[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 148 (2002), Part 12]
[Senate]
[Pages 17273-17275]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                        VIOLENCE IN THE MIDEAST

  Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, in the past 24 hours the world awakened 
again to another tragic incident causing great damage, death, harm, and 
destruction to the people of Israel. There are now news reports that, 
understandably, the Israelis are positioning their forces such that 
they, first and foremost, have to defend their sovereignty and the 
people of their nation, but that could again result in injury and death 
to others.
  Regrettably, this has gone on for a very long time. Speaking for this 
one Senator, I feel it as an obligation on me, and I share that 
obligation with my colleagues, to address this subject and to put forth 
our own ideas as best we can fashion them. I am about to do that again. 
For the fourth time I have taken this floor and spoken about a concept 
I have had. I once again share it with my colleagues in hopes, if they 
have a better idea, if this administration has a better idea, then put 
it forward.
  My thoughts were expressed on the floor on May 2 of this year in the 
Congressional Record, page 3812; June 21, Congressional Record, page 
5891; July 24, Congressional Record, page 7299.
  On August 2, roughly 6 weeks ago, I wrote the President of the United 
States. Copies were sent to his principal Cabinet officials having 
responsibilities in these areas. I am going to read that letter because 
it embraces my thoughts. Even though it was 6 weeks ago, I still 
steadfastly believe this is one approach to this tragic situation that 
deserves consideration.
  I fully understand our President and his Cabinet are heavily engaged 
with regard to critical considerations on Iraq and the United Nations. 
But I believe there is a connection between the ongoing crisis and the 
unsettled situation and the death and destruction in this tragic 
conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people.
  Six weeks ago I wrote to the President. This is the first time, of 
course, I have made public this letter. I respect the President of the 
United States of whichever party. In these 24 years I have been 
privileged to be in the U.S. Senate, I have written on occasion, as

[[Page 17274]]

each of us do, to our Presidents. But I try not to write the letter and 
within the same day or days release it. So this is the first time I 
have released this letter. It was 6 weeks ago, August 2 of this year:

       Dear Mr. President, the Nation recently celebrated our 
     traditional 4th of July holiday--normally a time of joyful 
     reflection about our history and patriotism. Thankfully, it 
     was a peaceful day for America, but we entered that holiday 
     period confronted with yet more warnings off possible 
     terrorist attack. It is, indeed, prudent that our citizens be 
     warned of such threats, even when specifics are lacking. 
     However, if these warnings continue indefinitely, our people 
     will begin to wonder what is the root cause of this hatred 
     toward America and what is our government doing about it.
       For the first time in the over 200 year history of our 
     Republic we, under your leadership, are establishing a 
     Department of Homeland Security and designating a new 
     military command, U.S. Northern Command, to protect the fifty 
     states. We've taken bold steps at home; others must join us 
     in taking bold steps abroad.
       As we all know, the scourge of terrorism in our 21st 
     Century world is a complex, multi-faceted problem. There is 
     not a single cause, but many, including: disparate economic 
     development around the world; lack of political and economic 
     opportunity in many regions; the alarming spread of radical, 
     fundamentalist religious dogma's--especially Islam--amongst 
     those feeling disenfranch-
     ised from the mainstream; and, the parallel rise in ethnic 
     conflict after decades of oppression by Communist and other 
     tyrannical regimes.
       In this environment of perceived hopelessness and despair 
     for many of the world's youth, certain seemingly unsolvable 
     events continue to fan the flames of anger and hatred that 
     lead to irrational acts. This is manifested in the individual 
     acts of terror we witness almost daily on the streets of 
     Israel and in the recruitment of angry young men and women 
     into radical terror organizations that encourage them to vent 
     their anger in the most destructive, often suicidal, of ways.
       Finding solutions for the conditions that have bred this 
     hate and total disregard for peaceful solutions will be 
     complex, but it must be systematically addressed. Clearly, 
     you and key members of your Administration have shown, and 
     continue to show leadership in this area.
       But, we must ask the question, can more be done by others?
       The prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict contributes, in 
     part, to the unrest and anger in the Arab world. How much it 
     contributes cannot be quantified, but it is a significant and 
     growing factor. This conflict, often presented in a distorted 
     and biased manner to citizens of Arab nations, must be 
     confronted, if we are ever to meaningfully address the 
     disaffection and dissatisfaction felt by the people of this 
     region.
       Each act of violence by either side in this unending 
     conflict further erodes hope for a peaceful future for the 
     people of Israel, the people of Palestine and others 
     throughout the Middle East. In fact, each act of senseless 
     violence in the Middle East further erodes hope that someday 
     we can feel secure from terrorism here at home. All 
     reasonable options to bring about an end to this violence and 
     indiscriminate loss of life must be considered. We can never 
     abandon hope. We must act in a way to renew hope in this land 
     of faith, and we must continue to consider all options.
       May I respectfully submit the following concept for your 
     consideration concerning the use of NATO peacekeepers. My 
     recommendation would be for you to request that the North 
     Atlantic Council (NAC) formally consider a proposal to use 
     NATO forces as peacekeepers. If the concept is acceptable to 
     the NAC they could commence to draw up a plan for 
     peacekeeping. Once consensus had been achieved within the 
     NAC, the NAC would so advise the Government of Israel and the 
     Palestinian Authority, making it clear NATO would assist, 
     only if the two sides establish a genuine cease fire, and 
     both sides accept NATO's plan. Further, both sides must 
     commit to cooperate in preventing further hostilities until 
     negotiations have been successful to the point that NATO 
     forces could be withdrawn and a substitute security plan has 
     been put in place. Obviously, these steps are and will be 
     very challenging, but they are achievable, especially in 
     light of the bold, balanced vision you have articulated for a 
     resolution of this conflict.
       The basic thoughts in this letter have been stated by me 
     previously in speeches on the floor of the Senate, and in my 
     remarks to a recent gathering of NATO ambassadors on Capitol 
     Hill, and in open hearings of the Senate Armed Services 
     Committee with the Secretary of Defense present. Time is of 
     the essence. I am concerned that recent events in the region, 
     including the unfortunate Israeli attack that killed women 
     and children as Israeli forces pursued Palestinian terrorists 
     and the subsequent terrorist attack on Hebrew University, 
     will further delay meaningful progress toward peace.
       I strongly encourage you to explore this option with our 
     NATO allies, and determine if they are willing to consider 
     such a proposal. The time for discussion and consensus 
     building is now. When the conditions for a cease fire and 
     negotiations are right, we must be able to act quickly and 
     decisively with a credible peacekeeping force.
       I believe a NATO force would be credible for the reason 
     that Europe is perceived as being more sympathetic to 
     Palestinian views and the U.S. as more sympathetic to Israeli 
     views. NATO can bond these viewpoints to act as one with 
     peace as its unifying goal, and dispel these perceived 
     biases. NATO troops are trained and ``ready to roll'' on 
     short notice. NATO is an established coalition of nations 
     with a proven record of successful peacekeeping in the 
     Balkans. Clearly, there are risks, but NATO peacekeepers 
     can--with the cooperation of Israel and the Palestinian 
     people--bring stability to this troubled region; stability 
     that will allow for meaningful negotiations that have a 
     chance to end the violence.
       This is not a conclusion that I have reached lightly. Some 
     of my colleagues in the Senate, as well as noted journalists 
     and others, have discussed with me the broad issues 
     associated with this proposal. Mine has been one of the many 
     voices calling for well-defined principles and restraint in 
     the employment of U.S. forces around the world. I fully 
     recognize the risks to U.S. forces and our alliance partners. 
     I strongly feel this is one of those unique circumstances 
     that demand every resource and idea we can bring to bear. If 
     the opportunity arises, we must be prepared to give peace and 
     hope a chance.
       I respectfully submit these thoughts as you forge ahead and 
     lead the world's efforts to find a path to peace for this 
     important region of our global community, and in so doing, 
     enhance the security of our people here at home. It is my 
     fervent hope that by the time we pause to celebrate our 
     nation's next birthday, the fledgling ideas we are 
     collectively considering today will have blossomed into 
     substantial progress toward freedom from the senseless 
     violence we are witnessing today.
       With kind regards, I am respectfully.--John Warner.

  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

               [From the Washington Post, Sept. 14, 2002]

                         Never Mind, Mr. Sharon

       Most of three months has passed since President Bush laid 
     out his vision for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian 
     conflict, and still there has been next to no follow-up by 
     his administration. No. Cabinet-level officials have visited 
     the region since the president's speech; despite pleas from 
     the Arab leaders Mr. Bush asked for support, no details have 
     been offered on how to move from the present situation to Mr. 
     Bush's vision of side-by-side Israeli and Palestinian states. 
     On the contrary: Despite Mr. Bush's announcement of an 
     international effort to reconstruct Palestinian security 
     forces, the CIA has taken only token steps to train new 
     officers; despite the president's clarion call for 
     Palestinian democracy, the administration has quietly joined 
     Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in opposing the holding 
     of Palestinian national elections anytime in the near future. 
     In effect, what the president cast on June 24 as a major 
     initiative for Middle East peace has all but vanished; in its 
     place is a suddenly all-consuming campaign against Iraq that 
     could soon lead to a new Middle East war. Vice President 
     Cheney, among others, is arguing that overturning the regime 
     of Saddam Hussein will make an Israeli-Palestinian settlement 
     easier, but even if that is true, what is not clear is how a 
     conflict that has cost more than 2,000 lives in the past two 
     years, and is a primary source of Muslim grievance against 
     the United States, can be contained between now and then.
       In the now familiar absence of Bush administration 
     engagement, halting progress has been made by the parties on 
     the ground. There have been no major Palestinian suicide 
     attacks against Israelis in six weeks, despite several 
     attempts; both the Israeli army and the Palestinian 
     administration claim credit, and both probably had something 
     to do with it. Attempts by Palestinian political and military 
     leaders to change the direction of their self-destructive 
     uprising against Israel, and to force Palestinian leader 
     Yasser Arafat to yield most of his power, continue in spite 
     of Mr. Arafat's strong resistance; this week the legislative 
     body of the Palestinian Authority delivered an unprecedented 
     rebuff, forcing the resignation of Mr. Arafat's cabinet. The 
     more moderate Labor Party ministers in Mr. Sharon's cabinet 
     have been trying to negotiate incremental security agreements 
     with the Palestinians, and there are signs of revival in the 
     long-moribund Israeli peace camp.
       But Israeli troops occupy six major West Bank towns and 
     significant parts of the Gaza Strip, imposing curfews and 
     other restrictions on movement that aid agencies say are 
     breeding a mounting humanitarian crisis. Israeli forces 
     killed more than a dozen innocent Palestinian civilians in 
     the past two weeks, including several children; a hasty 
     official investigation cleared the soldiers of any 
     wrongdoing. Israeli settlement-building

[[Page 17275]]

     in the territories continues; Mr. Sharon refuses to rein it 
     in, just as he rejects any discussion of Palestinian 
     statehood or any negotiations--even with a post-Arafat 
     leadership--about a permanent peace. For his part, Mr. Bush 
     clearly remains unwilling to do or say anything that would 
     cross Mr. Sharon. That reluctance largely explains his 
     administration's failure to act on his broad promises of last 
     June; in the coming months, it could also prove a serious 
     impediment to building a coalition against Iraq.

  Mr. WARNER. I yield the floor.
  Mr. CONRAD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CONRAD. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Stabenow). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.

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