[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 148 (2002), Part 3]
[Senate]
[Pages 4200-4205]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                              THE MIDEAST

  Mr. SPECTER. Madam President, I have sought recognition to comment 
briefly about a trip I made to the Mideast and to the efforts being 
made at getting a cease-fire and a truce.
  Two weeks ago yesterday, I arrived in Jerusalem and met with General 
Zinni, and then with Israel's Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, and then 
with the Palestinian Authority's Chairman, Yasser Arafat.
  On that day, I was told by all three of those men that they were very 
close to finding agreement on security arrangements under the so-called 
Tenet Plan put forward by CIA Director George Tenet.
  Then the next day there was the massacre, the suicide bomber at the 
Passover Seder where 22 people were killed and several hundred were 
wounded. Then the whole situation in the Mideast exploded.

[[Page 4201]]

  The Israelis then undertook a military operation to try to root out 
the suicide bombers. And following the initiation of that military 
operation, the suicide bombers stopped for a few days. Then they 
started again yesterday.
  I am glad to say that Secretary of State Colin Powell has gone to the 
Mideast at the President's direction. I know the Secretary would have 
preferred to have gone after all of the arrangements had been worked 
out and it could be a triumphant tour, but I do believe it is necessary 
to make an effort even where success is not assured. Nobody hits a home 
run, we can't expect someone to hit a home run every time they go to 
bat.
  The risks for the United States of doing nothing are much greater 
than the risks if we try, even if there is not immediate success.
  On the wave of the suicide bombings, it is very difficult to ask the 
Israelis to stop their efforts in self-defense to root out the 
terrorists and to stop the suicide bombers. It is very hard to do. We 
cannot allow, the world cannot allow suicide bombings to become an 
epidemic. What happened to the United States on 9-11 involved suicide 
bombers, just a little bit more sophisticated. They hijacked airplanes 
that they crashed into the trade towers. One was headed to the White 
House which hit the Pentagon, and another was headed to the Capitol 
which went down in Somerset County, PA.
  If suicide bombers are not stopped, they are going to become an 
epidemic and a way of life; no one is going to be safe. It is very 
difficult to expect Israel not to act in its own self-defense in 
rooting out the suicide bombers.
  The evidence came to light last week, or the purported evidence, that 
documents were found which bore the signature of Chairman Arafat on 
paying money to terrorists who were involved against the State of 
Israel. It seemed to me that when that evidence came to light, we had 
to check it out thoroughly to see if in fact it was true. There has not 
been conclusive authentication, although from all appearances it seems 
to be accurate.
  The Palestinian Authority did not directly deny the accuracy but 
said, somewhat tangentially, that Israel sometimes concocted the 
documents and said further that Israel was using this issue for 
propaganda purposes. Both of those responses are really beside the 
point. The point is, are those documents authentic?
  There yet ought to be a determination, perhaps made by a U.S. 
official, perhaps by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or perhaps by 
the CIA or some impartial agency, to see for sure if that is in fact 
Chairman Arafat's signature and his handwriting.
  When I saw him 2 weeks ago yesterday, I asked him a great many 
questions. One of the questions I asked him involved the Iranian 
shipment of arms to the Palestinian Authority which was documented. At 
that time, there was not conclusive proof linking Arafat personally, 
but there was conclusive proof that it went to the Palestinian 
Authority. When I talked to Chairman Arafat and his advisers in the 
face of their denials that it ever happened, it seemed to me not 
credible and not worthy of belief.
  When I saw Chairman Arafat, I conveyed General Zinni's message that 
Chairman Arafat ought to make an emphatic, unequivocal statement in 
Arabic to stop the suicide bombings. Chairman Arafat refused to do 
that.
  If it turns out that these documents do in fact bear Arafat's 
handwriting and if it is conclusive that Arafat has paid off 
terrorists, then it seems to me very difficult to deal with Arafat or 
to ask Israel to deal with Arafat.
  I am not unmindful of the grave difficulty as to how we negotiate 
with the Palestinian Authority if we do not negotiate with Arafat. But 
the ultimate question is, what is an arrangement, what is an agreement 
with Arafat, worth if in fact he has been paying off terrorists? You 
have a sequence of events that would be most damning. The Iranian arms 
deal is very problematic. His refusal to make an unequivocal statement 
in Arabic to stop the suicide bombings is also obviously very 
problematic.
  I am glad to see Secretary of State Powell talking to moderate Arab 
leaders first. The reports were that when he met with Mohamed VI, the 
leader in Morocco, Mohamed VI challenged the Secretary on why he had 
waited so long to come to the Mideast and why he had gone to Morocco 
instead of going to Jerusalem where the war problem existed. I think 
Secretary of State Powell was correct in going to Morocco first and 
then talking to the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia who happened to be in 
Morocco as well, then proceeding to Egypt, and then to talk to King 
Abdullah of Jordan--to go to the moderate Arabs first.
  I frankly like King Mohamed VI's spunk in challenging the United 
States. I think that kind of independence and that kind of directness 
is very refreshing, even though I believe Secretary of State Powell is 
correct and had a good answer for Mohamed VI. I have had a chance to 
meet him on prior trips to the Mideast. He is a man in his late 
thirties. I think it shows great promise of leadership in the moderate 
Arab world. He follows his father who had good relations with Israel 
and had an open mind. He has the real potential for leadership.
  On the trip to the Mideast a week ago last Thursday, I had a chance 
to talk to King Abdullah of Jordan. There is another young moderate 
leader of the Arab world who has real potential.
  I have been a little disappointed lately in what President Mubarak 
has had to say and a little surprised to see in the morning's press 
that it is the Egyptian Foreign Minister who had a press conference 
with Secretary of State Powell as opposed to President Mubarak.
  When President Mubarak was visiting here a few weeks ago and a number 
of Senators met with him in the Foreign Relations Room downstairs in 
the Capitol, the question was raised about an editor of a newspaper 
reportedly very close to President Mubarak who had spread false rumors 
or printed a false report that the United States was engaged in 
providing tainted food in Afghanistan which is totally untrue. The 
question arises as to why that is going on. It may be that it can't be 
controlled by President Mubarak. But when that question was posed, 
there was not a satisfactory answer given to it.
  President Mubarak has been a strong moderate leader for many years. 
The United States has responded with $2 billion a year since the late 
1970s, or in the range of $50 billion in United States aid to Egypt in 
recognition of their leadership.
  It may be that what we will have to look for ultimately is some other 
representative, if Chairman Arafat is disqualified because of what he 
has done, it may be that the moderate leaders such as Mohamed, or 
Abdullah, or Mubarak, will have to step forward. It is very troublesome 
as to what may be accomplished. I am hopeful that Secretary of State 
Powell will be able to broker a truce. As I said, 2 weeks ago yesterday 
they were very close to security arrangements and to an agreement among 
Chairman Arafat, General Zinni, and Prime Minister Sharon. But beyond 
the truce, I think Secretary of State Powell is correct. As he 
commented yesterday, there has to be an immediate action toward a 
political settlement.
  There has been agreement that there will be a Palestinian State. 
Prime Minister Sharon has acknowledged that, and that is understood in 
Israel. Those are the terms of the Oslo agreement President Bush talked 
about. I do think there are ways to move ahead to see to it that the 
issues of boundaries, the issues of settlements, and all the other 
issues in the political mixture can be worked out.
  During our trip, we also had an opportunity to meet with President 
Bashar al-Asad of Syria, another young man--a new generation--in his 
thirties. He is 36 years of age. I had occasion to get to know his 
father, Hafez al-Asad. I have been traveling to Syria almost every year 
since 1984 and had many meetings--more than a dozen--with President 
Hafez al-Asad, and I had an opportunity to meet President Bashar al-
Asad when I attended the funeral in June of 2000.
  In a meeting I had with President Asad a week ago Saturday, we talked

[[Page 4202]]

about a great many subjects. It is my hope, as matters evolve, that 
President Bashar Asad will present a new image for Syria. I know in 
today's press it is reported that Vice President Cheney has contacted 
President Bashar Asad about not opening up a second front in Lebanon. 
It is my hope that Syria will be cooperative in that respect.
  When I talked to President Asad a week ago Saturday, I raised a 
number of issues with him. He had been quoted at the Arab summit, 
saying it was acceptable to target civilians. I commented to him that I 
thought that was not appropriate, that you simply cannot target 
civilians. Civilians might be injured and they might be casualties, as 
civilians were injured when the United States bombed Yugoslavia, but to 
target civilians is unacceptable. We had a discussion about that. He 
responded there were thousands of settlers in the Golan who were armed, 
and I replied that if that situation was unsatisfactory to Syria, 
President Asad should pick up what his father did and try to negotiate 
a settlement on an arrangement brokered by President Clinton back in 
the mid-1990s, when Syria and Israel were very close to agreement, with 
Prime Minister Rabin and President Hafez al-Asad.
  I commented about President Asad's speech last summer where he 
equated Naziism with Zionism. I told him that that not only was 
unacceptable and problematic for the international Jewish community, 
but for the international community generally. President Asad responded 
that if you talked to the man in the street in Damascus, he or she 
would not know very much about Naziism, but they would be very unhappy 
with Israel. I said equating Zionism and Naziism is very repugnant, 
that the principal reason for the Jewish nation in Israel was the 
Holocaust and the incineration of 6 million Jews, and that kind of 
equation is unacceptable.
  In conclusion, I see colleagues coming to the floor, so I will not 
take up any more floor time. I think we have to pursue new avenues. I 
think we have to look to moderate Arabs such as Mohamed of Morocco, 
Abdullah of Jordan, and Mubarak of Egypt to lead the way. And if we 
find this evidence as to Yasser Arafat's complicity in paying 
terrorists, we have to face up to that head on.
  President Bush has been very emphatic that you can't deal with 
terrorists, you can't deal with anybody who harbors terrorists. In 
moving forward with negotiations, before there is a truce, there is a 
real problem there on the appearance of rewarding terrorism by having 
negotiations before there is a truce. Prime Minister Sharon had 
insisted on 7 days of quiet before he would negotiate, and in the 
interest of trying to move the process forward, he has abandoned that 
precondition. But we have to be very careful in our dealings here that 
we do not reward terrorists, which will only encourage more terrorism.
  I ask unanimous consent that my trip report be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

Senator Arlen Specter, Report on Foreign Travel, England, Netherlands, 
  Greece, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Jordan, Syria, March 22-April 1, 2002


                                england

       We arrived in London on the evening of Friday, March 22, 
     2002. On Saturday morning, Glyn Davies, Deputy Chief of 
     Mission (Charge d' Affairs), and Mr. Ethan Goldrich, First 
     Secretary, of the U. S. Embassy staff provided a briefing. We 
     discussed the British reaction to a host of issues, including 
     Iraq, Iran, Russia, China, steel, anti-terrorism coalitions, 
     NATO, England's Jewish population, and embassy security.
       The U.S. decision imposing tariffs on steel imports has 
     been of great concern to British officials. The issue appears 
     to be less of a bilateral one between the U.S. and the U.K., 
     and more of a concern about increased dumping of steel from 
     countries excluded from U.S. markets that could affect the 
     British steel industry.
       Domestically, Mr. Davies noted that the political landscape 
     is dominated by Prime Minister Tony Blair. Tory power is low 
     currently. Domestic problems such as crime and health care 
     remain unsolved. England's bureaucratic structure is very 
     powerful, and is about equal to the political establishment. 
     Mr. Davies shared a story about the bureaucratic heads 
     preparing separate memos immediately before the election 
     outlining different initiatives depending on who won.
       I asked about the solidity of the U.S.-led coalition. The 
     embassy staff noted that five nations have troops on the 
     ground in support of the Afghanistan action and that fourteen 
     countries are members of the assistance force. There is a 
     general feeling that even Great Britain's support for the 
     U.S. has somewhat diminished. Immediately after the September 
     11, 2001 attacks, the British people showed an outpouring of 
     support through letters, telephone calls and acts of 
     kindness. Many people drove to Heathrow Airport to take home 
     stranded Americans. Further, over 50,000 people came to the 
     Embassy to sign condolence books in the rain. Despite this 
     overwhelming support, the British people and officials are 
     often concerned about the use of their troops. They fear an 
     ``overstretch problem'' with commitments around Europe and 
     elsewhere and are skeptical of further military actions, 
     including one against Iraq.
       On the issue of Iran, there appears to be a real divergence 
     between the U.S. and U.K. positions. England opened an 
     Embassy in the hopes of improving communication between the 
     two nations. They are appealing to the moderates in Iran, who 
     are known to exist, but are not in positions of power yet. 
     President Bush's inclusion of Iran in the `` Axis of Evil'' 
     is reportedly viewed as inappropriate and the British are 
     treading lightly with regard to Iranian issues.
       We discussed the security of the U.S. Embassy. Protective 
     actions have been taken, but more work is reportedly 
     warranted.
       That evening, we had dinner with the Rt. Ron. Geoffrey 
     Johnson Smith, a former Member of Parliament who recently 
     retired. Geoffrey and I debated in November 1949 when he 
     represented Oxford and I was on the University of 
     Pennsylvania team. We discussed the wide range of U.S./
     British relations, including our 1949 debate topic: 
     ``Resolved that the British Empire is Decadent.''


                              netherlands

       From London, we traveled to The Hague, Netherlands, and 
     met, dined and stayed with U.S. Ambassador Clifford M. Sobel 
     and his wife Barbara with whom we discussed a wide range of 
     issues.
       On Monday, March 25th, we met at the headquarters of the 
     International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia 
     (ICTY). The attendees at the meeting were Carla Del Ponte, 
     Chief Prosecutor; Mark Ierace, Senior Trial Attorney; Gavin 
     Ruxton, Senior Legal Advisor; Mark B. Harmon, Senior Trial 
     Attorney; Michael Johnson, Chief of Prosecutions; Anton 
     Nikifozov, Special Advisor; Jean Jacques Joris, Diplomatic 
     Advisor; and Graham Blewitt, Deputy Prosecutor.
       The Tribunal has six ongoing trials in two types of cases: 
     leadership and criminal. There are three courtrooms with 
     morning and afternoon sessions. The U.N. has provided a 
     budget of $200 million for two years, which forced the ICTY 
     to eliminate two full trial teams. The ICTY now has six trial 
     teams. Efficiency has been reportedly questions by the U.N., 
     but Ms. Del Ponte and her staff feel that these criticisms 
     are unfounded. The workload for the ICTY is immense, with one 
     case producing a quarter of a million documents, which 
     require translation into three languages. Overall, twenty-
     five cases have been completed.
       We had planned to view the Slobodan Milosevic trial; 
     however, it was postponed due to Milosevic' s having the flu. 
     That trial has attracted much international attention, and 
     the ICTY staff is concerned that the trial is an opportunity 
     for Milosevic to make political statements. The prosecutors 
     are confident that another view will be taken by the public 
     once the prosecution has a chance to expose Milosevic's 
     weaknesses.
       Former Ambassador Holbrooke has been called to testify. We 
     were told that the U.S. Government has invoked Rule 70 for 
     any Americans testifying, which would require a closed 
     session. Ms. Del Ponte fears that this may provide Milosevic 
     an opportunity to announce through the media his version of 
     the closed sessions. Ms. Del Ponte said she discussed the 
     likelihood of the U.S. waiving the rule with Secretary of 
     State Colin Powell who said he would consider it.
       I asked about the status of the Radovan Karadzic and Ratko 
     Mladic cases. Karadzic has been sought for six years with 
     reports that he travels with impunity. Two raids have been 
     made recently related to his case. Similarly, Mladic is not 
     the type of person who is able to hide in his country. There 
     are reports that Mladic has been seen in a Belgrade Park with 
     60 guards. The Tribunal's work is hampered by the fugitive 
     status of these two men.
       I asked for an update on the Rwanda prosecutions. On the 
     cases, the Tribunal has 53 detainees, including 17 on trial 
     and 32 awaiting trial. Ms. Del Ponte frequently visits Rwanda 
     as a part of her oversight duties. Each Tribunal--for the 
     former Yugoslavia and Rwanda--has roughly the same staff of 
     70 attorneys each, although the vacancy rate is high in the 
     Rwanda office.


                                 greece

       En route to Saudi Arabia, we stopped briefly in Souda Bay, 
     Crete in Greece. We met with U.S. Ambassador Thomas Miller 
     and discussed many issues. First, we spoke about

[[Page 4203]]

     Greek support of the U.S.-led war on terrorism, as well as 
     threats in Greece by a group known as November 17th. They 
     have reportedly killed twenty-two U.S. and other foreign 
     personnel in Greece since 1975. We also discussed trade, 
     which balances fairly heavily in favor of the U.S., primarily 
     through military equipment sales.
       We touched on the Cypress issue, which the Ambassador 
     thinks is close to being resolved. On U.S. action in Iraq, 
     the Greeks urge diplomacy over military action. The 
     Ambassador recommends the U.N. as the best forum to discuss 
     Iraq with Greece and other hesitant nations. Moving onto the 
     Israeli-Palestinian crisis, the Greeks appear to be 
     supportive of the Saudi plan. Further, the Greeks see 
     potential in Iran as part of the solution to tensions in the 
     Middle East, as evidenced by the Greeks hosting Iranian 
     President Khatemi recently.


                              saudi arabia

       From Greece, we continued on to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. 
     Before leaving Washington, D.C., we were told we would meet 
     with Crown Prince Abdullah Monday night or Tuesday morning. 
     Upon arriving there, we were told to await a call setting the 
     meeting time on Monday evening. Shortly thereafter, we were 
     advised there would be no meeting because the Crown Prince 
     was preparing for the Beirut summit and would be departing 
     for Beirut early the next morning.


                                 israel

       We left Saudi Arabia on the morning of Tuesday, March 26th 
     and stopped briefly in Amman, Jordan, as required by Saudi 
     regulations, on our way to Tel Aviv, Israel.
       That afternoon, we met with General Anthony Zinni, U.S. 
     envoy to the Middle East. General Zinni said the Israelis and 
     Palestinians were very close to an agreement on the Tenet 
     plan. He had been in negotiations with the leaders of both 
     sides and reported progress at every meeting. The plan 
     proposed by Director of Central Intelligence George Tenet in 
     June 2001 was Zinni's working draft. That plan is focused on 
     security issues. The process would then lead directly into 
     the George Mitchell plan on political matters and end with 
     resolving final status issues.
       General Zinni stressed that a plan would have to be given 
     time to work on the ground. He believes Israelis will be 
     satisfied if they believe Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian 
     Authority are making a 100% effort to end the violence. He 
     suggests the use of outside monitors, including some U.S. 
     personnel, to evaluate the situation after an agreement is 
     reached. Under the Tenet plan, they would monitor arrests, 
     including the use of proper procedures; weapons confiscation, 
     including disposal; and actions of incitement of violence.
       When I asked about his reaction to the Saudi proposal, the 
     General said it was a remarkable plan, because of the mere 
     fact that it was offered and that it appears to have strong 
     Arab support from around the region. He said the Saudi plan 
     could further political discussions.
       There is a great deal of speculation as to whether Yasser 
     Arafat can control the violence. His forces have been 
     weakened by Israeli attacks. Upon learning of my meeting 
     later that evening with Arafat, General Zinni asked me to 
     make a few points. First, Arafat needs to sign and follow the 
     Tenet agreement. Second, Arafat must make a clear declaration 
     to end the violence in Arabic and English. Chairman Arafat 
     has been accused of saying one thing in Arabic and the 
     opposite in English.
       General Zinni told me that the Israelis are very concerned 
     about the Syrian connection to Hezbollah in Southern Lebanon, 
     which reportedly has about 8,000 rockets that could be used 
     against Israel. We discussed the need for more pressure on 
     countries to stop funding terrorism. These countries allow 
     organizations to operate, exploit children as suicide 
     bombers, and funnel cash for arms. The General suggested that 
     an Arab non-governmental organization or cooperation with the 
     U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and other 
     humanitarian groups from around the world could help address 
     the poverty from which terrorist groups recruit young 
     terrorists.
       Late that afternoon, I met with Prime Minister Sharon and 
     U.S. Ambassador Daniel Kurtzer. Prime Minister Sharon was 
     generally upbeat and in a good mood notwithstanding the 
     pressures and problems. He asked our Ambassador what had 
     happened on his (Sharon's) request to attend the Beirut Arab 
     summit. The Ambassador replied that the inquiry had, not 
     unexpectedly, been turned down. Prime Minister Sharon 
     expressed appreciation that an effort had been made.
       There was then an extended discussion over the U.S. request 
     to let Chairman Arafat attend the Beirut summit. Sharon said 
     Arafat shall not be rewarded since he had done nothing to 
     stop the violence. At least, Sharon said, Arafat should have 
     made some statement about ending the violence.
       Sharon then asked the U.S. Ambassador if the U.S. would 
     back up Israel in refusing to allow Arafat back in if 
     violence occurred in his absence. As events developed, Arafat 
     was not permitted to leave Ramallah and nothing came of the 
     issue.
       I asked Sharon what would occur if the suicide bombings 
     continued after Arafat made an adequate statement for 
     terrorists to end the violence. Sharon replied that all 
     Arafat could do was give 100% of his best efforts. It was 
     apparent from Sharon's tone that he did not trust or expect 
     anything positive or productive to come from Arafat.
       At 7:00 p.m., Joan and I had a pre-Passover Seder dinner 
     with my sister and brother-in-law Hilda and Arthur 
     Morgenstern who live in Jerusalem.
       At 8:30 p.m., we embarked in an armored car for the 40-
     minute drive to Ramallah. Our security officer advised that 
     many weapons commonly used by Palestinian terrorists could 
     destroy our vehicle. To say the least, it was an uneasy ride.
       When we came to the line of demarcation between Israeli and 
     Palestinian territory, we noted a tall cement barrier to 
     shield Israeli soldiers from Palestinian snipers. We were 
     advised that there were Israeli snipers a block away in a 
     high-rise abandoned hotel.
       Starting at 9:30 p.m., we spent about an hour and a half 
     with Chairman Arafat at his compound in Ramallah. Also 
     attending were Sa'eb Erekat, Minister of Local Government; 
     Nabil Abu Rudeinch, Chief de Cabinet; and Jeff Feltman from 
     the U.S. Consulate.
       Chairman Arafat said he thought General Zinni was correct 
     that a deal was close. He said the most recent meeting was 
     very positive. Mr. Erekat stated that they are one-hundred 
     percent committed to the Tenet plan. Generally, we were told 
     that the deal is acceptable, with some specific items still 
     in negotiation.
       I told Arafat that General Zinni is asking for his public 
     denouncement to end the violence to be in English and Arabic. 
     Arafat said he has made these statements in the past, 
     sometimes at the request of American officials like Secretary 
     of State Colin Powell, and that he will agree to do it again. 
     Arafat said, confirmed by Erekat, that he will follow the 
     precise script agreed to with Zinni and Israeli officials in 
     Arabic as well as English.
       Regarding Arafat's control of terrorist groups, he said he 
     could control them if he has help to rebuild his forces, 
     buildings, and infrastructure. He said that with every 
     Israeli strike, his power to stop the violence is diminished.
       I brought up the subject of the Iranian arms shipment 
     destined for Palestinian groups that was seized recently. 
     Chairman Arafat became very animated, denied that the 
     Palestinian Authority had received arms from Iran, claimed he 
     did not need weapons and said the Iranians have called for 
     his death, so he questions why anyone would think he would be 
     dealing with them. His denials of dealing for Iranian arms 
     were totally unpersuasive in view of the conclusive evidence 
     to the contrary.
       I also asked his opinion on possible action against Iraq. 
     He urged extreme caution, arguing that it would greatly 
     strengthen Iran. He warns that the Shiite Muslim areas, 
     accounting for as much as half of Iraq' s total population, 
     would be taken over by Iran, and that Iran's borders would 
     expand. Further, he claimed that Iran and Turkey would argue 
     over control of the Kurds.
       On Wednesday, March 27th, we met with Israeli Foreign 
     Minister Shimon Peres. He said the Tenet plan must be 
     expanded to deal with political issues. He is not convinced 
     that a solution is close. He stated there are a number of 
     items that he feels are necessary for a successful peace 
     proposal, including: recognition of a Palestinian state; 
     determining borders; no ``right of return'' for Palestinian 
     refugees; Jewish settlements; Jerusalem as a holy place 
     without sovereignty; and security.
       He has urged General Zinni not to ask Arafat for things he 
     cannot do and recommends making private requests of Arafat, 
     instead of open demands. It is Peres' sense that Arafat feels 
     he is winning and wants to be seen as a moderate ruler to the 
     world and as a popular leader with his people. He reiterated 
     concerns that Arafat delivers different messages for 
     different audiences and is careful not to issue orders, so as 
     to protect himself. He thinks the Saudi plan is 
     psychologically significant, because it recognizes the 
     Israeli state and pulls the whole Arab world together.
       On potential U.S. action against Saddam Hussein, it is 
     Peres' opinion that the Arab leaders would publicly condemn 
     the action, but be relieved privately.
       We spoke of the future of the region and Mr. Peres believes 
     that Arab nations must realize that poverty does not create 
     terror; terror creates poverty. They must also realize that 
     nobody can help them transition into modern states but 
     themselves. Scientific and technological research and 
     advances provide the key to a stable, prosperous future. 
     However, a major impediment to these activities is a closed 
     society. He said there are no more excuses for backward 
     societies now that empires and foreign rule are over. Only an 
     open, free society will allow for this innovation.
       Threatening the future of the region is the close 
     association with religion and terrorism. He said that so many 
     people in the Arab world consider attacks on civilians a 
     religious obligation to attain justice. This Machiavellian 
     idea that the end justifies the means, is very difficult to 
     reverse and leaves

[[Page 4204]]

     no room for compromise. Groups such as Hezbollah threaten 
     Israel, but they also threaten countries like Lebanon, which 
     has been a supporter of the group.


                                 jordan

       On the afternoon of Wednesday, March 27th, we traveled from 
     Tel Aviv, Israel, to Amman, Jordan. On Thursday morning, 
     March 28th, we met with U.S. Ambassador Edward ``Skip'' Gnehm 
     and his staff who briefed us on the regional issues.
       The U.S. provides annual foreign aid to Jordan in the 
     amount of $150 million for water, health care, and economic 
     assistance, as well as $75 million in military assistance. 
     The Ambassador was pleased that the President's Fiscal Year 
     2002 supplemental appropriations request includes $100 
     million for economic assistance and funds to help Jordan 
     purchase a $60.5 million radar system.
       The Ambassador noted that Jordan has a ``warm peace'' 
     relationship with Israel. Many Jordanians visited Israel 
     regularly before the violence erupted 18 months ago. Many 
     businesses also participate in the Qualifying Industrial Zone 
     program, which provides exports to the U.S. of products 
     produced by Jordan with Israeli input. The U.S. is Jordan's 
     top importer.
       Further, Jordanian intelligence is seen as a partner with 
     the Israelis and has helped foil many terrorist attacks. 
     There is a geographical interest for Jordan, because Israel 
     provides an outlet to the Mediterranean. However, there is an 
     internal Jordanian effort to end the relationship with 
     Israel.
       We next met with Jordan's King Abdullah bin Hussein at his 
     residence. We talked about the ongoing Arab summit and he 
     confirmed that there were security concerns for himself and 
     President Mubarak. They have many enemies, including 
     Hezbollah and al-Qaeda. He stated that the Lebanese were 
     making things difficult at the summit. He expressed surprise 
     at Syrian President Asad's speech that called on Arab nations 
     to sever ties with Israel.
       The King has been working closely with Saudi Crown Prince 
     Abdullah on the peace plan and emphasized the importance of a 
     general proposal that would offer peace from the Arabs to 
     Israel and send a message to Arab populations on the street 
     that it is time to change. He expected the peace plan to be 
     passed at the summit.
       He expressed concern about Arafat's not attending the 
     summit. The King did express optimism that General Zinni will 
     get something accomplished, but did note that Arafat's 
     control on the ground has diminished.
       With regard to Iraq, the King was much more hesitant and 
     argues that the timing is important. He feels the region is 
     too unstable to handle the Israeli-Palestinian crisis and a 
     move against Saddam Hussein in Iraq. However, he could not 
     give a timetable for such an action and questioned the 
     ability of the U.S. to form a coalition. He does believe that 
     Saddam is pursuing weapons of mass destruction.


                                 syria

       On Thursday, March 28th, we left Amman, Jordan, and arrived 
     in Damascus, Syria, where we were briefed by U.S. Ambassador 
     Theodore Kattouf, a native of Altoona, Pennsylvania, and his 
     staff.
       We discussed Syrian President Asad's statement at the Arab 
     summit, in which he justified attacks against civilians. The 
     Ambassador said the Syrians charge the U.S. with using a 
     double standard on U.N. Resolutions by urging strict 
     enforcement on Arabs and being lax on Israelis. He also said 
     the Syrians feel they have no hope for leverage against 
     Israel and its military might without Arab cooperation. 
     Further, Syrian leaders do not see any U.S. action to resolve 
     the issue of most concern to them, the Golan Heights. Vice 
     President Cheney did not visit Syria, which was seen as a 
     slight.
       On March 30th, we met with Syrian President Bashar al-Asad 
     and Deputy Prime Minister/Foreign Minister Farouk al-Shara. I 
     had previously met President Bashar al-Asad at his father's 
     funeral.
       President Asad told me that dialogue with Americans is very 
     important to him. He said he met with the American media in 
     Beirut two days prior. I thanked him for condemning the 
     September 11th attacks by al-Qaeda.
       He said the war in Afghanistan will not solve the problem, 
     rather a need for moderation is called for. Terrorism is 
     built on ideological extremism. He was sharply critical of 
     U.S. support for Israel and claimed that the terrorism 
     experienced by Israel is merely a reaction to terrorism 
     inflicted by Israel on the Palestinians.
       After praising President Asad's support for the Saudi 
     proposal to normalize relations with Israel, I expressed 
     disagreement with his speech at the Beirut summit where he 
     condoned terrorist attacks against Israeli citizens. He 
     sought to justify that approach saying there are thousands of 
     armed settlers holding Syrian territory in the Golan.
       I responded that he should resume negotiations with Israel 
     over the Golan Heights issue, which his father had pursued 
     and had come very close to resolving in negotiations brokered 
     by President Clinton. I said I thought President Bush might 
     well be willing to help on that matter.
       I urged President Asad to come to visit the U.S. with his 
     wife who has received significant public acclaim. I noted 
     King Abdullah's successful visit to the U.S. where the King 
     and his wife had made a public impact with their views.
       In the course of our one hour fifteen minute meeting, I 
     told President Asad that his 2001 speech at the Arab summit 
     equating Zionism with Nazism was offensive to a much larger 
     audience than the international Jewish community. I 
     emphasized that reference to Nazism was especially repugnant 
     since the Nazis had murdered six million Jews in crematoria 
     during World War II, which has been a major factor in world 
     Jewry's determination to establish Israel as a Jewish state 
     and homeland.
       President Asad replied that if the average citizen in 
     Damascus was asked about ``Nazism'' he would not know much 
     about it, but if asked about Israel, he would be very 
     opposed.
       Moving to Iraq, I told him of my concerns about Saddam's 
     weapons of mass destruction and his refusal to comply with UN 
     inspections. He said that it would be impossible for Iraq to 
     obtain nuclear weapons. He said Arabs would strongly oppose 
     U.S. action against Iraq and believes the matter should be 
     handled by the UN.
       He said that President Bush's inclusion of Iran in the 
     ``Axis of Evil'' was a mistake and was not acceptable to the 
     region.
       I told President Asad that I would like to see Syria take 
     action to warrant removal from the U.S. terrorism list. He 
     defended Hezbollah and other terrorist groups in Damascus and 
     was clearly disinclined to take any action against them. He 
     expressed the hope that the U.S. would deal with Syria on 
     matters other than only Israel. I replied that I would 
     explore the possibility of more U.S. trade and Syrian 
     membership in the World Trade Organization to the extent that 
     was not precluded by Syria's being on the U.S. terrorist 
     list.
       I brought to the President's attention the case of a U.S. 
     woman who had married a man from Lebanon who abducted their 
     two children to Syria after their divorce. President Asad 
     expressed his concern and advised that he would personally 
     look into the matter to try to determine the whereabouts of 
     the children.
       Following our meeting with President Asad, we departed for 
     Rome, Italy on the afternoon of March 30th where we were 
     hosted and met by Ambassador Mel Sembler and his wife Betty. 
     At each stop, we were greeted, briefed, and taken care of by 
     very competent and hospitable Ambassadors and their staffs.
       We remained in Rome on March 31st for an interview on 
     ``Face the Nation'' and departed Rome on April 1, 2002, for 
     the U.S.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New York is recognized.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I thank my colleague from Pennsylvania 
for his usual erudition which spans many topics. I enjoyed listening to 
him on this subject, and on Syria in particular, which remains quite an 
enigma to many of us. Bashar Assad, as he said, is untested at this 
point.
  Mr. SPECTER. I thank my colleague for his kind comments. He and I 
have worked on many subjects together.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I want to speak for a brief time about 
the Middle East as well. I guess I am addressing my speech, in a 
certain sense, to the President and the Secretary of State because many 
of us--certainly I and many of my constituents in New York and many 
colleagues in the Senate--are confused. I believe that in making this 
war on terrorism the No. 1 goal America faces, our President has done a 
great job. I support not only his concept but the execution. He has 
just been fabulous in this regard.
  My enthusiasm was not simply limited to the area of Afghanistan, 
southern Asia, and central Asia, but also to the Middle East because I 
have spent time talking to the President on numerous occasions about 
the Middle East. I have carefully followed his statements. What he has 
stated has been crystal clear, and that is that terrorism is terrorism 
is terrorism--whether it be in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or directed at 
Israel.
  The President has stated unequivocally that Yasser Arafat is engaged 
in terrorism and that until he is able to curb terrorism, we are not 
going to have peace in the Middle East. This administration even had 
the courage to put the Al Aqsa Brigade, a part of Fatah controlled by 
Yasser Arafat, on our Nation's terrorism list. Documents that were 
subsequently made public showed that Al Aqsa was engaging in terrorism 
and Yasser Arafat was fully aware.
  So the last few days have come as a shock, and so many of us are just 
totally perplexed. So this is an open

[[Page 4205]]

question to both Colin Powell and the President because sending Colin 
Powell to the Middle East I don't have a problem with, if someone can 
help make peace. I think it is difficult, and I think the tone in the 
Palestinian territories is decidedly against peace. I think the 
nihilism is enormous. I think the failure to deal with truth throughout 
the Arab world, with no free press, is incredible when an American 
Ambassador is vilified for asking that people stand up and remember it 
is not only Palestinian victims but also Israelis. For Colin Powell to 
come into the area and to try to bring the sides together, I do not 
have a problem with that.
  What is totally perplexing is this: Given the President's strong 
stands against terrorism wherever it rears its ugly head, given his 
view--and I say this as someone who, as you know, Madam President, has 
been pretty much up and down the line a supporter of the President's 
policies thus far, in Afghanistan, in the war against terrorism, and in 
the Middle East; I have said some very laudatory things--all of a 
sudden it seems the President's previous statements are being ignored.
  For instance, we are doing two things at once: Yasser Arafat, whom we 
acknowledge as an aider and abettor of terrorism--I believe he 
perpetrates terrorism--is going to meet with Colin Powell. Despite the 
fact that both the President and the Secretary of State have said 
repeatedly that they will not meet with Yasser Arafat until he 
renounces terrorism and takes some steps to end the violence, now we 
are meeting with him without any preconditions and, at the same time, 
Israel, which is acting defensively to prevent the kind of suicide 
bombings which no society can endure, is being restrained. Arafat, the 
terrorist, the perpetrator of terrorism, is given a pat on the back and 
a green light--``We will meet with him''--which is a reversal of 
administration policy because they were not going to meet with him 
until he did something--not just words but did something.
  Secretary Powell himself asked him to say things in English and 
Arabic which is a basic statement saying: You do not tell the truth; 
you talk with forked tongue. At the same time, we are telling Israel, 
which is simply trying to defend herself: Pull back.
  It seems as if the policy in the Middle East has had a 180-degree 
turn without any explanation, without understanding its inconsistency 
with even the President's speech last week, which I thought was a tour 
de force, without letting us understand as Americans who support the 
war on terrorism how we can sit down with someone who perpetrates 
terrorism, and at the same time chastise and put handcuffs around the 
country trying to defend itself against terrorism. It is very 
perplexing.
  I would like the administration to explain itself. What has brought 
about the 180-degree turn? Why is Colin Powell now meeting with Yasser 
Arafat without any preconditions? Why isn't America giving Israel the 
chance to get these suicide bombers, to take their weapons away? We all 
know we are not going to have peace if in a democracy its leaders can 
do nothing when a bomb goes off every day in a hotel or a pizza parlor 
or on the street or in a bus.
  The policy seems to be muddled, confused, and inconsistent with what 
seemed to be a crystal clear direction which I think the vast majority 
of Americans, whatever one's views are on other issues, supported.
  I fail to understand how we can reverse policy so quickly and so 
dramatically without any change. Has Yasser Arafat renounced terrorism? 
Has he arrested any of the suicide bombers in the last few days? What 
has changed? Is the word of what we say not to be believed, that we 
will change our views on a dime?
  This speech pains me because I was so enthusiastic about the 
President's policy in the Middle East until this past week. I would 
like to be enthusiastic again. I would like to believe there is 
something that none of us knows that justifies this reversal, but so 
far silence.
  I urge the Secretary of State and I urge our President to reconsider 
what they are doing. Make Yasser Arafat come clean; make him renounce 
the violence--the very same violence that we are fighting in 
Afghanistan and that we must fight in America has to be fought in 
Israel as well--and give Israel a little bit of the space that it 
needs--a week--to get after these engineers--terrorist if there ever 
was one--who make these evil bombs filled with explosives, nails, and 
ball bearings that are exploded amid innocent men, women, and 
children--civilians. Give them a chance to curb them. Then Colin Powell 
should come into the area and cause the sides to sit down and create 
peace. Maybe we will have a chance to succeed.
  I yield the floor.

                          ____________________