[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 148 (2002), Part 8]
[Senate]
[Pages 10315-10316]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                            THE MIDDLE EAST

  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, too often, the crush of daily business 
here in the Senate leaves us little time to discuss important issues 
that are not directly and immediately before us.
  Among the many issues that deserve greater attention, none is more 
important than the need for peace in the Middle East, and the security 
of our friend and ally, Israel. The urgency and importance of this 
issue couldn't be more stark. In this past week alone, a suicide 
bomber--the 68th in the last 21 months--blew up a fast food restaurant 
in Israel, killing a 15-year-old girl. Another bomb, placed near a road 
near Hebron, injured three Israeli teenagers. A third bomb, detonated 
next to a bus outside Tel Aviv, killed 17 Israelis. A fourth attack--
this one with guns, not bombs--killed a pregnant mother. Less than a 
week: three bombs; several attacks. The targets in each--civilians: 
fathers, mothers, teenagers, young children.
  Given the steady stream of terrorist acts, the historic enmity 
between the parties, and the stakes involved, the situation could 
hardly be more difficult. But we cannot turn our backs or allow the 
specter of violence to diminish our commitment. Our unique relationship 
with Israel, and the strategic importance of the Middle East, demand 
that the United States play a leading role in helping to end the 
current crisis.
  The President recognizes this dynamic, and has spoken out forcefully 
on the importance of the leaders in the region taking steps to end the 
violence. There can be no mistaking the indignation he feels about what 
is happening in Israel or his appreciation for the strategic importance 
of the entire region to our national security. In fact, he and his team 
have undertaken an effort to sound out leaders in the region in order 
to fashion a new way forward. I understand that as early as next week 
he will outline the results of those efforts. Like all Americans, I am 
eager to hear the President's plan.
  If there is one message in our success so far in the global war on 
terrorism it is this: When we stand together, terrorism cannot win. 
Right now, at this very moment, Afghanistan's new leaders are meeting 
in Kabul to choose a new government, a government that will represent 
Afghans of all ethnic backgrounds. They are sending a message of hope 
that the Taliban and al-Qaida never could: Terrorists can only destroy, 
democracies build. We want the Palestinian people to know that if their 
leaders will take the necessary steps to end the violence in their 
region, we are ready to build in the West Bank and Gaza too.
  This afternoon I want to talk briefly about three principles that I 
believe should guide our efforts to help bring security, stability, 
and, ultimately, peace to this troubled region.
  First, after 68 homicide bombings, the debate over whether Chairman 
Arafat is unable or unwilling to stop terrorism is unproductive and 
irrelevant. It is no longer important. What matters is that Chairman 
Arafat has clearly and consistently failed the test of leadership. If 
Chairman Arafat would take consistent, decisive actions against 
terrorist violence, circumstances would be different. But he has been 
unwilling to exercise this basic authority that is required of his 
office and required by the agreements he has signed and the commitments 
he has made on behalf of the Palestinian people. He has undermined his 
own credibility as the leader of the Palestinian people.
  The second principle that should guide our efforts is this: Words 
alone are not enough. Reform demands results. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and 
Jordan are all pushing for reforms of the Palestinian Authority. Their 
efforts are commendable. Unfortunately, their demands--and the demands 
of the Palestinian people--seem to be falling on deaf ears. Chairman 
Arafat has put a figurehead in control of the security services, 
leaving the power in his own hands. He signed the Basic Law but has 
done nothing to implement it. He added five new faces to his Cabinet, 
none of whom has the power to affect real change. And he announced new 
elections but set no date for them.
  It is time to demand results, beginning with a democratic Palestinian 
leadership that confronts corruption and provides security for the 
Palestinian people and their neighbors. We want the Palestinian people 
to know: Such changes will garner support--in this country and in this 
Congress. America's people and political institutions will help rebuild 
the West Bank and repair the infrastructure of Palestinian society when 
the Palestinian leadership rejects violence and moves toward real, 
democratic reform. Such leadership, I am convinced, will also find a 
willing partner in Israel, which

[[Page 10316]]

has time and again taken risks for peace. Rabin did it at Oslo, 
Netanyahu at Wye, and Barak at Camp David. And earlier this week, in 
this very building, Prime Minister Sharon made it clear he would be 
willing to make the sacrifices necessary to add his name to this 
distinguished list of warriors who fought for peace, if he is convinced 
there is a committed partner on the other side of the peace table.
  The third and final principle is this: America's commitment to peace 
in the Middle East must be clear and consistent. It must never wane. 
President Harry Truman recognized Israel as a valued ally 6 minutes 
after Israel was created. Every American President since Harry Truman 
has known that the best hope for peace and positive reform in the 
region lies in sustained and decisive American engagement.
  Every President since Harry Truman has made such engagement a 
cornerstone of American foreign policy. The current violence in the 
Middle East does not diminish the importance of U.S. engagement, it 
increases it. If there is to be any lasting peace, any chance for 
regional stability, Israel must be secure enough to make peace and 
strong enough to enforce it. That is a commitment the United States has 
made--and will keep. But there is another commitment we must honor as 
well, and that is our commitment to stand by Israel when she takes 
risks for peace, and stand with all parties who embrace peace as their 
goal--Israelis and Palestinians.
  The United States is, and will remain, Israel's best friend. We are 
also the best hope for bringing all of the parties in the region 
together at the peace table. No other country in the world is in a 
better position to facilitate a dialog. We must remain actively and 
consistently engaged in the search for peace. We do not, for one 
minute, underestimate the difficulty of this task. The challenges, and 
the risks, are enormous. But the probable cost of doing nothing or 
vacillating from our historic course is far greater. It is too great a 
price to even consider.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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