[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 148 (2002), Part 14]
[Senate]
[Pages 19053-19054]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                            MORNING BUSINESS

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will now 
proceed to a period of morning business.


                                  IRAQ

  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, there is no more solemn and important duty 
for the Senate, in my opinion, than to debate the momentous issues of 
war and peace. I remember in 1991 when we debated the gulf war 
resolution that it took on a very serious aura. Every Senator spoke. 
Senators actually came to the floor and listened to the debate. It was 
a challenge. Not a one of us didn't feel some amount of concern and 
trepidation and respect for the importance of that vote. I think we are 
fixing to embark on a debate of that magnitude again today.
  The issue of Iraq is one that we are concerned about and which we 
have been wrestling with for 11 years. But I think that today on the 
issue of Iraq we have reached what Winston Churchill called ``not the 
beginning of the end but the end of the beginning.''
  After weeks of careful preparation and bipartisan negotiation--it has 
been truly bipartisan on both sides of the aisle in the Senate, and in 
the House it has been a bicameral effort--I believe the Senate will, 
once again, show why it is called ``the greatest deliberative body.'' I 
think we will have some very interesting and very thoughtful speeches 
that will be given next week. Obviously, we will not all agree. 
Obviously, we will have respect for each other--no matter what the 
position may be.
  But I think, in the end, we are going to see we are going to have a 
very broad, bipartisan vote expressing our concern about what this 
situation is in Iraq, about the fact the United Nations resolutions--
all 16 of them--have been ignored, for the most part, for 11 years, and 
it is time we take action to avoid some horrendous events that could 
occur if we do not.
  I believe we will give the President the authority he needs to deal 
with this problem. I want to emphasize this President has listened, and 
he has also challenged us. He has shown commitment and leadership. Some 
of us in Congress were saying: We want to hear from the President. Come 
to us. Tell us what you know. Tell us what you want. Let us have a 
debate. Let us have a vote. He did so, and he continues to work with us 
to this very moment.
  Some people said: Oh, well, you have to take your case to the United 
Nations. Let the United Nations be a part of this. Encourage the United 
Nations--in fact, demand the United Nations--live up to its 
responsibility and its own resolutions.
  The President did that. He went to the United Nations and gave one of 
the most impressive speeches I believe he has ever given. He gave the 
bill of particulars to the world community about what the problems are 
and why we had to deal with this menace. I think it changed the United 
Nations. And while we still do not have a resolution from the United 
Nations, I know Secretary Powell is working on that.
  I know the President and others are talking to the world community. I 
have had the occasion, as the Republican leader of the Senate, to talk 
to representatives from seven countries over the past 2 weeks and get a 
feel for what they are thinking and what their concerns are, what their 
suggestions are.
  So this President is working with us, with the United Nations, and 
with the world community.
  As the Republican leader, I have entertained views from all sides of 
our

[[Page 19054]]

own caucus. When we got the first draft of the Iraq resolution, every 
word was not accepted as being perfect or brilliant. There were some 
suggestions made, and I listened to them. In fact, I remember there was 
one phrase in the resolution, when I read it the first time, I said: 
What does that really mean? I don't think I really like that.
  So we did have input. We did have the first draft sent by the 
President, but the President invited our input and our participation in 
the development of this resolution, and changes were made. We had the 
first resolution, the second resolution, the third resolution, and now 
the bipartisan resolution that was introduced in the Senate by Senator 
Lieberman, Senator Warner, Senator McCain, and Senator Bayh. It is the 
resolution we should consider. Will there be another alternative? 
Perhaps. I have no problem with that. Will there perhaps be an 
amendment that is agreed to in advance? Perhaps. I have no problem with 
that. I do think we are going to have a problem if we just allow this 
to be endlessly amended. It would be a filibuster by amendment.
  I think we need to have a full debate but be prepared to go to votes 
on these important issues by the middle of next week. Senator Daschle, 
perhaps, will give his own thinking about the specifics of when we 
might begin to get to some votes.
  I have listened to opinions on the other side of the aisle, too. I 
did not just talk to Senator Shelby or Senator Lugar or Senator McCain 
or Senator Warner or Senator Hutchinson. I talked to Senators on both 
sides of the aisle, and so did the administration. Because of this, I 
think we have been able, with the help of the White House and the 
combined House leadership, to emerge with a strong resolution we now 
present to the Congress and to the world.
  For those who brought us to this moment--the President, the Speaker, 
Congressman Gephardt, Senators Lieberman, Warner, McCain, Bayh, 
Daschle, and others--who are involved in this process, I think the 
Nation should be grateful. I believe the result of this debate, and the 
resolution we will vote on next week, will lead to a safer world.
  Let me make it clear from the outset, no one--not the President, not 
any Member of Congress--desires to see our men and women engaged in a 
fight in Iraq or anywhere unless it is absolutely necessary.
  Our history shows that Americans do not seek war; we always are slow 
to anger. But we got plenty mad last year because of the horror we saw 
here at home. We now realize the danger is not just over there, as they 
said in World War I and World War II. Oh, no, it is here. One suicide 
bomber, with a weapon of mass destruction, is a threat to thousands, 
perhaps millions.
  We are the only Nation in history, though, after having been involved 
in a war, a conflict, that has turned around and offered a helping hand 
to all the peoples of the world, including our enemies. We helped in 
Japan. We helped in Germany. We have done it over and over again.
  There is no greater force for good than the United States of America. 
When our security and our people are threatened, we act swiftly and 
decisively. But what we want for everybody is opportunity and freedom 
and democracy--or to choose what they want if they don't want 
democracy; make that choice.
  We want to be safe and secure here at home. That is what this is all 
about. We are good people, with attributes from our forefathers I am 
very proud of. But we are very serious about protecting our people at 
this critical time.
  I will save the catalog of Saddam Hussein's crimes for another time, 
probably about the middle of next week. But today we begin the process 
of ensuring this violent and cruel man can no longer menace us, his 
neighbors, and his own people. It is up to us today to send a message 
to the world, and to America's friends--particularly the Prime Minister 
of Great Britain, who has shown great strength--that we do appreciate 
what they have done, and we thank them for their support and courage, 
and we are committed to stand with them to eliminate the threat this 
rogue regime poses to peace in the world.
  Let there be no mistake either; the elimination of the Iraqi threat 
is essential if we are to win the war on terror. We know Saddam 
Hussein's ongoing relationship with the dark forces of international 
terrorism. Some people say: Show us a smoking gun. Well, there is a lot 
of smoke out there. We do know of a lot of things that are ongoing, and 
we will get into some greater discussion of that next week.
  We know other evil regimes are looking to see if he, Saddam Hussein, 
can once again bluff his way out of trouble, thereby emboldening others 
to seek more deadly means to threaten the United States and the 
civilized world.
  This has huge meaning. If we now go through the process of huffing 
and puffing and saying we are going to take action, and there are going 
to be inspections, and there is going to be the destruction of these 
weapons, and if not, we are prepared to do whatever is necessary, 
including using force, and we do not do it, the ramifications will be 
endlessly negative.
  The President, answering his critics who decry so-called American 
unilateralism, has put the case before the world. For 11 years, Saddam 
Hussein has flaunted the will of the United Nations. He has amassed 
stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction. He has gassed his own 
people. He has shown blatant contempt for the rule of law and the 
United Nations.
  If the United Nations is to be a force for peace, it must show it 
stands ready to meet this ongoing threat in the international 
community. If it does not, it will be consigned to the ash heap of 
history, as the League of Nations was before it--a grand idea unable to 
cope or confront evil dictators bent on the destruction of world peace.
  I said at the outset this vote is the ``end of the beginning.'' The 
Senate will rise to the occasion, as it has throughout its eventful 
history. As we engage in this momentous debate, let us ensure by its 
conclusion we will have set in motion ``the beginning of the end'' of 
Saddam Hussein and all for which he stands.
  Now, I see Senator Daschle is in the Chamber. I thank him for his 
effort in this regard. We do not always agree. We have a lot of 
conversations people don't even know about to try to come to a fair 
agreement on how to proceed. We talk about process, and we still have a 
way to go. But here, in a few minutes, we will officially begin this 
debate, an important debate. Every Senator will have his or her chance 
to have their say.
  I believe Senator Daschle has in mind a process most Senators will 
feel is fair--I hope all Senators. At the end of the day, in a 
reasonable period of time, we will get to a vote. But as we started, I 
thought it was important we express our appreciation for what has been 
done, and our reassurance to the American people and our colleagues we 
are going to ensure it be done in a respectful way, regardless of 
positions, but that it produces a result which is going to be good for 
America.
  Madam President, may I inquire, is it anticipated this would be the 
last vote of the day but that we would continue in session as long as 
any Senator wishes to speak?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Cantwell). The majority leader.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Responding to the distinguished Republican leader, the 
answer to that is, yes, this will be the final vote of the day. There 
will be no votes tomorrow, but we will be in session.
  It is my hope and expectation that Senators will avail themselves of 
the opportunity to come to the floor to not necessarily debate the 
resolution but to express themselves on the resolutions. The Senate 
will be available for that purpose today, tomorrow, Monday, and we will 
have more to say with regard to the specific schedule, perhaps as early 
as tomorrow. This will be the final vote today.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.

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