americans will still comprise roughly 85% of 
     Coalition forces;
       (5) Maintaining the existing force level in Iraq currently 
     requires $3.9 billion each month;
       (6) The Department of Defense has stated that it will 
     require one year to train a new Iraqi Army of 12,000 soldiers 
     and three years to train 40,000 soldiers;
       (7) The Coalition Provisional Authority has stated that it 
     will require at least one year to recruit and train a police 
     force of 40,000 officers capable of assuming minimal policy 
     functions in Iraq, that it will require five years to recruit 
     and train a full force of 75,000 officers, and that at least 
     5500 additional international police are needed to train, 
     assist and jointly patrol with the existing Iraqi police 
     force;
       (8) President Bush has noted that ``The rise of Iraq, as an 
     example of moderation and democracy and prosperity, is a 
     massive and long-term undertaking,'' and it is clear that 
     increasing the number of troops and police from countries 
     other than the United States will reduce risks to American 
     soldiers and the financial cost to the United States;
       (9) Secretary Rumsfeld testified that ``We certainly want 
     assistance from NATO and from NATO countries'' and it is 
     clear that involving the North Atlantic Organization, as is 
     being done in Afghanistan and has been done in Kosovo and 
     Bosnia, allows the Coalition to maintain a robust military 
     presence while decreasing the exposure and risk to American 
     troops; and
       (10) Rebuilding Iraq's neglected infrastructure and economy 
     and administering Iraq--including providing basic services 
     and paying public sector salaries--is likely to require tens 
     of billions of dollars over several years and projected Iraqi 
     oil revenues will be insufficient to meet these costs.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
       (1) It is in the national security interests of the United 
     States to remain engaged in Iraq in order to ensure a 
     peaceful, stable, unified Iraq with a representative 
     government;
       (2) The President should consider requesting formally and 
     expeditiously that NATO raise a force for deployment in post-
     war Iraq similar to what it has done in Afghanistan, Bosnia 
     and Kosovo and the Congress urges NATO allies and other 
     nations to provide troops and police to Coalition efforts in 
     Iraq.
       (3) The President should consider calling on the United 
     Nations to urge its member states to provide military forces 
     and civilian police to promote stability and security in Iraq 
     and resources to help rebuild and administer Iraq.

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I ask my friend whether or not he would 
object, because a number of people on my side, including the major 
sponsor who helped on this, Senator Levin, wanted to have a rollcall 
vote. Does he have an objection to a rollcall vote on this?
  Mr. LUGAR. In response to the Senator, my preference would be that we 
would not have a rollcall vote; that it could proceed by voice vote. I 
say this advisedly, but I presume many Members on both sides will 
generally agree with this. This is very complex language and analysis. 
I think there is general feeling that the chairman and ranking member 
have been through this experience, have gone through this together, and 
our opinions are fairly well understood. I do not want to see a result 
in which there are a fair number of people who feel constrained because 
it is requesting the President to consider these things that it might 
be considered criticism of him or undermining in any way his 
consideration of this amendment.
  Mr. LEVINE. Mr. President, I rise this afternoon in support of the 
Biden, Levin, Daschle amendment.
  The initial military phase of Operation Iraqi Freedom appears to have 
been thoroughly planned and brilliantly executed. Unfortunately, the 
transition to post-conflict stability operations and the conduct of 
those operations appear to be far less so. We must succeed in this 
endeavor and we need

[[Page 17648]]

to understand the strategy for ensuring that success. Part of that 
strategy hopefully would be the attempt to internationalize the 
security and nation-building efforts. To achieve that end, it is 
critically important to seek NATO and United Nations support and 
endorsement. This would facilitate the recruitment of their member 
nations to our effort--in terms of providing troops, resources, 
expertise and international legitimacy.
  The whole world has a stake in the stability of Iraq. It is a mystery 
to me why the Administration has not reached out to NATO and to the 
U.N. as institutions. Their support could bring significant additional 
forces, such as German and French forces through NATO, and Indian and 
Egyptian forces through a U.N. endorsement.
  At a hearing before the Armed Services Committee yesterday and in 
response to my question as to whether the administration has formally 
requested NATO assistance in Iraq, Secretary of Defense Donald 
Rumsfeld, stated:

     whether the Department of State has instructed the U.S. 
     Ambassador to NATO . . . to issue some sort of a formal 
     request, I don't know.
       This is too important an issue for that answer to be 
     acceptable.

  We should also end the feud with Germany and France. Those countries 
are major participants with us in Afghanistan and Bosnia and Kosovo. 
They should be asked to join with us in Iraq. We are going to be in 
Iraq a long time and a large number of troops are going to be needed as 
the President finally acknowledged last week.
  When I asked Secretary Rumsfeld if Germany and France were on the 
list of 70 to 90 countries that he said the Department of State had 
issued requests to provide forces for Iraq, he said ``I'll have to ask. 
I would suspect they are.'' That is also an unacceptable answer.
  There are a number of advantages to having a significant number of 
additional forces from other countries join in the stability operations 
in Iraq. First, some U.S. forces, including Reserves, have seen 
extended combat and other exhausting duty in Iraq and, with U.S. forces 
stretched thin around the world, increasing the number of non-U.S. 
forces who can substitute for us in Iraq, would reduce the numbers of 
and the burden on U.S. forces. As of now, the number of troops of other 
countries that will be present on the ground will increase from the 
present number of 12,000 to a total of only about 20,000 to 22,000 by 
the end of the summer; an increase of a mere 8,000 to 10,000 troops out 
of about 165,000.
  At the hearing before the Armed Services Committee yesterday and in 
response to my question, General Tommy Franks, who was the commander 
who led U.S. and coalition forces in Iraq until earlier this week, said 
that the current force level or ``footprint'' of 145,000 U.S. troops in 
Iraq would likely remain at that level ``for the foreseeable future.'' 
That troop level will be difficult to sustain.
  Second, I would hope that internationalization would serve to reduce 
the threat to U.S. forces in more ways than reducing the quantity of 
our forces on the ground. Up until now, we have been the main target of 
those Baathists who stand to lose most when democracy is established in 
Iraq, because the United States is principally the country, along with 
Britain, which brought down Saddam's regime which provided privileged 
status to the Baathist minority. It would be harder for those Saddam 
loyalists to sustain attacks on forces wearing NATO or U.N. patches on 
their shoulders, because it would be dramatized to the people of Iraq 
that this is not a U.S.-British occupation, but an international effort 
to bring stability to the nation and the region.
  That is why we are offering this amendment, which expresses the sense 
of Congress that the United States should remain in Iraq in order to 
ensure a peaceful, stable, unified Iraq with a representative 
government; that the President should request formally and 
expeditiously that NATO raise a force for deployment in Iraq and the 
Congress urges NATO allies and other nations to provide troops and 
police to coalition efforts in Iraq; and that the President should call 
on the United Nations to urge its member states to provide military 
forces and civilian police to promote stability and security in Iraq.
  The United States has taken upon itself the daunting task of nation 
building in both Iraq and Afghanistan. The administration and Congress 
must work together to ensure success in those endeavors. I hope that 
all of my colleagues will vote for this amendment and that the 
President will follow through with NATO and the United Nations. It 
appears that both of those institutions would be responsive to a formal 
request for assistance and that a number of their member states would 
provide military forces and civilian police to help the U.S.-led 
Coalition bring stability and security to Iraq so that reconstruction 
can take place.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, if my colleague will yield, if he would 
permit me to go into a quorum call for 3 minutes to confer with the 
major sponsor of this amendment, I would like to do that and see if we 
can resolve this quickly. Is that appropriate?
  Mr. LUGAR. That would be appropriate. I respond further, part of my 
thought, likewise, is the hope we might finish the bill.
  Mr. BIDEN. I am with you there. I promise this quorum call will not 
be as long as the vote.
  Mr. LUGAR. But, at the same time, the additional debate and the vote 
will be time consuming.
  Mr. BIDEN. I agree.
  Mr. LUGAR. I am hopeful we will be able to proceed.
  Mr. BIDEN. I tell my colleagues I will be back asking for the quorum 
call to be lifted within 5 minutes.
  Mr. LEVIN. Will the Senator withhold?
  Mr. BIDEN. Surely.


                Amendment No. 1192 to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, before a quorum call is placed, let me ask 
that the amendment be temporarily laid aside in order that I propose an 
amendment on behalf of Senator Ensign on which there has been agreement 
on both sides.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. I send the amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar], for Mr. Ensign, 
     proposes an amendment numbered 1192.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of 
the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

 (Purpose: To fulfill the Administration's request to move towards the 
goal of achieving a 25 percent UN peacekeeping assessment rate without 
                           incurring arrears)

       Strike Section 401 and insert the following:

     SEC. 401. LIMITATION ON THE UNITED STATES SHARE OF 
                   ASSESSMENTS FOR UNITED NATIONS PEACEKEEPING.

       (a) In General.--Section 404 of the Foreign Relations 
     Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and 1995 (Public Law 
     103-236) is amended by amending subparagraph (B), added by 
     Section 402 of P.L. 107-228 (FY 2003 Foreign Relations 
     Authorization Act), to amend subparagraph (iv) as follows and 
     add subparagraph (v) at the end:
       ``(iv) For assessments made during calendar year 2004, 27.1 
     percent.
       ``(v) For assessments made during calendar year 2005, 27.1 
     percent.''

  Mr. ENSIGN. Mr. President, I rise today in support of an amendment 
concerning our U.N. peacekeeping assessment rate. This amendment is 
very simple. It supports the President's plan to move toward having the 
U.S. share of U.N. peacekeeping costs fall to 25 percent without 
incurring arrears.
  This history of our financial commitment to U.N. peacekeeping should 
be a cautionary tale. For instance, from 1988 to 1994, U.N. 
peacekeeping spiraled out of control as the number of operations more 
than tripled and costs soared from $268 million to $3.5 billion.
  Finally, in 1994 the Democrat-controlled Congress and President 
Clinton enacted legislation unilaterally reducing the U.S. share of the 
U.N. peacekeeping budget from 31 percent to 25

[[Page 17649]]

percent. This produced arrears, but it also produced badly-needed 
reforms.
  Indeed, combined with the disastrous U.N. peacekeeping operations in 
Somalia and Bosnia, this drastic action finally helped get the 
attention of other member states. For instance, the U.N. finally set up 
a 24-hour-a-day command and control center where military officers 
participating in peacekeeping operations could call in to discuss the 
situations in the field. Results were positive.
  The annual U.S. peacekeeping bill fell from almost $1 billion to 
around $300 million in 1997.
  With the historic Helms-Biden U.N. agreement we managed to clear up 
our fair share of arrears in exchange for much needed reforms. Congress 
later agreed to a glide-path in our peacekeeping assessment rate, still 
maintaining the 25 percent cap in law but permitting higher authorized 
levels as we work to achieve that goal.
  This amendment continues the glide-path. It authorizes an assessment 
level of 27.1 percent for the next 2 years, which is the exact level 
the Bush administration says we need in order to fully fund our 
obligations.
  To permanently raise the cap to 27.4 percent, as the underlying bill 
seeks to do removes all pressure to reduce the U.S. assessment level 
and reform U.N. peacekeeping. That is unhealthy for the U.S., which 
paid $794 million in U.N. peacekeeping costs last year, and unhealthy 
for the U.N. which is overly reliant on one nation--the U.S.--for 
financial support.
  Let's fully fund the President's request for U.N. peacekeeping and 
let him keep the necessary tools he needs to ensure that U.N. 
peacekeeping is as effective as it can be.
  One of those tools is the 25 percent assessment rate in current law.
  The White House Statement of Administration Policy calls section 401 
of this bill, which permanently raises the peacekeeping cap to 27.4 
percent, a significant provision that restricts the President's ability 
to conduct and manage foreign policy. So I hope that my colleagues will 
join the White House and State Department in supporting my amendment to 
this bill.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask that the amendment be agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment?
  The amendment (No. 1192) was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. I move to reconsider the vote and I move to lay that 
motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table is agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                           Amendment No. 1190

  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I strongly support this amendment. I 
commend my friend and colleagues, the Senator from Delaware and Senator 
Lugar, and Senators Daschle and Levin, for their support on this 
amendment.
  To minimize the strain on American troops and ensure the 
stabilization of Iraq, we need to internationalize the presence in 
Iraq. Today, our policy toward Iraq is adrift and American troops and 
their families are paying the price. President Bush declared an end to 
major hostilities on May 1. Since then, more than 70 American service 
men and women have been killed. For them and their families the war is 
not over. We have options and we need not go it alone. We have NATO; we 
have the United Nations. It is time to mend the fences with our allies 
and work together in order to stabilize Iraq, in order to bring the 
promise of democracy and to minimize the strain on our own troops. We 
should ask NATO as an institution to join this extremely important 
effort.
  I welcome the opportunity for the Senate to go on record in support 
of that request.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LUGAR. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call 
be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BIDEN. I say to my friend from Indiana, I don't have anyone else 
on this side who wishes to speak to the amendment. I have checked with 
my leadership, giving people an opportunity to know we will have a 
vote. I ask unanimous consent we move to a vote on this at 20 minutes 
of so people have a little bit of notice there will be a vote, and I 
ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  Mr. BIDEN. I ask unanimous consent the vote on the Biden-Levin 
amendment begin at 20 minutes to 5 p.m. with no second-degree 
amendments.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BIDEN. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the 
quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Smith). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, is there an order for a rollcall vote at 
this time?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is an order for a rollcall vote.
  The question is on agreeing to amendment No. 1190, as modified. The 
yeas and nays have been ordered.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Graham), the 
Senator from Connecticut (Mr. Lieberman), and the Senator from Georgia 
(Mr. Miller) are necessarily absent.
  I further announce that if present and voting, the Senator from 
Florida (Mr. Graham) would vote ``yea.''
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. (Mr. Cornyn). Are there any other Senators in 
the Chamber desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 97, nays 0, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 271 Leg.]

                                YEAS--97

     Akaka
     Alexander
     Allard
     Allen
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Bunning
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Cantwell
     Carper
     Chafee
     Chambliss
     Clinton
     Cochran
     Coleman
     Collins
     Conrad
     Cornyn
     Corzine
     Craig
     Crapo
     Daschle
     Dayton
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Dole
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Ensign
     Enzi
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Fitzgerald
     Frist
     Graham (SC)
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Harkin
     Hatch
     Hollings
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lincoln
     Lott
     Lugar
     McCain
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Nelson (NE)
     Nickles
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Santorum
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stabenow
     Stevens
     Sununu
     Talent
     Thomas
     Voinovich
     Warner
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Graham (FL)
     Lieberman
     Miller
  The amendment (No. 1190), as modified, was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote and to lay 
that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, earlier today I spoke about the serious 
threat to U.S. forces that remain engaged in a volatile situation in 
Iraq. The same troops that fought and won the war against Iraq are now 
performing a peacemaking mission with no end in sight.
  The United States entered this war virtually alone. But the United 
States, alone, cannot be expected to carry the

[[Page 17650]]

burden of providing the vast majority of troops and the nearly endless 
amounts of funds that will be required to get Iraq back on its feet. We 
need the help of the international community, and we need it now.
  The administration has the obligation to look out for the welfare of 
our troops by engaging NATO and the United Nations in order to raise a 
large peacekeeping force that will share the burdens of occupation with 
the other nations of the world. There are many countries that have the 
capability to assist in a peacekeeping mission in Iraq, but first the 
President must make the unambiguous call to NATO and the U.N. to appeal 
for foreign troops and financial contributions.
  I compliment Senator Biden for his efforts in introducing the 
amendment, but the amendment only calls for the President to 
``consider'' the issue of whether to appeal to NATO and the U.N. to 
raise an international peacekeeping force.
  I have very strong reservations about another provision in this 
amendment. The amendment states the sense of Congress that ``it is the 
national security interests of the United States to remain engaged in 
Iraq in order to ensure a peaceful, stable, unified Iraq with a 
representative government.'' Engaged for how long? Surely it is not in 
the national security interests of the United States to retain a 
permanent presence as a peacekeeping force in Iraq. This particular 
statement could well lead us down the path to mission creep.
  Moreover, contrary to the assertions by the President of the United 
States and others in his administration, I have never believed that it 
was in the ``national security interests'' to go to war with Iraq to 
begin with. Subsequent events thus far have not shown that Iraq 
constituted an imminent threat to the security of our country. 
Tragically, the American people were deceived into believing otherwise.
  I voted for this sense of Congress amendment because it draws 
attention to a critical issue, but the Senate must not wash its hands 
of internationalizing the occupation of Iraq by passing a nonbinding 
resolution which does not actually call on the President to do 
anything.


   Amendments Nos. 1193 through 1196, En Bloc, to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I send to the desk a packet of agreed-on 
amendments.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar] proposes amendments 
     numbered 1193 through 1196, en bloc.
       Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that 
     reading of the amendments be dispensed with.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. These include an amendment by Senator Warner to strike 
section 206 of the pending State Department authorization bill relating 
to security capital cost sharing; an amendment by Senator Frist to 
commend the people of Colombia on the third anniversary of Plan 
Colombia; an amendment by Senator Schumer to express the sense of the 
Senate regarding reports to Congress on the National Commission on 
Terrorist Attacks upon the United States; and an amendment by Senators 
Durbin, Mikulski, and Landrieu regarding the Millennium Challenge Act.
  I ask unanimous consent that these amendments be agreed to en bloc.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendments were agreed to en bloc, as follows:


                           amendment no. 1193

  (Purpose: To strike section 206, relating to security capital cost 
                                sharing)

       Strike section 206.


                           amendment no. 1194

(Purpose: To commend the leadership and people of Colombia on the third 
                     anniversary of Plan Colombia)

       On page 242, between lines 12 and 13, insert the following:

     SEC. 2522. COMMENDATION OF THE LEADERSHIP AND PEOPLE OF 
                   COLOMBIA ON THE SUCCESSFUL IMPLEMENTATION OF 
                   PLAN COLOMBIA.

       (a) Findings.--Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) July 13, 2003, marks the third anniversary of the 
     enactment of legislation providing initial United States 
     assistance for the Plan Colombia initiative. Since then, the 
     United States has provided over $3 billion in support of Plan 
     Colombia.
       (2) During this period, the Government of Colombia, with 
     United States support, has made progress in the eradication 
     and seizure of illegal drugs.
       (3) According to reports--
       (A) the total area of coca cultivation in Colombia has 
     declined 59.9 percent from 163,289 hectares in 2000 to 
     102,071 at the end of 2002, with a further additional 65,000 
     hectares to be sprayed with herbicides in 2003;
       (B) 3,300 hectares of poppy crop have been sprayed with 
     herbicides in 2002, and an additional 1,658 hectares to be 
     sprayed in 2003; and
       (C) between January 2002 and May 2003, 100 tons of pure 
     cocaine and 850 kilos of heroin have been seized, with a 
     street value of approximately $3,000,000,000.
       (4) The armed forces of Colombia have 60 percent more 
     combat-ready troops than in 1999, including three United 
     States-trained counterdrug brigades and five riverine 
     brigades.
       (5) The armed forces of Colombia are taking steps against 
     the drug traffickers and terrorists in Colombia, as 
     demonstrated by the capture, as of July 2003, of some 3,553 
     guerrillas and 1,336 members of paramilitaries and the 
     surrender of an additional 1,138 members of illegal groups, 
     the destruction of more than 1,000 coca laboratories, the 
     confiscation of solid and liquid chemicals used for 
     manufacturing cocaine, and the seizure of weapons from 
     guerrillas and drug traffickers.
       (6) In the past several years, the Government of Colombia 
     has extradited 78 persons to the United States to face trial 
     on narcotics and terrorism charges.
       (7) The Government of Colombia is working to establish law 
     and order in Colombia--
       (A) homicides have reportedly declined in Colombia during 
     the first months of 2003, as compared to the same period in 
     2002; and
       (B) kidnappings have reportedly declined during the first 
     months of 2003, as compared to the same period in 2002.
       (8) The Government of Colombia is training and equipping 
     during 2003, thousands of new police officers who will be 
     stationed in hundreds of rural towns where there is little or 
     no police presence.
       (9) The Government of Colombia plans to increase defense 
     spending from 3.5 percent of its gross domestic product in 
     2002 to 5.8 percent of its gross domestic product by 2006, 
     and to enlarge its armed forces by 126,000 troops.
       (10) It is in the national interests of the United States 
     to continue to support the efforts of President Alvaro Uribe 
     Velez of Colombia, and the Government and people of Colombia, 
     to stop narcotics trafficking, end terrorism, strengthen 
     democracy, and protect human rights.
       (b) Commendation.--The Senate--
       (1) commends President Alvaro Uribe Velez of Colombia and 
     the Government and the people of Colombia on the third 
     anniversary of Plan Colombia and for their efforts in 
     fighting illegal drugs and terrorism; and
       (2) supports and encourages the efforts of President Uribe 
     and the Government and people of Colombia to preserve and 
     strengthen democracy, protect human rights, and provide 
     economic opportunity in Colombia.


                           amendment no. 1195

(Purpose: To express the sense of the Senate that President Bush should 
 require all executive agencies to provide full and timely cooperation 
   with the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United 
States so that the Commission can provide the best possible analysis of 
          how the Nation can prevent future acts of terrorism)

       At the end of title VIII, add the following:

     SEC. 815. SENSE OF SENATE ON EXECUTIVE BRANCH COOPERATION 
                   WITH THE NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TERRORIST 
                   ATTACKS UPON THE UNITED STATES.

       (a) Findings.--The Senate makes the following findings:
       (1) On November 15, 2002, Congress passed legislation by a 
     wide bipartisan margin to establish the National Commission 
     on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to determine the 
     facts surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001, and to 
     help the Nation prevent any future terrorist attacks. On 
     November 27, 2002, President Bush signed the legislation into 
     law as title VI of the Intelligence Authorization Act for 
     Fiscal Year 2003 (Public Law 107-306; 116 Stat. 2408; 6 
     U.S.C. 101 note).
       (2) There was broad bipartisan consensus that the work of 
     the Commission was of national importance and of particular 
     significance to the families of the victims of the attacks of 
     September 11, 2001.
       (3) The work of the Commission is essential to discovering 
     what weaknesses and vulnerabilities were exploited to 
     successfully perpetrate the deadly attacks of September 11, 
     2001.
       (4) The Commission is required to ``ascertain, evaluate, 
     and report on the evidence developed by all relevant 
     governmental agencies regarding the facts and circumstances 
     surrounding the attacks'' and to complete its work by May, 
     2004.

[[Page 17651]]

       (5) Both the Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Commission 
     have recently announced that many of the relevant agencies--
     most notably the Department of Defense, the Department of 
     Justice, the Department of Homeland Security, and the Central 
     Intelligence Agency--have failed to provide the bulk of the 
     documents the Commission has requested and some of those 
     agencies have prevented the Commission from conducting 
     independent interviews with officials who may have important 
     information about the tragic events of September 11, 2001.
       (6) Members of the Commission have also acknowledged that 
     if this cooperation is not forthcoming in the next several 
     weeks, the Commission will not be able to meet the May 2004 
     statutory deadline to conclude its investigation and report 
     its findings to Congress and the President.
       (b) Sense of Senate.--It is the sense of the Senate that--
       (1) President Bush should immediately and publicly require 
     all executive branch agencies, especially the Department of 
     Defense, the Department of Justice, the Department of 
     Homeland Security, and the Central Intelligence Agency, to 
     provide their fullest and most timely cooperation to the 
     Commission, and permit the Commission unfettered access to 
     agency officials for interviews, so that the Commission can 
     complete its mission in the time allotted by law;
       (2) the Department of Defense, the Department of Justice, 
     the Department of Homeland Security, and the Central 
     Intelligence Agency should submit to Congress, by August 15, 
     2003, and quarterly thereafter for the life of the 
     commission, a report on the actions taken by each such 
     department or agency to comply with the requests of the 
     Commission; and
       (3) the Commission should submit to Congress and the 
     President, by August 15, 2003, and quarterly thereafter, a 
     report assessing the compliance of each department and agency 
     referred to in paragraph (2) with the requests of the 
     Commission.


                           amendment no. 1196

 (Purpose: To ensure that the benefits under the Millennium Challenge 
   Assistance program are available for the intended beneficiaries, 
                       including women and girls)

       On page 250, line 19, strike ``Such'' and insert ``In 
     recognition of the essential role of women in developing 
     countries, the CEO shall ensure that such indicators, where 
     appropriate, take into account and assess the role of women 
     and girls. The approved''.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator 
Stevens be added as a cosponsor to amendment No. 1185 which establishes 
a parliamentary exchange program with the People's Republic of China.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                           AMENDMENT NO. 1194

  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I rise to introduce an amendment to the 
foreign assistance authorization bill regarding Colombia.
  Colombia is one of the oldest democracies in our hemisphere. It is 
under threat by narcotics traffickers, leftwing guerrillas and 
rightwing paramilitaries. We have been working with the government for 
several years to combat the twin threats of narcotics and terrorism and 
to strengthen democracy.
  President Uribe and the Republic of Colombia have made great strides 
in implementing Plan Colombia, eradicating the production of illegal 
drugs, providing alternatives to coca and poppy cultivation for 
impoverished Colombians, establishing law and order, and taking steps 
to protect human rights and to administer justice.
  The total area of coca cultivation in Colombia has declined markedly 
in the past 3 years, while drug seizures are up. The armed forces of 
Colombia are better trained than four years ago. Colombia is also 
training and equipping 78,000 new police officers who will be stationed 
in hundreds of rural towns where there is currently little or no police 
presence.
  The Armed Forces are defeating the narcotics traffickers and 
terrorists in Colombia by capturing to date a total of 3,553 guerillas 
and 1,336 members of paramilitaries; destroying more than 1,000 coca 
laboratories; confiscating billions of gallons of solid and liquid 
chemicals used for manufacturing cocaine; and seizing more than 4,000 
weapons from guerillas and traffickers.
  Colombia has extradited 78 individuals to the United States to face 
trial for narcotics and terrorist charges.
  The government of Colombia has made progress in combating crime; 
during the first months of 2003, homicides have declined 20 percent and 
kidnappings by 40 percent when compared to the same period in 2002.
  The government of Colombia is committed to increased defense spending 
from 3.5 percent of GDP in 2002 to 5.8 percent by 2006, thereby 
enlarging the armed forces by 126,000 troops.
  The government of Colombia is taking steps to protect the human 
rights of the people of Colombia by establishing the national early 
warning system to prevent forced displacement and human rights 
violations; and by providing protection for 2,731 human rights workers, 
labor leaders, journalists, and local government officials.
  The government is establishing a judge advocate general center and 
Military Penal Justice Corps with U.S. assistance. It is also creating 
human rights units under the Colombian Attorney General's Office, the 
armed forces, and the national police.
  The government of Colombia is taking steps to ensure the fair 
administration of justice in Colombia by establishing 31 Casas de 
Justicia that have handled 1.6 million cases to date; by creating 19 
oral trial courtrooms and training 3,400 judges to administer justice; 
and by training Colombian law enforcement personnel judges, and 
prosecutors in anticorruption, money-laundering, and antikidnapping 
measures.
  The United States should continue its strong support of the efforts 
of President Uribe, the government, and people of Colombia to stop 
narcotics trafficking, end terrorism, strengthen democracy, and protect 
human rights.


                           amendment no. 1196

  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I thank the chairman and ranking member 
for accepting my amendment, cosponsored by Senators Mikulski, Landrieu, 
Snowe, and Hutchison, regarding the Millennium Challenge Account and 
considering the role of women and girls in the development process.
  The Millennium Challenge Account has great potential to make a 
significant difference in some of the poorest countries of the world by 
incorporating the best practices that are known to accelerate economic 
development. The account will create incentives for countries to engage 
in these practices, and builds them into the design of development 
projects.
  According to the bill before us, the Millennium Challenge Corporation 
will use indicators to see which poor countries meet criteria on good 
governance, economic freedom, and investing in health care and 
education. My amendment adds consideration of the role of women and 
girls in those indicators.
  Why is this important? Why should women be singled out?
  One of the strongest lessons we have learned over the last 30 years 
is that when development efforts address the different needs of women 
and the specific barriers they face, countries are more likely to 
succeed. When the needs of women are not addressed, development 
assistance projects are more likely to fail. It is one of the core 
lessons of development effectiveness.
  Women are the vast majority of the world's poor. We cannot succeed in 
reducing poverty unless we ensure that women are fully integrated into 
our efforts. Around the world, social, economic, and political barriers 
inhibit women's access to opportunities. If we address these barriers, 
we can unleash women's potential to contribute to their families, their 
communities, and their economies.
  Empowering women is a smart investment because it will help us 
achieve many of our other goals. Research has shown that: HIV infection 
rates are higher when the gap between men and women in literacy is 
larger. In agriculture, women have less access to education and to 
labor, fertilizer, and other inputs than men do in developing 
countries. When women receive equal access to these inputs, their 
yields for food such as maize, beans, and cowpeas increases by 22 
percent. According to the World Bank, increased progress in closing the 
gap between men and women in schooling would accelerate economic 
growth. Increases in women's education accounted for 43 percent of the 
total reduction in child malnutrition in developing countries. In 
Egypt, increasing the education level of mothers from none or less than 
primary, to completion of primary school reduces the proportion of the 
population below the poverty line by 33.7 percent. The

[[Page 17652]]

probability that a child will survive in urban Brazil is almost 20 
times greater when women accumulate income rather then men.
  Lack of understanding of women's roles lowers returns on development 
investments. Women participate directly or indirectly in virtually 
every sector of life in developing countries, from agricultural 
production to high-tech manufacturing, but their roles can be 
``invisible''. For example, women in rural Africa are responsible for 
80 percent of agricultural production. However, research shows that, 
even where we can show that women perform the majority of agricultural 
labor and are responsible for the most food production, agriculture 
extension services seldom reach women. According to a study in Kenya, 
yields among women farmers could increase 7 percent if they were given 
the same tools, training, and education as male farmers.
  One of the greatest successes in recent years is microcredit 
programs, which have targeted women. People in the microcredit movement 
realized that many poor women have creative ideas and the willingness 
to work hard to improve their economic well-being. What they do not 
have is access to credit to make those ideas happen. When women cannot 
own property, or travel outside of their villages, they cannot access 
credit from banks. Microcredit programs bring credit to women, and they 
have worked. Most microcredit programs have over 95 percent repayment 
rates and have helped many women change their own lives and those of 
their families. Unless we ensure that this type of thinking is part of 
the MCA, we will not succeed.
  Secretary of State Colin Powell has said that countries that treat 
women with dignity and afford them a choice in how they live their 
lives, give them equal access to essential services and an equal 
opportunity to contribute to public life are the countries that are the 
most stable and viable.
  The amendment that I have proposed is modest, but it addresses an 
important gap to ensure that the MCA achieves its overall purpose. We 
must address the different needs, roles, barriers, and potential of 
women in our development interventions.
  My amendment would create incentives to developing countries to do so 
by taking into account and assessing the role of women in eligibility 
criteria.
  We must ensure that we are doing what we know works to create a 
better, more stable world. Unless we ensure that women's roles, as well 
as men's, are fully integrated into the design of the Millennium 
Challenge Account from the outset, we will not succeed.


                Amendment No. 1197 to Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I send an amendment authored by Senator 
Durbin to the desk and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar], for Mr. Durbin, Mr. 
     Roberts, Mr. Rockefeller, Ms. Mikulski, Mr. Warner, Mr. Lott, 
     Ms. Snowe, Mr. Chambliss, Mr. Hagel, Mr. DeWine, Mr. Lugar, 
     Mr. Levin, and Mr. Bond, proposes an amendment No. 1197.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the 
amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

  (Purpose: To express the sense of Congress on an investigation into 
     assertions that Iraq attempted to obtain uranium from Africa)

       On page 94, between lines 17 and 18 insert the following 
     new section:

     SEC. 815. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON AN INVESTIGATION INTO 
                   ASSERTIONS THAT IRAQ ATTEMPTED TO OBTAIN 
                   URANIUM FROM AFRICA.

       (a) Findings.--Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) In the State of the Union address in January 2003, the 
     President asserted that ``[t]he British government has 
     learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant 
     quantities of uranium from Africa''.
       (2) It has been determined that the claim regarding the 
     efforts of Iraq to obtain uranium from Africa cannot be 
     substantiated.
       (3) In May 2003, the Chairman and Vice Chairman of the 
     Select Committee on Intelligence of the Senate requested that 
     the Inspector General of the Department of State and the 
     Inspector General of the Central Intelligence Agency work 
     jointly to investigate the handling and characterization of 
     the underlying documents behind the assertions regarding the 
     efforts of Iraq to obtain uranium from Africa.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
       (1) Congress supports the thorough and expeditious joint 
     investigation by the Inspector General of the Department of 
     State and the Inspector General of Central Intelligence 
     Agency into the documents or other materials that the 
     President relied on to conclude that Iraq had attempted to 
     obtain uranium from Africa;
       (2) the findings and conclusions of the joint investigation 
     should be completed not later than September 12, 2003; and
       (3) such findings and conclusions should be unclassified to 
     the maximum extent possible, while fully protecting any 
     intelligence sources or methods.
       (4) the findings and conclusions of the joint investigation 
     should be sent to the House and Senate Select Committees on 
     Intelligence and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and 
     the House International Relations Committee.

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, the amendment has been cleared on both 
sides. I ask unanimous consent that it be passed.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate? If not, without 
objection, the amendment is agreed to.
  The amendment (No. 1197) was agreed to.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, in his State of the Union message in 
January of this year, the President discussed the threat posed by 
Iraq's nuclear weapons development program. The President went on to 
make the following statement: ``The British government has learned that 
Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from 
Africa.''
  After numerous concerns being raised about the veracity of this last 
statement, the administration has recently acknowledged that the 
President should not have made this claim. In a statement authorized by 
the White House, a senior Bush administration official said on Monday, 
July 7: ``Knowing all that we know now, the reference to Iraq's attempt 
to acquire uranium from Africa should not have been included in the 
State of the Union speech.''
  In May of this year, Chairman Pat Roberts and Vice Chairman Jay 
Rockefeller of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence requested 
that the Inspectors General of the Department of State and the Central 
Intelligence Agency work jointly to investigate the handling and 
characterization of the underlying documents behind the President's 
statement.
  I would note that earlier this year, the International Atomic Energy 
Agency, IAEA, determined that some of the intelligence documents 
provided to it by the United States are forgeries. These documents were 
provided to the IAEA as evidence of Iraqi efforts to procure uranium 
from the Republic of Niger. In March of this year, Senator Rockefeller 
requested that the FBI investigate this issue as well.
  I want to thank the bill managers for accepting the amendment I 
planned to offer today a ``Sense of the Congress'' amendment to the 
State Authorization Bill which, 1, expresses support for the thorough 
and expeditious joint investigation into this matter by the Inspectors 
General of the Department of State and the CIA; 2, that the findings 
and conclusions of this joint investigation should be completed by 
September 12, 2003; and, 3, that the findings and conclusions of this 
joint investigation should be unclassified to the fullest extent 
possible, consistent with the protection of intelligence sources and 
methods.
  I am a member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence which is 
conducting a review of pre-war intelligence on the existence of, and 
the threat posed by, Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, WMD, as well 
as other matters related to pre-war intelligence reporting related to 
Iraq.
  The reported existence of Iraq's WMD and support for international 
terrorism, al-Qaida in particular, were the primary justifications put 
forward for military action against Iraq by the Bush Administration to 
the Congress, the American public and the international community.
  There is no more serious undertaking for our government than to take 
our

[[Page 17653]]

Nation to war. Such a momentous decision must be made on the basis of 
the best intelligence available--and intelligence analysis must be 
objective and not influenced by policymakers or other outside 
pressures.
  As this issue demonstrates, the administration's intelligence-derived 
assertions about Iraq's level of WMD-related activity raises increased 
concerns about the integrity of the U.S. intelligence community and the 
credibility of the U.S. Government--both here and around the world. 
These concerns are all the more troubling because of the 
administration's new national strategy of military pre-emption--which 
places a premium on timely, accurate and non-political intelligence 
assessments of the threats to our country.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote and move to 
lay that motion on the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                Amendment No. 1198 To Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I send an amendment on behalf of Senator 
Dorgan to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Lugar], for Mr. Dorgan, 
     proposes an amendment numbered 1198.

  Mr. LUGAR. I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the 
amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

       At the appropriate place, insert the following:

     SEC.   . EMERGENCY FOOD AID FOR HIV/AIDS VICTIMS.

       (a) Findings.--The Senate finds the following:
       (1) Whereas the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 
     found that ``For persons living with HIV/AIDS, practicing 
     sound nutrition can play key role in preventing malnutrition 
     and wasting syndrome, which can weaken an already compromised 
     immune system.''.
       (2) Whereas there are immediate needs for additional food 
     aid in sub-Saharan Africa where the World Food Program has 
     estimated that more than 40,000,000 people are at risk of 
     starvation.
       (3) Whereas prices of certain staple commodities have 
     increased by 30 percent over the past year, which was not 
     anticipated by the President's fiscal year 2004 budget 
     request.
       (4) The Commodity Credit Corporation has the legal 
     authority to finance up to $30,000,000,000 for ongoing 
     agriculture programs $250,000,000 represents a use of less 
     than 1 percent of such authority to combat the worst public 
     health crisis in 500 years.
       (b) Commodity Credit Corportation.--
       (1) In general.--The Secretary of Agriculture shall 
     immediately use the funds, facilities, and authorities of the 
     Commodity Credit Corporation to provide an additional 
     $250,000,000 in fiscal year 2003 to carry out programs 
     authorized under title II of the Agricultural Trade 
     Development and Assistance Act of 1954 (7 U.S.C. 1691 et 
     seq.) to assist in mitigating the effects of HIV/AIDS on 
     affected populations in sub-Saharan Africa and other 
     developing nations, and by September 30, 2003, the 
     Administrator of the United States Agency for International 
     Development shall enter into agreements with private 
     voluntary organizations, non-governmental organizations, and 
     other appropriate organizations for the provision of such 
     agricultural commodities through programs that--
       (A) provide nutritional assistance to individuals with HIV/
     AIDS and to children, households, and communities affected by 
     HIV/AIDS; and
       (B) generate funds from the sale of such commodities for 
     activities related to the prevention and treatment of HIV/
     AIDS, support services and care for HIV/AIDS infected 
     individuals and affected households, and the creation of 
     sustainable livelihoods among individuals in HIV/AIDS 
     affected communities, including income-generating and 
     business activities.
       (2) Requirement.--The food aid provided under this 
     subsection shall be in addition to any other food aid 
     acquired and provided by the Commodity Credit Corporation 
     prior to the date of enactment of this Act. Agricultural 
     commodities made available under this subsection may, 
     notwithstanding any other provision of law, be shipped in 
     fiscal years 2003 and 2004.
  Mr. LUGAR. The amendment has been agreed to on both sides.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate?
  Without objection, the amendment is agreed to.
  The amendment (No. 1198) was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. BIDEN. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.


                           Amendment No. 1135

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending 
amendment, which I believe is the Lautenberg amendment No. 1135, be 
agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment (No. 1135) was agreed to.
  Mr. BIDEN. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. ENSIGN. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I submit to the desk a list of pending 
amendments.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is the Senator asking that these amendments be 
called up?
  Mr. LUGAR. I am asking that this be the finite list of amendments. I 
understand that clerical work is being done as I speak. For the 
moment----
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Reserving the right to object.
  Mr. HARKIN. Reserving the right to object, what is the list?
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Reserving the right to object, I just need to clarify 
something.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. No consent has been asked for.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                Amendment No. 1199 To Amendment No. 1136

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Delaware [Mr. Biden] proposes an amendment 
     numbered 1199.

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further 
reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

       On page 131, after line 2, insert the following:
       ``(d) Clinton Scholars.--Of the amounts authorized to be 
     appropriated under section 532(a) of the Foreign Assistance 
     Act of 1961 (as amended by this act), $3,000,000 is 
     authorized to be appropriated for scholarships to 
     Palestinians who are future private and public sector leaders 
     and managers for Graduate-level education in the United 
     States. Such program shall be known as the ``Clinton 
     Scholarship Program.''

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I will briefly explain the amendment. It 
provides for $3 million for a Palestinian scholarship program referred 
to as the Clinton Scholarship Program. Inadvertently, it was dropped 
from the bill. I believe there is no objection on the part of the 
chairman. I urge its immediate adoption.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate?
  Without objection, the amendment is agreed to.
  The amendment (No. 1199) was agreed to.
  Mr. BIDEN. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. LUGAR. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Smith). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. I ask unanimous consent to make a modification to a 
previously agreed to amendment that I offered, amendment No. 1158. I 
send the modification to the desk.

[[Page 17654]]

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered. The amendment is so modified.
  The amendment (No. 1158), as modified, is as follows:


                    Amendment No. 1158, as Modified

       On page 182, line 16, insert ``AND THE UNITED KINGDOM'' 
     after ``AUSTRALIA''.

       On page 182, beginning on line 22, strike ``The 
     requirements'' through ``into force.'' on page 183, line 4, 
     and insert the following:
       ``(A) Australia.--Subject to the provisions of section 
     2233(c) of the Foreign Affairs Act, Fiscal Year 2004, the 
     requirements for a bilateral agreement described in paragraph 
     (2)(A) of this subsection shall not apply to such a bilateral 
     agreement between the United States Government and the 
     Government of Australia with respect to transfers or changes 
     in end use within Australia of defense items that will remain 
     subject to the licensing requirements of this Act after the 
     agreement enters into force.
       ``(B) United kingdom.--Subject to the provisions of section 
     2233(c) of the Foreign Affairs Act, Fiscal Year 2004, the 
     requirements for a bilateral agreement described in 
     paragraphs (1)(A)(ii), (2)(A)(i) and (2)(A)(ii) of this 
     subsection shall not apply to the bilateral agreement between 
     the United States Government and the Government of the United 
     Kingdom for an exemption from the licensing requirements of 
     this Act, or any other form of agreement between the United 
     States Government and the Government of the United Kingdom to 
     gain an exemption from the licensing requirements of this 
     Act.''.
       On page 183, between lines 9 and 10, insert the following:
       (c) Additional Certifications for the United Kingdom and 
     Australia.--Not later than 14 days before authorizing an 
     exemption from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export 
     Control Act in accordance with any bilateral agreement 
     entered into with the United Kingdom or Australia under 
     section 38(j) of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 
     2778)(j), the President shall certify to the appropriate 
     congressional committees that such agreement--
       (1) is in the national interest of the United States and 
     will advance the non-proliferation and export control 
     interests of the United States;
       (2) does not adversely affect the ability of the licensing 
     regime under the Arms Export Control Act to provide 
     consistent and adequate controls for items not exempt under 
     such agreement from the licensing regime; and
       (3) will not adversely affect the duties or requirements of 
     the Secretary under such Act.
       (d) Report on Issues Raised in Consultations Pursuant to 
     Bilateral Agreements With Australia and United Kingdom.--Not 
     later than one year after the date of the enactment of this 
     Act and annually thereafter for each of the following 5 
     years, the President shall submit to the appropriate 
     congressional committees a report on issues raised during the 
     previous year in consultations conducted under the terms of 
     the bilateral agreement with Australia, or under the terms of 
     the bilateral agreement or any other form of an agreement 
     with the United Kingdom, for exemption from the licensing 
     requirements of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 
     et seq.). Each report shall contain detailed information--
       (1) on any notifications or consultations between the 
     United States and the United Kingdom under the terms of the 
     agreement with the United Kingdom, or between the United 
     States and Australia under the terms of the agreement with 
     Australia, concerning the modification, deletion, or addition 
     of defense items on the United States Munitions List, the 
     United Kingdom Military List, or the Australian Defense and 
     Strategic Goods List;
       (2) listing all United Kingdom or Australia persons and 
     entities that have been designated as qualified persons 
     eligible to receive United States origin defense items exempt 
     from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control 
     Act under the terms of such agreements, and listing any 
     modification, deletion, or addition to such lists, pursuant 
     to the requirements of the agreement with the United Kingdom 
     or the agreement with Australia;
       (3) on consultations or steps taken pursuant to the 
     agreement with the United Kingdom or the agreement with 
     Australia concerning cooperation and consultation with either 
     government on the effectiveness of the defense trade control 
     systems of such government;
       (4) on provisions and procedures undertaken pursuant to--
       (A) the agreement with the United Kingdom with respect to 
     the handling of United States origin defense items exempt 
     from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control 
     Act by persons and entities qualified to receive such items 
     in the United Kingdom; and
       (B) the agreement with Australia with respect to the 
     handling of United States origin defense items exempt from 
     the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control Act by 
     persons and entities qualified to receive such items in 
     Australia;
       (5) on any new understandings, including the text of such 
     understandings, between the United States and the United 
     Kingdom concerning retransfer of United States origin defense 
     items made pursuant to the agreement with the United Kingdom 
     or any other form of agreement with the United Kingdom to 
     gain exemption from the licensing requirements of the Arms 
     Export Control Act;
       (6) on consultations with the Government of the United 
     Kingdom or the Government of Australia concerning the legal 
     enforcement of these agreements;
       (7) on United States origin defense items with respect to 
     which the United States has provided an exception under the 
     Memorandum of Understanding between the United States and the 
     United Kingdom and the agreement between the United States 
     and Australia from the requirement for United States 
     Government re-export consent that was not provided for under 
     United States laws and regulations in effect on June 30, 
     2003; and
       (8) on any significant concerns that have arisen between 
     the Government of Australia or the Government of the United 
     Kingdom and the United States Government concerning any 
     aspect of the bilateral agreements between such country and 
     the United States or of any other form of agreement between 
     the United Kingdom and the United States to gain exemption 
     from the licensing requirements of the Arms Export Control 
     Act.
       (e) Special Reports on Unauthorized End-Use or Diversion.--
     The Secretary shall notify the appropriate congressional 
     committees, in a manner consistent with ongoing efforts to 
     investigate and bring civil or criminal charges regarding 
     such matters, not later than 90 days after receiving any 
     credible information regarding the unauthorized end-use or 
     diversion of United States exports made pursuant to any 
     agreement with a country to gain exemption from the licensing 
     requirements of the Arms Export Control Act. Such 
     notification may be made in classified or unclassified form 
     and shall include--
       (1) a description of the good or service;
       (2) the United States origin of the good or service;
       (3) the authorized recipient of the good or service;
       (4) a detailed description of the unauthorized end-use or 
     diversion of the good or service, including any knowledge by 
     the United States exporter of such unauthorized end-use or 
     diversion;
       (5) any enforcement action taken by the Government of the 
     United States; and
       (6) any enforcement action taken by the government of the 
     recipient nation.
       (f) Appropriate Congressional Committees.--In this section, 
     the term ``appropriate congressional committees'' means the 
     Committee on International Relations of the House of 
     Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the 
     Senate.

  Mr. LUGAR. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the substitute 
amendment, as amended, be agreed to and be considered original text for 
the purpose of further amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Mr. DASCHLE. Reserving the right to object, I want to clarify that 
the amendments that were adopted, including the Reid amendment this 
morning, would be included as part of this text. Is that the 
understanding?
  Mr. LUGAR. Yes.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Again, I ask if my understanding is his as well.
  Mr. LUGAR. That is my understanding.
  Mr. DASCHLE. I have no objection.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment (No. 1136), as amended, was agreed to.


                     islamic youth exchange program

  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, one of the important steps we took in the 
aftermath of September 11 was to encourage the Muslim and American 
worlds to do more to understand each other.
  The State Department initiated a new academic year high school 
students exchange program between the United States and the Islamic 
world to do so, and initial funding was provided in the Fiscal Year 
2002 Supplemental Appropriations Act. The program will bring 138 Muslim 
students to the United States this fall for an academic

[[Page 17655]]

year of study, and 365 more students are expected next fall.
  The program is modeled on the highly successful program for students 
in the former Soviet Union, and Senator Lugar and I worked together to 
create the new program for students from Islamic countries. I 
understand that my distinguished colleague has current information on 
its progress.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, it is clear, especially in the aftermath of 
the war in Iraq, that we have to redouble our efforts to improve 
perceptions about America in the Islamic world. Addressing this urgent 
priority should be high on the State Department's public diplomacy 
agenda.
  We have heard reports that the program is off to an excellent start. 
Despite the many cultural and political obstacles, recruiting for the 
first year has proceeded successfully. Substantial applicant pools 
appeared even in countries where difficulty in attracting applicants 
was expected. Students are currently being recruited in 12 countries: 
Indonesia, Egypt, Turkey, Nigeria, Tunisia, Lebanon, Morocco, Jordan, 
Kuwait, Yemen, United Arab Emirates, Syria, and in West Bank/Gaza as 
well. Six additional countries--Algeria, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, 
Malaysia, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia--will be added to the program next 
year. From an applicant pool of 3,000 in Indonesia, 20 have been 
selected. In Turkey, 200 students applied and 20 were chosen. Over 300 
applications have been received in Jordan. Gender distribution varies 
by country, but we expected that as many as 40 percent of the program 
participants will be female.
  Mr. KENNEDY. Unfortunately, although the State Department requested 
$10 million in its fiscal year 2004 budget to continue the program, I 
understand that the Office of Management and Budget did not include 
that request in the administration's final budget. Would the chairman 
agree that this program should be a high priority for the State 
Department?
  Mr. LUGAR. Absolutely. It is vital that once this program gets 
underway, it proceed with adequate funding to continue its outreach and 
education efforts. This funding will allow for program growth by 
expanding participation to other priority countries and by increasing 
access from the large applicant pools we expect from countries who are 
already participating. Most importantly, sustainable funding will allow 
the program to set realistic growth benchmarks, conduct meaningful 
evaluation of outcomes, and add program improvements.
  There are no better representatives of American values than Americans 
themselves, and student exchange programs are no effective means of 
reaching out of the next generation of leaders. I look forward to 
working with the Administration to ensure that this program will 
receive strong continued support.
  Mr. JEFFORDS. Mr. President, I am pleased to note that the Foreign 
Relations Committee has included a very important provision on global 
climate change in S. 925, as reported. This provision, section 813, 
expresses the sense of Congress that the United States should take 
responsible action to ensure significant and meaningful reductions in 
emissions of greenhouse gases from all sectors. I strongly support this 
provision. Its inclusion in this legislation should be a signal to all 
the conferees on this bill and to the world that the Senate strongly 
supports such reductions.
  The findings preceding the articulation of the sense of Congress in 
section 813 are also very important. They clarify that it is Congress' 
position that evidence continues to demonstrate that increases in 
atmospheric concentrations of man-made greenhouse gases are 
contributing to global climate change.
  This assertion is supported by reports from the National Academy of 
Sciences, the International Panel on Climate Change, and testimony 
before various Senate committees, including the Senate Environment and 
Public Works Committee of which I am the ranking member. We have heard 
repeatedly that increasing greenhouse gas emissions increase the risks 
associated with global climate change and warming.
  I believe it is prudent and practicable to manage these risks now by 
reducing our emissions as swiftly as possible. Based on the work of 
many highly respected scientists, I believe we must endeavor to prevent 
a doubling of atmospheric concentrations of carbon. That means dramatic 
changes in the way we use, produce and consume fossil fuels in the next 
10 to 15 years.
  Nearly every single climate expert and scientist believes that the 
facts require us to take prudent actions now to reduce emissions and 
thereby reduce the risks of climate change. In a December 2002 
resolution, the American Geophysical Union said the following: ``AGU 
recommends the development and evaluation of strategies such as 
emissions reduction, carbon sequestration, and adaptation to the 
impacts of climate change. AGU believes that the present level of 
scientific uncertainty does not justify inaction in the mitigation of 
human-induced climate change and/or the adaptation to it.''
  As much as some people would like to continue debating whether or not 
global warming is occurring and whether or not man-made emissions are 
contributing to that warming, there is not a real debate on this matter 
in the scientific community. They have moved on, as Congress and the 
Administration should, to trying to define the magnitude of the 
probable disruption to earth and human systems, and to designing 
emissions reductions and adaptation programs to avert the negative 
effects of that disruption to our quality of life, the environment, and 
the economy.
  I ask unanimous consent that four short documents be printed in the 
Record following my remarks.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

Leading Climate Scientists Reaffirm View That Late 20th Century Warming 
              Was Unusual and Resulted From Human Activity

       Washington.--A group of leading climate scientists has 
     reaffirmed the ``robust consensus view'' emerging from the 
     peer reviewed literature that the warmth experienced on at 
     least a hemispheric scale in the late 20th century was an 
     anomaly in the previous millennium and that human activity 
     likely played an important role in causing it. In so doing, 
     they refuted recent claims that the warmth of recent decades 
     was not unprecedented in the context of the past thousand 
     years.
       Writing in the 8 July issue of the American Geophysical 
     Union publication Eos, Michael Mann of the University of 
     Virginia and 12 colleagues in the United States and United 
     Kingdom endorse the position on climate change and greenhouse 
     gases taken by AGU in 1998. Specifically, they say that 
     ``there is a compelling basis for concern over future climate 
     changes, including increases in global-mean surface 
     temperatures, due to increased concentrations of greenhouse 
     gases, primarily from fossil-fuel burning.''
       The Eos article is a response to two recent and nearly 
     identical papers by Drs. Willie Soon and Sallie Baliunas of 
     the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, published in 
     Climate Research and Energy & Environment (the latter paper 
     with additional co-authors). These authors challenge the 
     generally accepted view that natural factors cannot fully 
     explain recent warming and must have been supplemented by 
     significant human activity, and their papers have received 
     attention in the media and in the U.S. Senate. Requests from 
     reporters to top scientists in the field, seeking comment on 
     the Soon and Baliunas position, lead to memoranda that were 
     later expanded into the current Eos article, which was itself 
     peer reviewed.
       Paleoclimatologists (scientists who study ancient climates) 
     generally rely on instrumental data for the past 150 years 
     and ``proxy'' indicators, such as tree rings, ice cores, 
     corals, and lake sediments to reconstruct the climate of 
     earlier times. Most of the available data pertain to the 
     northern hemisphere and show, according to the authors, that 
     the warmth of the northern hemisphere over the past few 
     decades is likely unprecedented in the last 1,000 years and 
     quite possibly in the preceding 1,000 years as well.
       Climate model simulations cannot explain the anomalous late 
     20th century warmth without taking into account the 
     contributions of human activities, the authors say. They make 
     three major points regarding Soon and Baliunas's recent 
     assertions challenging these findings.
       First, in using proxy records to draw inferences about past 
     climate, it is essential to assess their actual sensitivity 
     to temperature variability. In particular, the authors say, 
     Soon and Baliunas misuse proxy data

[[Page 17656]]

     reflective of changes in moisture or drought, rather than 
     temperature, in their analysis.
       Second, it is essential to distinguish between regional 
     temperature anomalies and hemispheric mean temperature, which 
     must represent an average of estimates over a sufficiently 
     large number of distinct regions. For example, Mann and his 
     co-authors say, the concepts of a ``Little Ice Age'' and 
     ``Medieval Warm Period'' arose from the Eurocentric origins 
     of historic climatology. The specific periods of coldness and 
     warmth differed from region to region and as compared with 
     data for the northern hemisphere as a whole.
       Third, according to Mann and his colleagues, it is 
     essential to define carefully the modern base period with 
     which past climate is to be compared and to identify and 
     quantify uncertainties. For example, they say, the most 
     recent report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate 
     Change (IPCC) carefully compares data for recent decades with 
     reconstructions of past temperatures, taking into account the 
     uncertainties in those reconstructions. IPCC concluded that 
     late 20th century warmth in the northern hemisphere likely 
     exceeded that of any time in the past millennium. The method 
     used by Soon and Baliunas, they say, considers mean 
     conditions for the entire 20th century as the base period and 
     determines past temperatures from proxy evidence not capable 
     of resolving trends on a decadal basis. It is therefore, they 
     say, of limited value in determining whether recent warming 
     in anomalous in a long term and large scale context.
       The Eos article started as a memorandum that Michael 
     Oppenheimer and Mann drafted to help inform colleagues who 
     were being contacted by members of the media regarding the 
     Soon and Baliunas papers and wanted an opinion from climate 
     scientists and paleoclimatologists who were directly familiar 
     with the underlying issues.
       Mann and Oppenheimer learned that a number of other 
     colleagues, including Tom Wigley of the University 
     Corporation for Atmospheric Research (UCAR) in Boulder, 
     Colorado; Philip Jones of the University of East Anglia's 
     Climatic Research Unit in Norwich, United Kingdom; and 
     Raymond Bradley of the University of Massachusetts in Amherst 
     were receiving similar media requests for their opinions on 
     the matter. Their original memorandum evolved into a more 
     general position paper jointly authored by a larger group of 
     leading scientists in the field.
       Mann says he sees the resulting Eos article as representing 
     an even broader consensus of the viewpoint of the mainstream 
     climate research community on the question of late 20th 
     century warming and its causes. The goal of the authors, he 
     says, is to reaffirm support for the AGU position statement 
     on climate change and greenhouse gases and clarify what is 
     currently known from the paleoclimate record of the past one-
     to-two thousand years and, in particular, what the bearing of 
     this evidence is on the issue of the detection of human 
     influence on recent climate change.
                                  ____


 Climate Change and Greenhouse Gases--Adopted by American Geophysical 
                      Union Council December, 2002

       Atmospheric concentrations of carbon dioxide and other 
     greenhouse gases have substantially increased as a 
     consequence of fossil fuel combustion and other human 
     activities. These elevated concentrations of greenhouse gases 
     are predicted to persist in the atmosphere for times ranging 
     to thousands of years. Increasing concentrations of carbon 
     dioxide and other greenhouse gases affect the Earth-
     atmosphere energy balance, enhancing the natural greenhouse 
     effect and thereby exerting a warming influence at the 
     Earth's surface.
       Although greenhouse gas concentrations and their climatic 
     influences are projected to increase, the detailed response 
     of the system is uncertain. Principal sources of this 
     uncertainty are the climate system's inherent complexity and 
     natural variability. The increase in global mean surface 
     temperatures over the past 150 years appears to be unusual in 
     the context of the last few centuries, but it is not clearly 
     outside the range of climate variability of the last few 
     thousand years. The geologic record of the more distant past 
     provides evidence of larger climate variations associated 
     with changes in atmospheric carbondioxide. These changes 
     appear to be consistent with present understanding of the 
     radiative properties of carbon dioxide and of the influence 
     of climate on the carbon cycle. There is no known geologic 
     precedent for the transfer of carbon from the Earth's crust 
     to atmospheric carbon dioxide, in quantities comparable to 
     the burning of fossil fuels, without simultaneous changes in 
     other parts of the carboncycle and climate system. This close 
     coupling between atmospheric carbon dioxide and climate 
     suggests that a change in one would in all likelihood be 
     accompanied by a change in the other.
       Present understanding of the Earth climate system provides 
     a compelling basis for legitimate public concern over future 
     global-and regional-scale changes resulting from increased 
     concentrations of greenhouse gases. These changes are 
     predicted to include increases in global mean surface 
     temperatures, increases in global mean rates of precipitation 
     and evaporation, rising sea levels, and changes in the 
     biosphere. Understanding of the fundamental processes 
     responsible for global climate change has greatly improved 
     over the past decade, and predictive capabilities are 
     advancing. However, there are significant scientific 
     uncertainties, for example, in predictions of local effects 
     of climate change, occurrence of extreme weather events, 
     effects of aerosols, changes in clouds, shifts in the 
     intensity and distribution of precipitation, and changes in 
     oceanic circulation. In view of the complexity of the Earth 
     climate system, uncertainty in its description and in the 
     prediction of changes will never be completely eliminated.
       Because of these uncertainties, there is much public debate 
     over the extent to which increased concentrations of 
     greenhouse gases have caused or will cause climate change, 
     and over potential actions to limit and/or respond to climate 
     change. It is important that public debate take into account 
     the extent of scientific knowledge and the uncertainties. 
     Science cannot be the sole source of guidance on how society 
     should respond to climate issues. Nonetheless, scientific 
     understanding based on peer-reviewed research must be central 
     to informed decision-making. AGU calls for an enhancement of 
     research to improve the quantification of anthropogenic 
     influences on climate. To this end, international programs of 
     research are essential. AGU encourages scientists worldwide 
     to participate in such programs and in scientific assessments 
     and policy discussions.
       The world may already be committed to some degree of human-
     caused climate change, and further buildup of greenhouse gas 
     concentrations may be expected to cause further change. Some 
     of these changes may be beneficial and others damaging for 
     different parts of the world. However, the rapidity and 
     uneven geographic distribution of these changes could be very 
     disruptive. AGU recommends the development and evaluation of 
     strategies such as emissions reduction, carbon sequestration, 
     and adaptation to the impacts of climate change. AGU believes 
     that the present level of scientific uncertainty does not 
     justify inaction in the mitigation of human-induced climate 
     change and/or the adaptation to it.
                                  ____


  Hot Words--A Claim of Nonhuman-Induced Global Warming Sparks Debate

                           (By David Appell)

       In a contretemps indicative of the political struggle over 
     global climate change, a recent study suggested that humans 
     may not be warming the earth. Greenhouse skeptics, pro-
     industry groups and political conservatives have seized on 
     the results, proclaiming that the science of climate change 
     is inconclusive and that agreements such as the Kyoto 
     Protocol, which set limits on the output of industrial heat-
     trapping gases, are unnecessary. But mainstream 
     climatologists, as represented by the Intergovernmental Panel 
     on Climate Change (IPCC), are perturbed that the report has 
     received so much attention; they say the study's conclusions 
     are scientifically dubious and colored by politics.
       Sallie Baliunas and Willie Soon of the Harvard-Smithsonian 
     Center for Astrophysics reviewed more than 200 studies that 
     examined climate ``proxy'' records--data from such phenomena 
     as the growth of tree rings or coral, which are sensitive to 
     climatic conditions. They concluded in the January Climate 
     Research that ``across the world, many records reveal that 
     the 20th century is probably not the warmest nor a uniquely 
     extreme climate period of the last millennium.'' They said 
     that two extreme climate periods--the Medieval Warming Period 
     between 800 and 1300 and the Little Ice Age of 1300 to 1900--
     occurred worldwide, at a time before industrial emissions of 
     greenhouse gases became abundant. (A longer version 
     subsequently appeared in the May Energy and Environment.)
       Scientists skeptical of human-induced warming applaud the 
     work. ``Soon et al. have done a service to the science 
     community,'' remarks Gary Sharp of the Center for Climate/
     Ocean Resources Study in Monterey Bay, Calif., ``which is in 
     serious threat of losing all credibility via the IPCC's media 
     management and oversell of the dangers of global warming.''
       In contrast, the consensus view among paleclimatologists is 
     that the Medieval Warming Period was a regional phenomenon, 
     that the worldwide nature of the Little Ice Age is open to 
     question and that the late 20th century saw the most extreme 
     global average temperatures. Many of these scientists argue 
     that Soon and Baliunas produced deeply flawed work--and they 
     have criticized it in unusually strident language. ``The fact 
     that it has received any attention at all is a result, again 
     in my view, of its utility to those groups who want the 
     global warming issue to just go away,'' comments Tim Barnett, 
     a marine physicist at the Scripps Institution of 
     Oceanography, whose work Soon and Baliunas refer to. Similar 
     sentiments came for Malcolm Hughes of the Laboratory of Tree-
     Ring Research at the University of Arizona, whose work is 
     also discussed: ``The Soon et al. paper is so fundamentally 
     misconceived and contains so many egregious errors that it 
     would take weeks to list and explain them all.''

[[Page 17657]]

       Rather than seeing global anomalies, many 
     paleoclimatologists subscribe to the conclusions of Phil 
     Jones of the University of East Anglia, Michael Mann of the 
     University of Virginia and their colleagues, who began in 
     1998 to quantitatively splice together the proxy records. 
     They have concluded that the global average temperature over 
     the past 1,000 years has been relatively stable until the 
     20th century. ``Nothing in the paper undermines in any way 
     the conclusion of earlier studies that the average 
     temperature of the late twentieth century in the Northern 
     Hemisphere was anomalous against the background of the past 
     millennium,'' wrote Mann and Princeton University's Michael 
     Oppenheimer in a privately circulated statement.
       The most significant criticism is that Soon and Baliunas do 
     not present their data quantitatively--instead they merely 
     categorize the work of other primarily into one of two sets: 
     either supporting or not supporting their particular 
     definitions of a Medieval Warming Period or Little Ice Age. 
     ``I was stating outright that I'm not able to give too many 
     quantitative details, especially in terms of aggregating all 
     the results,'' Soon says.
       Specifically, they define a ``climate anomaly'' as a period 
     of 50 or more years of wetness or dryness or sustained warmth 
     (or, for the Little Ice Age, coolness). The problem is that 
     under this broad definition a wet or dry spell would indicate 
     a climatic anomaly even if the temperature remained perfectly 
     constant. Soon and Baliunas are ``mindful'' that the Medieval 
     Warming Period and the Little Ice Age should be defined by 
     temperature, but ``we emphasize that great bias would result 
     if those thermal anomalies were to be dissociated'' from 
     other climatic conditions. (Asked to define ``wetness'' and 
     ``dryness,'' Soon and Baliunas say only that they ``referred 
     to the standard usage in English.'')
       Moreover, their results were nonsynchronous: ``Their 
     analysis doesn't consider whether the warm/cold periods 
     occurred at the same time,'' says Peter Stott, a climate 
     scientist at the U.K. is Hadley Center for climate Prediction 
     and Research in Bracknell. For example, if a proxy record 
     indicated that a drier condition existed in one part of the 
     world from 800 to 850, it would be counted as equal evidence 
     for a Medieval Warming period as a different proxy record 
     that showed wetter conditions in another part of the world 
     from 1250 to 1300. Regional conditions do not necessarily 
     mirror the global average, Stott notes: ``Iceland and 
     Greenland had their warmest periods in the 1930s, whereas the 
     warmest for the globe was in the 1990s.''
       Soon and Baliunas also take issue with the IPCC by 
     contending that the 20th century saw no unique patterns: they 
     found few climatic anomalies in the proxy records. But they 
     looked for 50-year-long anomalies; the last century's 
     warming, the IPCC concludes, occurred in two periods of about 
     30 years each (with cooling in between). The warmest period 
     occurred in the late 20th century--too short to meet Soon and 
     Baliunas's selected requirement. The two researchers also 
     discount thermometer readings and ``give great weight to the 
     paleo data for which the uncertainties are much greater,'' 
     Stott says.
       The conclusion of Soon and Baliunas that the warming during 
     the 20th century is not unusual has engendered sharp debate 
     and intense reactions on both sides--Soon and Baliunas 
     responded primarily via e-mail and refused follow-up 
     questions. The charges illustrate the polarized nature of the 
     climate change debate in the U.S. ``You'd be challenged, I'd 
     bet, to find someone who supports the Kyoto Protocol and also 
     thinks that this paper is good science, or someone who thinks 
     that the paper is bad science and is opposed to Kyoto,'' 
     predicts Roger Pielke, Jr., of the University of Colorado. 
     Expect more of such flares as the stakes--and the world's 
     temperatures--continue to rise.
                                  ____


         [From the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, June 1, 2003]

              Nonprofits Push Controversial Climate Study

                           (By Jeff Nesmith)

       Washington.--Nonprofit organizations with ties to energy 
     interests are promoting a controversial climate study as 
     proof that prevailing views of global warming are wrong.
       The scientists who authored the new study contend that the 
     global warming of recent decades is not without precedent 
     during the past 1,000 years, as other scientists have 
     claimed. In fact, they say the Earth was even warmer during 
     what is known as the ``medieval warm period'' between 900 and 
     1300 A.D.
       The paper has touched off a worldwide storm of e-mail among 
     climate scientists, some of whom have proposed organizing a 
     research boycott of two journals that published the study.
       The links among authors of the new study, the nonprofit 
     groups and the energy interests illustrate a three-way 
     intersection of money, science and policy. Energy interests 
     underwrote the study and help finance the groups that are 
     promoting it.
       The study also illustrates a strategy adopted by some 
     energy companies in the late 1980s to attack the credibility 
     of climate science, said John Topping, president of the 
     Climate Institute.
       ``They saw early on that what they had to do was keep the 
     science at issue,'' said Topping, a former Republican 
     congressional staffer who founded the institute in 1986.
       By relying on the news media's inclination to include both 
     sides of a story, the industries were able to create the 
     impression that scientists were deeply divided over climate 
     change, Topping said.
       ``It was all very shrewdly done,'' he added.
       The Climate Institute takes the position that climate 
     change threatens the global environment and promotes 
     international cooperation on the issue. Less then 1 percent 
     of its funding has come from oil industry sources, Topping 
     said, with the rest coming from foundations.
       To measure long-term climate patterns, scientists rely on 
     ``proxy'' indicators, such as the content of air bubbles 
     trapped centuries ago under the ice packs in Greenland and 
     Antarctica, the chemical makeup of ancient ocean sediments, 
     and the relative widths of old tree rings.
       These natural records have been used to portray a global 
     climate that has been largely stable until the late 1980s, 
     when temperatures started rising sharply.
       A millennium of these temperature records presents what has 
     been called a ``hockey stick'' graph, depicting centuries 
     with little relative change, then a sharp and sudden rise 
     during the past two decades.
       Most climate scientists think the rise results from the 
     atmosphere buildup of heat-trapping ``greenhouse gases,'' 
     especially carbon dioxide released by the combustion of 
     fossil fuels such as coal and petroleum.
       Industry-backed groups claim the new study challenges the 
     validity of this view by presenting evidence of global 
     warming at a time when fossil fuels were not being burned in 
     appreciable quantities.
       The new study, ``Reconstructing Climatic and Environmental 
     Changes of the Past 1,000 Years: A Reappraisal,'' was 
     published several weeks ago in a British scientific journal, 
     Energy and Environment.
       The authors contend in the 65-page paper that their 
     reanalysis of data from more than 200 previous climate 
     studies provides evidence of global temperature shifts that 
     are more dramatic than the current one, including during the 
     ``medievel warm period.''
       The research was underwritten by the American Petroleum 
     Institute, the trade association of the world's biggest oil 
     companies.
       Two of the five authors are scientists who have been linked 
     to the coal industry and have received support from the 
     ExxonMobil Foundation.
       Two others, who are affiliated with the Harvard-Smithsonian 
     Center for Astrophysics, also have the title of ``senior 
     scientists'' with a Washington-based organization supported 
     by conservative foundations and ExxonMobil Corp.
       The organization, the George T. Marshall Institute, is 
     headed by William O'Keefe, a former executive of the American 
     Petroleum Institute.
       O'Keefe also was at one time the president of the Global 
     Climate Coalition, a now-defunct organization created by oil 
     and coal interests to lobby against U.S. participation in 
     climate treaties, such as the Kyoto Protocol.
       ``Statements made about the warming trend of the 20th 
     century and the 1990s do not withstand close scrutiny,'' 
     O'Keefe declared at a recent luncheon held in the Dirksen 
     Senate Office Building here.
       The purpose of the luncheon was for Willie Soon, a 
     physicist and astronomer with the Harvard-Smithsonian Center, 
     to present a summary of the new research.
       Promotion of the scientists' arguments began with a news 
     release issued by the public affairs office of the Harvard-
     Smithsonian Center shortly after the paper was published. 
     Headlined ``20th Century Climate Not So Hot,'' the release 
     declared that the scientists had ``determined'' that the 
     current warming trend is neither the hottest nor the most 
     dramatic change in the past 1,000 years.


                       didn't publish the release

       Major news organizations failed to publish the news 
     release. However, it was picked up by the Discovery Channel 
     Online, which declared that the 20th century may have been 
     ``just another bump in the climate road.''
       The Discovery Channel Online article was immediately copied 
     and distributed by the staff of the Senate Environment and 
     Public Works Committee, headed by Sen. James Inhofe (R-
     Okla.), an outspoken skeptic about climate change.
       The committee also circulated a statement by the Committee 
     Enterprise Institute declaring that ``the hockey stick theory 
     has effectively been dismanted'' and ``the margin of error is 
     so large that nearly any temperature trend could be drawn to 
     fit within it.''
       The principal target of the paper by Soon and his co-
     authors was Michael Mann of the University of Virginia, whose 
     landmark compilation of thousands of ``proxy'' indicators led 
     to the conclusion that the last two decades have been 
     unusually warm and to the first depiction of the ``hockey 
     stick'' graph.
       Mann said last week that the Soon study does not even 
     attempt to reconstruct global average temperatures but simply 
     highlights anecdotal evidence of isolated warming trends.
       In a statement issued jointly with environmental scientists 
     Michael Oppenheimer of

[[Page 17658]]

     Princeton University, Mann said that when all of these 
     indicators are compiled and averaged, the ``medical warming 
     period'' fits within the long-range global trend. He said 
     this was done not only in his study but also in nearly a 
     dozen that have followed it.
       Soon acknowledged during a question period at the Senate 
     luncheon that his research does not provide such a 
     comprehensive picture of the Earth's temperature record. He 
     questioned whether that is even possible, and said he did not 
     see how Mann and the others could ``calibrate'' the various 
     proxy records for comparison.
       ``Then he needs to educate himself on several decades of 
     very careful, painstaking research,'' Mann snapped.
       The energy industry provides significant funding for groups 
     that employ some of the authors or promote their new study.
       Soon's four co-authors were Sallie Baliunas, also from the 
     Harvard-Smithsonian center; Sherwood Idso and his son, Craig 
     Idso, both of Tempe, Ariz.; who are the past president and 
     the current president of an organization called the Center 
     for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change; and David 
     R. Legates, a climate researcher of the University of 
     Delaware.
       The Idsos, who have previously been linked to Western coal 
     interests, do not reveal the sources of financial support for 
     their center, which on its Web site presents summaries of 
     scientific studies purporting to raise questions about 
     prevailing climate change theories.
       The center had a budget of nearly $400,000 in 2001, the 
     most recent year for which nonprofit statements to the 
     Internal Revenue Service are available.
       It operates from a post office box and offices in the homes 
     of Craig and Sherwood Idso and a second son of Sherwood Idso, 
     Keith Idso.
       Identities of the four donors who provided the 
     organization's $397,000 contributions in 2001 are blanked out 
     of the Internal Revenue Service filing, and Sherwood Idso 
     declined to name them.
       ``We generally do not stay anything about our funding,'' he 
     said. ``The feeling is that what we produce there should be 
     evaluated on its own merit, not where any funding comes 
     from.''
       Records filed with the IRS by ExxonMobil Foundation show 
     that it provided a grant of $15,000 to the Arizona center 
     2000. These records and others show that ExxonMobil 
     Foundation and ExxonMobil Corp. also have contributed 
     $160,000 to the George T. Marshall Institute in the past 
     three years and more than $900,000 to the Competitive 
     Enterprise Institute.
       In a telephone interview, Soon declined to say how much he 
     is paid to serve as a ``senior scientist'' with the George T. 
     Marshall Institute. Both he and Baliunas have that title.
       The institute was organized in the 1980s and is chaired by 
     Robert Jastrow, a retired scientist from the National 
     Aeronautics and Space Administration who was an early and 
     vocal supporter of former President Reagan's ``Star Wars'' 
     missile defense initiative.


                          Other board members

       Other members of the organization's board include O'Keefe; 
     Baliunas; techno-suspense novelist Thomas Clancy Jr.; 
     newspaper columnist Charles Krauthammer; Dr. Bernadine Healy, 
     former director of the National Institutes of Health; and 
     Frederick Seitz of Rockefeller University in New York, a 
     former chairman of the National Academy of Sciences.
       O'Keefe declined to identify the Marshall Institute's 
     funding sources, but acknowledged it received money from 
     ExxonMobil and the Sarah Scaife Foundation, headed by 
     conservative Pittsburgh billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife.
       He volunteered that it also receives funds from the Bradley 
     Foundation, a large Milwaukee foundation known for its 
     support of conservative causes.
       Ross Gelbspan, once a Boston Globe reporter and editor 
     whose 1997 book, ``The Heat Is On,'' details industry efforts 
     to discredit climate change science, said conclusions that 
     greenhouse gases are causing the planet to heat up are the 
     result of ``the largest and most rigorously peer-reviewed 
     scientific collaboration in history.''
       ``The contradictory statements of a tiny handful of 
     discredited scientists, funded by big coal and big oil, 
     represent a deliberate--and extremely reckless--campaign of 
     deception and disinformation,'' Gelbspan declared.

  Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I highlight an important provision in the 
State Department Authorization bill that is now before the Senate. It 
is a provision that resulted from an amendment I offered in the Senate 
Foreign Relations committee to insure the inclusion of women in the 
reconstruction of Iraq.
  The Boxer amendment states that it is the policy of the United States 
to ensure the full and active participation of women in the 
reconstruction of Iraq. It specifically states that the U.S. should 
work to promote the involvement of women in all levels of the 
Government of Iraq and decision-making bodies; the planning and 
distribution of assistance, including food aid; and job promotion and 
training programs.
  Three years ago, the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1325 
which reaffirmed the important role of women in peace-building and 
called attention to the special needs of women during post-conflict 
resolution. Iraqi women are among the most highly educated in the 
region and should play a significant role in rebuilding Iraq.
  The head of the U.N. Development Fund for Women recently wrote that, 
``As groups of Iraqi people meet to prepare for the creation of an 
interim Iraqi authority, it is essential to know that a way to achieve 
consensus and compromise, amid the divisive complexities of Iraqi 
society, is to ensure the extensive participation of women. Indeed, the 
perspectives of women offer the best promise of meaningful 
reconstruction and the development of a working democracy.''
  My amendment is designed to ensure that the perspectives of women are 
taken seriously as we work to help Iraq rebuild. I appreciate the 
support of my colleagues on this issue and hope that this provision is 
included in the final version of the bill.
  Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, the managers' amendment includes a provision 
that will help solidify the strong friendship that exists between the 
United States and the United Kingdom. The provision is a result of a 
great deal of work between the chairman, the ranking member of the 
Foreign Relations Committee, and the Department of State. They are to 
be commended for helping to strengthen the partnership between our two 
countries, a partnership we have relied on for many years.
  The provision will allow the U.S. to finalize a bilateral agreement 
with the United Kingdom and provide a licensing exception to the UK for 
certain defense-related items. Such an agreement will pave the way for 
enhancing both our defense capabilities as it promotes cooperation with 
our coalition partners, especially on matters of defense.
  Enhancing our defense capabilities and the industrial and economic 
cooperation that exists between our two nations is critical if we are 
to continue to have the ability to promote peace, freedom and democracy 
throughout the world. As we have seen for many years, and through many 
international conflicts, the United States and the United Kingdom are 
steadfast allies who have come to the aid of each other whenever it was 
necessary to preserve the peace. Our troops fought together in the 
deserts of Iraq and the United Kingdom has demonstrated time and time 
again that we can always count on them in a time of crisis.
  Another important objective of this agreement is the improvement of 
the industrial cooperation between our countries. Industries of all 
types are consolidating in the face of economic downsizing and 
globalization so that research and development of new products and new 
technologies can be pursued. This consolidation has only further 
highlighted the need for effective export control measures.
  The United States must now work with our Allies, especially our 
friends in the United Kingdom, to improve the flow of information and 
increase the level of cooperation in the areas of export control 
reform, multilateral control regime participation, and improvements in 
licensing procedures.
  I thank the distinguished chairman and ranking member for working 
with me on this issue during both the committee markup and in recent 
days. This provision means a great deal to both our long-term interests 
and to our continued friendship with the United Kingdom.
  The United Kingdom has consistently proved their support for our 
common cause of peace. Most recently, by their efforts in Iraq. Prime 
Minister Tony Blair took a great deal of heat for his position, but he 
held fast to it because our cause was just. We will recognize him for 
his efforts when he speaks at a Joint session of Congress on July 17. I 
believe our action here today is also a strong and very welcome show of 
support for his and his country's efforts.
  Mr. ALEXANDER. I rise to speak in support of the managers' amendment 
and its inclusion of the President's proposal for Millennium Challenge 
Accounts, or MCA.

[[Page 17659]]

  MCA is a new approach for foreign aid. Instead of providing aid based 
solely on need, as is largely the approach under our current system, 
Millennium Challenge Account assistance will go only to those countries 
which meet certain criteria for good governance, free markets, and 
educational and health support. MCA will not replace foreign aid to 
countries in need; need-based assistance will continue. Nor will MCA be 
a subsidy for wealthy democracies--it will only go to poorer nations 
that qualify.
  MCA, once implemented will be the first time foreign aid is provided 
based on a country's efforts to improve itself. This is important for 
two reasons. First, by investing in countries that are already showing 
a commitment to sound development principles, MCA assistance is far 
more likely to make a positive difference in improving conditions in 
that county. Second, by clearly delineating the criteria used for 
selecting countries to receive MCA funding, the proposal will provide 
strong incentive for other countries to make changes so they will also 
qualify.
  I am particularly excited about another aspect of the MCA proposal: 
how the funds will be used. Because a limited number of countries will 
qualify for MCA assistance, the aid will go a long way. The Millennium 
Challenge Corporation, or MCC, which will manage the accounts, will 
work with government and citizens in the recipient country to ensure 
funded projects will make a significant contribution toward helping a 
country move to a new level in its economic growth.
  I hope recipient governments, in working with the MCC, will select 
projects that emphasize their strengths. By focusing on their 
strengths, recipient countries will not only improve their comparative 
advantage economically, but also strengthen and build new institutions, 
and cultivate national pride.
  When I was Governor of my State, that was the approach we took to 
helping cities grow economically. In Chattanooga, for example, the 
people and local government chose to focus on one of their strengths: 
the riverfront. State government joined in this effort which resulted 
in major renovations including a new aquarium that is the envy of the 
region. In Memphis, State government joined with citizens and local 
government to focus on improving Beale Street--the home of the Blues. 
Again, the area became a major attraction and highlight of the city. In 
both cases, the projects resulted not only in economic growth but a 
renewed sense of pride in their homes for both Memphians and 
Chattanoogans.
  I also want to take this opportunity to commend Chairman Lugar, 
Senator Biden, and Senator Hagel for the compromise language reached in 
the managers' amendment for authorizing the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation. My distinguished colleagues have worked out an approach 
for authorizing a separate agency, as the President proposed, but 
having it report to the Secretary of State--much as USAID does--in 
order to maintain continuity in our Nation's foreign policy. This is an 
excellent compromise, and I am fully supportive of it.
  Millennium Challenge Accounts represent the most significant change 
in our approach to foreign aid in years, perhaps ever. I urge all my 
colleagues to support it and look forward to watching its 
implementation, particularly with African countries in my role as 
chairman of the Subcommittee on African Affairs.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today to address the Millennium 
Challenge Account and the importance of providing full funding for 
foreign assistance initiatives.
  I had intended to offer an amendment to the State Department 
authorization bill to authorize an additional $300 million to the 
Millennium Challenge Account, MCA, to match the President's request of 
$1.3 billion for fiscal year 2004.
  I believe it is critical for the United States to provide full 
funding for the MCA at its inception to demonstrate our commitment to 
those in the developing world who seek a better life and our fellow 
citizens at home who deserve a safe and secure future free from terror.
  Nevertheless, I understand Senator Lugar has worked closely with 
Senator Biden on a bipartisan bill and that an amendment to increase 
funding for the MCA is not appropriate at this time. I will not offer 
an amendment, but I want to take this time to emphasize the need for 
the United States to take a leadership role in combating global poverty 
and provide the necessary resources to do so.
  Let us not forget that 1.2 billion people live on less than $1 a day 
and nearly 3 billion live on less than $2 a day; 1.2 billion people 
lack access to safe drinking water, 2.9 billion have inadequate access 
to sanitation, and 1 billion people in developing nations are 
unemployed or underemployed.
  In March, 2002, the President announced an initiative to increase 
foreign aid by $5 billion over the next 3 years through the creation of 
the Millennium Challenge Account.
  These funds would be available on a competitive basis to a few 
countries based on their records in three areas; ruling justly, 
investing in people, and pursuing sound economic policies.
  Over the past few years, I and several of my colleagues have worked 
hard to raise awareness about the importance of a robust international 
affairs budget as a central component of advancing the U.S. foreign 
policy agenda and protecting our national security interests.
  We simply can not afford to rely on our military might alone to fight 
terror and provide safety and security for our citizens.
  The fiscal year 2004 Defense authorization bill passed by the Senate 
authorized $400.5 billion for national defense.
  Over the past 10 years, the Defense appropriations bill has risen 
from $261 billion in fiscal year 1994, to $355 billion in fiscal year 
2003, to $400 billion this year.
  Given the multitude of threats our country faces and the commitments 
of our troops all around the world, I fully support giving the men and 
women of our Armed Forces the tools they need to do their job at the 
highest level.
  On the other hand, in fiscal year 1994, the foreign operations 
appropriations bill totaled $17.9 billion falling to $16.3 billion in 
fiscal year 2003. This authorization provides for $15.3 billion for 
foreign operations for fiscal year 2004 and $1 billion for the MCA. The 
United States spends less than 1 percent of our budget on foreign aid 
which is barely 0.1 percent of GDP.
  Thus, I applauded President Bush's initiative to begin to restore the 
foreign aid budget to the high water mark of the cold war years and 
increase foreign assistance spending by $5 billion over the next 3 
years.
  The fiscal year 2004 budget resolution passed out of the Budget 
Committee, however, cut $1.1 billion--including $1 billion to the MCA--
from the President's request for the International Function 150 
Account. So, Senator Lugar and I introduced, and the Senate passed, an 
amendment to restore those funds.
  National security is not just about ensuring we have the most 
advanced weapons and the best trained personnel. We must make the same 
commitment to our international affairs budget and use all the tools at 
our disposal to prevent terror and avoid more costly military 
interventions in the future.
  I, for one, believe that we should provide additional resources 
beyond the President's request; $5 billion over 3 years is a good start 
but, in my view, not near enough.
  But I felt we should at least match what the President himself has 
requested for his own initiative in its first year of existence. Now is 
not the time to take steps backwards or shy away from larger 
commitment.
  In addition, we should provide full funding for our existing foreign 
aid programs which have been proven to reduce poverty and increase 
economic development. Many countries will fall outside the bounds of 
the MCA, and we can not afford to leave them behind.
  I believe the MCA and our overall international affairs budget will 
help us attack the conditions that foster terrorism in the developing 
world: poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and illness.

[[Page 17660]]

  Terrorists prey on the hopelessness, anger, fear, and alienation of 
the poor and provide an easy way out of the misery of the developing 
world. The MCA and the international affairs budget, by providing 
education, health care, shelter, and food, will help promote tolerance, 
understanding, and political stability.
  We send the wrong message when we devote billions of dollars for 
national defense but fail to provide the resources for a new, 
significant foreign assistance initiative.
  We must demonstrate to the world that the United States is serious 
about reducing global poverty through a robust and substantive foreign 
aid budget. I urge my colleagues to join with me in making full funding 
for all of our foreign assistance initiatives a priority.
  Mr. NELSON of Florida. Mr. President, the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee included in S. 925 an authorization for $2 million for the 
Dante B. Fascell North South Center.
  The Dante B. Fascell North South Center at the University of Miami is 
a public policy studies center that is dedicated to the analysis of 
complex global problems, with special emphasis on the Western 
Hemisphere. The center's research encompasses key areas such as trade 
and economic policy, migration, democratic governance, security, 
corruption, the environment, and information technology. Since its 
inception in 1984, the Center has become a valuable national and 
hemispheric resource, a focal point for cooperative study and an adept 
coordinator of international projects. It will remain so, and I hope it 
will continue to be a prominent focal point of Western Hemisphere 
studies.
  Congressman Fascell dedicated his career to improving relations with 
countries in the Western Hemisphere, lifting the people of these 
nations up. He understood how the culture of South America, Central 
America and the Caribbean is embedded in Florida culture, and embraced 
it. It is in this spirit that we honor his memory by providing 
resources to this Center.
  Mr. LUGAR. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, the leadership on both sides of the aisle 
have been in conversation. For the benefit of our colleagues, so they 
can plan for tonight and I guess begin to plan for tomorrow, I will 
state where we are.
  It is important that we move to the appropriations bills. The intent 
was to do everything possible to finish the bill we have been on for 
the last 2 days, but we have not been successful, although very close. 
We plan on moving to the legislative branch appropriations bill 
shortly. We have been working over the last hour to put together--which 
we have done successfully--a finite group of amendments from both sides 
of the aisle. We have them written on a piece of paper and have made a 
decision to work off that list once we return to the bill we have been 
discussing today.
  The intent very shortly is to set the current bill aside, go to the 
legislative branch appropriations bill--Chairman Stevens will be doing 
that shortly--followed by the military construction appropriations 
bill. Following that, we will return to the State Department 
authorization.
  In terms of voting tonight, we likely will be voting later tonight, 
although until we get on the legislative branch appropriations bill, I 
cannot say for certain that we will. The intent is to be voting tonight 
to complete that bill and to go on to military construction tonight as 
well. That is the intent.
  For planning purposes, over the next 2\1/2\ hours we expect to have 
no rollcall votes and ask people to stay in touch with their respective 
sides in terms of plans after about 8:30 tonight for rollcall votes.
  I do hope we will be able to return to the State Department 
authorization bill as soon as we complete the other two. Until we 
address the issues and see how many amendments we have on legislative 
branch and military construction, I cannot say with certainty whether 
or not we will be returning to that tomorrow, but that is the intent. 
The intent will be to finish that bill tomorrow.
  That is the general understanding as to what the plan will be 
tonight.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The minority leader.
  Mr. DASCHLE. First, with regard to the State Department authorization 
bill, I think we have made a lot of progress this afternoon. In 
defining more explicitly the list of amendments that are likely to be 
offered, it is not a lengthy list and I think we can work through them. 
I appreciate the cooperation of so many of our Senators.
  I will repeat what I have indicated to the majority leader, that many 
of our colleagues who have submitted their amendments for this list do 
so with an expectation that they will have an opportunity to have a 
vote on or in relation to their amendment. Obviously, we are going to 
have to attempt to accommodate that expectation as we work through the 
list.
  I think this is a wise decision and a wise course of action with 
regard to setting the bill aside temporarily because I know the time 
constraints under which the Appropriations Committee is working.
  I will say we have very significant reservations on the part of some 
of our colleagues--I know Senator Byrd has expressed more than once on 
the Senate floor his frustration with late night sessions and votes, 
and I am sure, were he here, he would express that frustration again. I 
do believe we have to continue our work, and perhaps we can arrange 
ways in which to address that concern.
  As I understand it, we have a handful of amendments to be offered to 
the legislative appropriations and supplemental bill. I think 
definitively there are four amendments at this point. So we ought to be 
able to work through those reasonably quickly. I know of no amendments 
to the military construction bill at this point.
  So we ought to be able to work through these, perhaps even stacking 
the votes for tomorrow morning.
  In any case, I hope that Senators who have amendments will come to 
the floor to accommodate the consideration of these bills in a timely 
way. We want to finish our work so that we can move on.
  I appreciate the work that has been done and the effort that has been 
made to get us to this point. I hope we can have a productive evening.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, to review, the plan will be to shortly go 
to legislative branch appropriations. We will not have any rollcall 
votes over the next 2\1/2\ hours.
  Mr. STEVENS. Will the majority leader yield for a question? Could we 
get an agreement now that the amendments that are to be presented to 
the legislative branch bill be presented tonight, the debate finish 
tonight, and we will vote tomorrow on them--not have any rollcall votes 
tonight but have all the amendments be brought before us tonight and 
the arguments start and we will schedule the votes for tomorrow 
morning?
  I know there are several Members who have talked to me and they have 
other events. This is sort of a surprise. We are trying to get the bill 
finished by tomorrow. If the leader would agree, we would get consent 
that all amendments must be filed and we will debate them tonight--
however late it takes--and vote on them tomorrow.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I am quite sure we would be able to enter 
into such an agreement, but I want to check with those Senators who 
have amendments to offer. That is a very wise course of action and with 
a little checking, I think we can enter into such an agreement, but we 
would have to check.
  I also note I have been asked the question, Will there be votes 
tomorrow morning? I assume there will be votes tomorrow morning, so 
Senators should

[[Page 17661]]

be prepared to come tomorrow. I defer to the majority leader for a 
definitive answer to that question.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, as I have said since Monday, our intention 
is to vote tomorrow morning. As you can tell from the comments in the 
last few minutes, there are a lot of people who do not want to vote 
tonight. They do not want to vote tomorrow. We have a lot of work to 
do. The appropriations bills are critical to address. The plan will be 
to vote tomorrow for sure. I don't know how late in the day it will be. 
The intention would be to finish as soon as reasonable tomorrow.
  With that, in terms of the request, we will consider as to whether or 
not we would be able to lay over the votes tomorrow morning and have 
all the debate tonight. We will consider that. I don't want to commit 
to that although I will commit to having no votes in the next 2\1/2\ 
hours. We will work together, and if at all possible be able to stack 
those votes in the morning.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. Will the leader yield for a question?
  Mr. FRIST. I am happy to yield.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. There was a very important discussion that took place 
earlier today on the emergency appropriations bill. The chairman has 
been very cooperative in working through some of the amendments we 
might have. I know we are on short time and we want to move the bills.
  Is it the leader's understanding we will get an opportunity to debate 
and offer amendments on the emergency appropriations bill, perhaps not 
voting tonight, but in the morning?
  Mr. FRIST. That would be the intention for tonight. We will be able 
to continue tonight, and as to whether or not we will be voting in the 
morning we will discuss among ourselves.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. And perhaps even in the morning because there is an 
issue very important to Louisiana that needs to get resolved.
  Mr. FRIST. We will work with both sides of the aisle. My objective is 
to get to the supplemental as soon as possible so we can address these 
issues. Once we get to it, no commitments have been made at this 
juncture in terms of the number of amendments and as to whether or not 
we will finish all debate tonight, which would be nice, so we can vote 
in the morning, or continue debating tomorrow.
  Ms. LANDRIEU. I thank the leader.
  Mr. SESSIONS. Will the majority leader yield for a question? I don't 
know where we are on what is being propounded before I got here, but I 
am concerned about the supplemental; some of the items that have been 
made part of that I do not think qualify--in my judgment, at least--as 
emergency. Will we have opportunities with any proposal being floated 
here that would eliminate the opportunity to have votes on that matter?
  Mr. FRIST. No, we will not and there is no unanimous consent being 
propounded. We have had discussions and we will have.
  Right now my only intent is to move off the State Department 
authorization and get to the bill the Senator is concerned about. We 
can have discussions about that.
  Now, so we can move off of the State Department authorization, we 
have a statement?
  Mr. DASCHLE. I know Senator Dorgan has been waiting patiently to make 
some comments with regard to an amendment he had offered. I think that 
is the only remaining piece of business we have on the State Department 
authorization bill today.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.


                           Amendment No. 1198

  Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, earlier we cleared an amendment on the 
State Department authorization bill that I want to talk about briefly. 
The reason I want to do it is I especially want to read some passages 
from the Wall Street Journal today, an article by a man named Roger 
Thurow. We are deeply indebted to the article he has written about 
famine in Africa.
  The amendment passed today provides the requirement for the Commodity 
Credit Corporation to authorize another $250 million, which the Senate 
had previously done, incidentally, on the supplemental bill previously. 
We authorized $500 million in food aid to Africa to respond to the 
desperate famine that is occurring there. That was cut in conference to 
the $250 million. This additional $250 million will reach, then, the 
same level that we previously agreed to in the Senate.
  It will mean additional food, grain will move from America's family 
farms to Africa, to those in desperate need of food. I think it is very 
important to do this. It does respond to famine, to starvation, to the 
needs of people who are in desperate straits, and does so by using what 
is an asset in this country, something of significant value, food that 
is produced on our family farms.
  We are told these days as farmers drive their trucks to the elevator 
with a load of wheat, barley, or other grain, that food has no value; 
prices are collapsing. In a hungry world, it has substantial value. We 
ought to be using the Commodity Credit Corporation to help respond to 
the famine and starvation that is occurring in Africa.
  I will read just a part of this article. There are some 11 million 
people at risk at this point who do not have enough to eat, who go to 
bed with an ache in their belly, some of whom are dying every day. Let 
me read part of this article because it is such a gripping firsthand 
description of what it is we are trying to do. Myself, Senator Daschle, 
and Senator Leahy offered the amendment that was accepted just a bit 
ago. I say thanks to the chairman and the ranking member for doing so 
because I think it addresses this in a very real way.
  The article begins:

             [From the Wall Street Journal, July 10, 2003]

                           (By Roger Thurow)

       Their father died in 1999, their mother in 2000, both of 
     them from what social workers and village officials believe 
     were complications from AIDS. Since then, Makhosazane 
     Nkhambule, now 16 years old, has been caring for her four 
     younger brothers and sisters in their one-room mud-brick 
     shack.
       They sweep the floor of the house and the dirt yard with 
     homemade straw brooms. They try to patch holes in the 
     thatched roof and plug cracks in the mud walls. They fetch 
     water from a well nearly a mile away. They scavenge wood for 
     the fire. They go to an informal school in a neighbor's 
     house.
       Makhosazane says they can do everything they need to do, 
     except feed themselves. ``I would like to plant corn and 
     vegetable, but we have no money to buy seeds or tools,'' she 
     says. Her parents' cattle could have helped with plowing, but 
     they have also died. The garden beside the hut and the two-
     acre field behind it haven't been planted since their mother 
     died.
       For two years, the orphans scrounged what they could, 
     asking neighbors for scraps of food and waiting for relatives 
     in distant villages to bring something to eat. Last year, the 
     United Nations' World Food Program came to Swaziland to 
     distribute food to those suffering from the drought that has 
     gripped southern Africa. Although the Nkhambule children had 
     no crops to be killed by drought, they began receiving the 
     food aid. So, too, did thousands of other households where 
     the adults who had been tending the fields have died. Most of 
     the victims likely died of HIV/AIDS, which, according to 
     government estimates, infects more than one-third of adults 
     in this tiny, hilly kingdom.
       The Nkhambule siblings, barefoot and wearing dirty, shabby 
     clothes, embody what is being called an entirely new variety 
     of famine. It breaks the historical mold of food crises, 
     according to people who are studying it. It isn't caused by 
     weather, war, failed government policy or crop disease, all 
     of which prevent or discourage farmers from bringing in a 
     harvest. Rather, this is a food shortage caused by a disease 
     that kills the farmers themselves. Recovery won't come with 
     weather improvement, new government policies, a peace treaty 
     or improved hybrid crops. Once the farmers die, there is no 
     rain that will make their empty fields grow. * * *

  Now, I have heard testimony of people who have been to this part of 
the region who say they find old ladies, old women, climbing trees to 
forage for leaves to eat because it hurts to be hungry. People are 
dying every single day. The question is, What can we do about it?
  Every day, as more and more die, with 11 million people at risk, 11 
million orphans currently living in Africa at risk of severe 
malnutrition, even as people die, our farmers are told the food they 
produce in such abundance has no value. That is why the Commodity 
Credit Corporation has the authority for $30 billion worth of food to 
be moved to places in the world where it is needed.

[[Page 17662]]

  This amendment would simply provide for less than 1 percent of it to 
be added to that which is already on the way, to provide some 
assistance and relief to those who are suffering.
  It is easy, I suppose, for some to ignore this. But when millions of 
people face famine and illness, the world--and especially our country--
cannot turn its head. We know what we produce in great abundance has 
value. It has value to help people around the world who are starving.
  Again, thanks to Roger Thurow, a reporter who is in Swaziland, for 
telling us specifically about the ravages of this famine, what it is 
doing.
  We just talked about AIDS in legislation we passed recently. 
President Bush is in Africa talking about AIDS. The fact is, this 
famine relates directly to AIDS. These children are hungry. These 
children are starving--not because it didn't rain but because they have 
nothing to eat. Their parents are dead. The cattle are dead.
  So if we can do this small amount through this amendment I have 
offered for myself, Senator Daschle, and Senator Leahy, if we can add 
to this $500 million, half of which was taken out in conference--if we 
can add the money to make that whole once again, there will be bags of 
food going to these villages to feed hungry people and our country will 
do something, again, that not only makes us proud but represents the 
best of this great country of ours.
  I thank Senator Lugar and Senator Biden and my colleagues, Senators 
Daschle and Leahy. We deeply appreciate this amendment being accepted 
by the Senate today.
  I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Coleman). The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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