[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 148 (2002), Part 8]
[House]
[Pages 10513-10514]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                  NOT ALL LAWMAKERS BACK PLAN ON IRAQ

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, as many in this Nation and 
many around the world, I do not like Saddam Hussein. I do not like him 
for what he does to the children of his nation, the women of his 
nation, and the people who are in need in his nation. I do not like 
what he does with the humanitarian aid, holding it hostage, so those 
who need medicine and health care, nutrition, those who go hungry, are 
not served well by his leadership. There is no doubt that he has the 
capacity and has been engaged in manufacturing weapons of terror and 
also the kind of chemical warfare that all the world abhors. He is not 
the kind of leader that any of us would advocate for.
  But I raise my voice out of concern for the recent announcements over 
the past weekend, now finding out that these are somewhat old in their 
pronouncements, that there are those who previously in months past were 
aware of the thinking of the administration dealing with covert action 
in Iraq. In fact, there are articles in our newspapers across the 
Nation suggesting lawmakers back action against Iraq.
  Let me step aside, Mr. Speaker, and stand outside of that circle and 
speak for what I believe to be many of those in the United States who 
will ask the question, are we prepared, and what is the basis of that 
action? I have already stated that the leader of this nation, the 
leader of the Iraq nation, that is, is not a person who advocates the 
values that we believe in. I have already indicated that I believe that 
the country needs a change in leadership.
  But in respect to the approach, the question has to be, What is the 
involvement in oversight of the United States Congress? What are the 
decisions that will be made with respect to these actions?
  We well know that, tragically, Saddam Hussein tried to assassinate 
one of our Presidents, and we cannot tolerate that; and I would not 
stand for that kind of action or advocate it or allow it to go 
unpunished. But we also know that there is no indication that he had 
anything to do with the horrible act of September 11. We also know that 
his activities can be classified as bumbling.
  We also realize that if we are to engage in a covert action that may 
include the killing of this leader out of self-defense, that we may 
also put this Nation's military personnel in the position of a ground 
war. It has been suggested that 200,000 men and women would be needed 
for a ground war in Iraq. We realize that Korea was not successful to 
the point we wanted. The DMZ still exists between North and South 
Korea, and there is the tragedy of terrible hunger and devastation 
going on in North Korea. Though we pay tribute to the men who fought in 
the Korean War, and we thank them, we still have North and South Korea.
  We also realize that though we pay tribute to the thousands of young 
men who lost their lives and those who served in the Vietnam War, we 
know that Vietnam was not successful to the point we wanted.
  We also recognize that out of the turmoil of the Cold War, that the 
Berlin Wall did fall, and it fell because those in Berlin desired it to 
fall and the people brought it down.
  I believe we need more oversight and insight into decisions to be 
made regarding Iraq. I oppose these pronouncements suggesting that the 
next step is for this Nation to enter into a war. We realize that four 
prior covert actions involving everything from radio propaganda to 
paramilitary plots have failed to dislodge the Iraqi leader, just as 
smart bombs, Cruise Missiles and stiff economic sanctions have failed 
as well. I believe we need more deliberation.
  But, most importantly, I am aghast, if you will, at the fact that we 
are making these pronouncements with what I believe to be little 
thought. What is the plan? If we have a plan, bring it to the United 
States Congress. Yes, I understand there is need for the protection of 
our intelligence sources, and as well that there are decisions that the 
Commander in Chief has to make. But I am extremely opposed to these 
kind of war mongering efforts without any facts and without any 
substance.
  It is important to realize that the lives of Americans are on the 
line. Yes, I am standing toe-to-toe and head-to-head and shoulder-to-
shoulder on fighting terrorism in America. I supported the resolution 
that gave the President the authority to fight terrorism in 
Afghanistan. I am pleased that Chairman Karzai has recently taken over 
the leadership of Afghanistan so we will have a head of state to help 
us fight that war.
  But it is extremely important, Mr. Speaker, as I close, in light of 
the tragedy of September 11, in light of the questions about sharing 
intelligence between the FBI and the CIA, to know whether we are making 
the right decision of this covert action, whether or not we are putting 
our young men and women in jeopardy, in harm's way, without any facts 
and any study and any plan.
  No, lawmakers in totality are not for this plan, and we need to 
question it and stand up and be counted and not be afraid of being 
called unpatriotic, because I believe that that is what democracy is 
all about, is to ask the questions and get the solutions.
  Mr. Speaker, amid a growing debate over whether to expand the post-
September 11

[[Page 10514]]

``war on terrorism'' to Iraq and amid fears that Iraq could provide 
weapons of mass destruction expertise to terrorist groups, President 
Bush has threatened unspecified action against Iraq to prevent its re-
emergence as a threat. The House passed H.J. Res. 75 by a vote of 392-
12, which said that Iraq's refusal to readmit U.N. inspectors is a 
material breach of its international obligations and a mounting threat 
to peace and security. The resolution did not explicity authorize U.S. 
military action.
  Amid U.S. threats, Iraq held a meeting with U.N. Secretary General 
Annan on the restart of inspections. Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld 
suggested that the United States would accept new inspections only if 
such inspections were unconditional and comprehensive, a standard that 
some Administration officials believe Iraq will never meet.
  Several Western and most Arab governments are opposed to a U.S. 
military campaign against Iraq, a message reinforced by Arab leaders to 
Vice President Cheney on his trip to the Middle East in March. Arab 
leaders have voiced opposition to an attack on Iraq at the Arab League 
summit, during which Iraq and Kuwait took some steps to reconcile.
  Top U.S. military leaders see major risks and difficulties in a large 
U.S. ground offensive, which could require up to 250,000 U.S. troops, 
intended to overthrow Saddam and install a new government. President 
Bush said that he has not decided on whether to authorize a U.S. 
military offensive against Iraq.
  The CIA proliferation assessment for Congress repeats U.S. suspicions 
of Iraqi rebuilding of and research on weapons of mass destruction but 
presents little hard evidence of such activity. Britain considered 
releasing in April 2002 a dossier of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction 
rebuilding but decided not to. The British concluded that its evidence 
was not sufficiently convincing. There are also allegations of illicit 
Iraqi imports of conventional military equipment. Iraq has been 
illicitly obtaining spare parts for fighter jets and helicopters from 
Belarus, Ukraine, and the former Yugoslavia. Additional reports discuss 
weapons buys from Ukraine.
  As international concerns for the plight of the Iraqi people has 
grown, the United States has found it increasingly difficult to 
maintain support for international sanctions. The ``oil-for-food'' 
program has been progressively modified to improve the living standards 
of Iraqis. The United States has eased its own sanctions to align them 
with the program.
  Iraq does not deserve international respect; that I agree with. 
However, unilateral foreign policy decisions affirmed by some leaders 
of Congress are not good either. We need full congressional oversight 
and review, including more voices to be heard, on whether covert action 
against Iraq would be successful or lead America into action against 
Iraq with no allies. I believe we have no consensus on an invasion of 
Iraq and I am requesting a full review by Congress of the 
Administration's move against Iraq now--and where it will lead us.

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