[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 148 (2002), Part 1]
[Senate]
[Pages 194-196]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                      THREATS TO NATIONAL SECURITY

  Mr. KYL. Mr. President, for over 200 years, our Nation has championed 
ideas and ideals that have placed us in harm's way. In certain parts of 
the world, our actions have at times made us the object of ridicule. 
But liberty, toleration, and the inalienable rights of the individual 
have been our strength, and that strength is undimmed by criticism of 
the United States. We stand legitimately for freedom; for us it is not 
a mere word employed in presidential speeches or diplomatic exchanges. 
The concept of ordered liberty has been the foundation of our national 
resolve, consecrated with the blood of our sons and daughters on many 
fields of battle across the world, and now, tragically, in the wreckage 
in New York, Pennsylvania, and the Pentagon.
  I rise to call my colleagues' attention to a speech that the senior 
Senator from North Carolina delivered to the second annual Hillsdale 
College Churchill Dinner on December 5, 2001, which I will ask to be 
printed in the Record. This speech is a remarkably good statement of 
our national character and our national purpose, drawing as it does 
upon a wealth of knowledge and experience second to none. We need to 
hear from statesmen like Jesse Helms at a time like this. In his 
Hillsdale speech, he offers a powerful assessment of the state of 
affairs facing United States policy makers who must develop a strategy 
to combat forces that would seek to destroy us and our way of life.
  As Senator Helms so ably explains, this is a task that we have faced 
before. Though the names and the faces and even the tactics of our 
adversaries change, the threat to us is the same. We must confront this 
threat and we must defeat it. At the same time, Senator Helms 
admonishes us to remain vigilant of those world powers that maintain 
historic practices of hostility toward us, powers that are 
strengthening their war-making capacities, and that might well seek to 
lull us into a false sense of security as we pursue our campaign 
against the terrorist networks.
  The good Senator provides us with a thought-provoking analysis that 
is sobering, but also hopeful. He urges us, at a time when the 
geopolitical map of the world is in great flux, to remember and 
reaffirm, in all we do, the principles upon which America was founded. 
He remarks on how well we are bearing up under the worst assault we've 
sustained since Pearl Harbor. ``They thought that their attacks would 
frighten and divide us,'' writes Senator Helms. ``Instead, they have 
drawn us closer to God, and to each other.''
  I highly commend to my colleagues this Churchillian call to unity.
  I ask unanimous consent that Senator Helms' speech be printed in the 
Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                       [From Imprimis, Jan. 2002]

          Emerging Threats to United States National Security

                     (By the Honorable Jesse Helms)

       The following is an abridged version of Senator Helms' 
     speech at the second annual Hillsdale College Churchill 
     Dinner, held at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., on 
     December 5, 2001.
       America is the only nation in history founded on an idea: 
     the proposition that all men are created equal, and are 
     endowed by their Creator with inalienable rights to life, 
     liberty and the pursuit of happiness. No other nation can 
     make such a claim. This is what makes us unique. It is why, 
     for more than two centuries, America has been a beacon of 
     liberty for all who aspire to live in freedom. It is also why 
     America was so brutally attacked on September 11.
       The terrorists who struck the Pentagon and the World Trade 
     Towers despise what America stands for: freedom, religious 
     toleration and individual liberty. They hate the

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     success with which the American idea has spread around the 
     world. And they want to terrorize us into retreat and 
     inaction, so that we will be afraid to defend freedom abroad 
     and live as free people at home. They will not succeed.


                      a revived sense of vigilance

       The terrorists we fight today are not the first aggressors 
     of their kind to challenge us. Indeed, at this moment of 
     trial, it is altogether fitting that we gather to honor the 
     memory of Sir Winston Churchill, whose courage, conviction 
     and steely resolve led the Allies to victory over Fascism, 
     and who went on then to warn us about the danger of the 
     emerging Communist threat and the Iron Curtain then 
     descending across Europe. Today we face a new and different 
     enemy--one who hides in caves, and who strikes in new and 
     unexpected ways. Yet in a larger respect, this new enemy is 
     no different from the enemy Churchill faced 60 years ago. And 
     as shocking as September 11 was, it should have come as no 
     surprise that our nation was once again challenged by 
     aggressors bent on her destruction.
       Jefferson warned that ``the price of liberty is eternal 
     vigilance.'' And since our founding, Jefferson has been 
     proven right, time and time again. New enemies have 
     constantly emerged to threaten us. The lesson of history is 
     that to secure our liberty, America must be constantly on 
     guard, preparing to defend our nation against tomorrow's 
     adversaries even as we vanquish the enemies of today.
       Over the past decade, America let down her guard. With the 
     collapse of the Soviet Union, our leaders assumed that the 
     post-Cold War world would be one of unlimited peace and 
     prosperity, and that our greatest security challenges would 
     be invading Haiti, or stopping wars in places like Bosnia and 
     Kosovo. The Clinton people slashed our defense budget in 
     search of a ``peace dividend,'' while sending our forces all 
     over the world on a plethora of missions that drained 
     America's military readiness. They put off investments needed 
     to prepare for the real energing threats to U.S. national 
     security. Instead of focusing on new dangers, they spent 
     their time and energy forging ridiculous new treaties--like 
     the Kyoto Protocol and the International Criminal Court--
     while fighting desperately to preserve antiquated ones, like 
     the ABM Treaty!
       In light of America's new war, it is almost humorous to 
     look back on some of the foreign policy debates of the 1990s. 
     Can anyone imagine Kofi Annan today declaring as he did two 
     years ago, that the United Nations Security Council is the 
     ``sole source of legitimacy for the use of force in the 
     world''? Or former Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott 
     repeating his ridiculous assertion that all countries, ``no 
     matter how permanent or even scared [they] may seem,'' are in 
     fact ``artificial and temporary''?
       ``Within the next hundred years,'' Talbott went on to say, 
     ``nationhood as we know it will be obsolete; all states will 
     recognize a single global authority.'' Let him tell that to 
     the policemen and firemen at the World Trade Towers. Let him 
     tell it to all the millions of Americans flying flags from 
     their homes and cars. Let him tell it to the thousands of 
     brave Americans in uniform, who at this very moment are 
     voluntarily risking their lives to defend our country.
       In the wake of September 11, a measure of sanity has been 
     restored to debates over U.S. foreign policy. Awakened to new 
     dangers, our challenge is now twofold: First, we must win the 
     war on terrorism that took our nation by surprise. And 
     second, we must prepare now for the threats that could emerge 
     to surprise us in the decades ahead.


                           Beyond Afghanistan

       Thanks to the outstanding leadership of President Bush, the 
     Taliban is in retreat and Osama bin Laden is on the run. But 
     the war on terrorism is far from over. Indeed, one could 
     argue that the most difficult challenge comes now, as the 
     Afghan campaign moves from the taking of cities, to a cave-
     by-cave hunt for bin Laden and his terrorist network. Ripping 
     that network out by its roots will be long, difficult and 
     dangerous work. Moreover, President Bush's greatest challenge 
     may come after the Afghan phase of the war is over.
       The bin Laden terrorist network operates in dozens of 
     countries. Nor is it the only one that threatens America and 
     her allies. Terrorist networks operate across the world, with 
     the support of dozens of states. President Bush has made 
     clear that this war will not end until every terrorist 
     network with global reach is decisively defeated. He has also 
     made clear that the United States will no longer tolerate 
     states that support or provide safe haven to these 
     terrorists. That means, I am convinced, that the war on 
     terrorism cannot and will not end until Saddam Hussein 
     suffers the same fate as the Taliban.
       While we do not yet know that Saddam was directly involved 
     with the tragic events of September 11, there is a mountain 
     of evidence linking him to international terrorism generally, 
     and to bin Laden's terrorist network specifically. We know 
     for a fact that Saddam attempted to assassinate former 
     President Bush. We know with certainty that he has chemical 
     and biological agents, and is pursuing nuclear weapons. We 
     know for certain that, days before coming to the U.S., one of 
     the September 11 hijackers met with an Iraqi agent in 
     Prague--and that soon after that meeting, this same bin Laden 
     operative was in the United States inquiring how one goes 
     about renting a crop duster. So the obvious next step in the 
     war on terrorism is the elimination of Saddam Hussein's 
     tyrannical terrorist regime.
       Just as the United States teamed up with determined Afghans 
     who were ready, willing and able to overthrow the Taliban 
     with American support, there are Iraqis ready to overthrow 
     Saddam. But taking the war to Saddam will be no easy task. We 
     must accept the probability that many of the nations rallying 
     around us today will be nowhere to be found. Indeed, some are 
     likely to scream and yell and stomp their feet, demanding 
     ``evidence'' of Iraq's involvement in the September 11 
     attacks. It is then that President Bush must patiently remind 
     them that the war on terrorism is a war against all 
     terrorists who threaten America, regardless of whether they 
     bombed the World Trade Towers, sought to murder a former 
     President of the United States, or threaten our people with 
     nuclear, chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction.
       We must proceed against Saddam with the same resolve with 
     which we have proceeded against the Taliban in Afghanistan. 
     Once the world sees two terrorist regimes in rubble, I 
     suspect that support for international terrorism will dry up 
     pretty quickly. Dictators will begin to understand that 
     waging a war by proxy against the United States carries 
     deadly consequences.
       While we prosecute the war on terrorism to its logical 
     conclusion, we must, at the same time, begin preparing for 
     the next threats to America--threats which could be quite 
     different from those we face today. The next challenge we 
     face may come from a rogue state armed with ballistic 
     missiles capable of reaching New York or Los Angeles. It may 
     come from cyber-terrorists who seek to cripple our nation and 
     our economy by attacking our vital information networks. It 
     may come from a country that has developed small ``killer 
     satellites'' capable of attacking our space infrastructure, 
     on which both our defense and our economy depend. Or it may 
     come from a traditional state-on-state war, such as a Chinese 
     invasion of Taiwan. In any event, it is essential that we 
     begin preparing now for all of these possibilities, by 
     developing defenses against a wide range of asymmetric 
     threats.


                  Distinguishing Friends From Enemies

       We must also look realistically at who our potential 
     adversaries could be in the decades ahead. For example, 
     Communist China--a nation with no respect for human rights, 
     for religious freedom, or for the rule of law--remains both a 
     present and an emerging threat to the United States. Its 
     annual double-digit increases in military spending, its 
     virulent anti-American propaganda, and its aggressive arms 
     acquisitions are all very clear indications that China fully 
     intends to become a superpower--and, when it is able, to seek 
     regional hegemony in Asia and threaten our democratic friends 
     on Taiwan. Moreover, China has for years exported dangerous 
     missile technology to Pakistan--support that, according to 
     the Director of Central Intelligence, continues today 
     unabated. China has also supplied chemical weapons-related 
     equipment and technology to Iran. And earlier this year, U.S. 
     and British war planes had to destroy fiber-optic cables that 
     had been laid by Chinese firms in Iraq, as part of Saddam 
     Hussein's ever-improving air defense infrastructure.
       Today, China is a thorn in our side. We must make sure 
     that, as China rises, it does not become a dagger at our 
     throat. Nor is China by any means the only nation that could 
     one day threaten us. Countries like Iran, Syria, Sudan, North 
     Korea and Cuba continue to provide aid, comfort and refuge to 
     terrorist elements that wish to harm the United States, and 
     several of them are seeking weapons of mass destruction and 
     the means to deliver them.
       In times of war, the enemy of our enemy is often our 
     friend. During World War II, Churchill explained his wartime 
     alliance with Stalin this way: ``If Hitler invaded Hell,'' 
     Churchill said, ``I would make at least a favorable reference 
     to the Devil in the House of Commons.'' But let us not forget 
     what happened in the aftermath of World War II, when the 
     Soviet Union went from wartime ally to Cold War adversary. We 
     must be careful that, in our zeal to build the coalition 
     against terrorism, we do not mistakenly turn a blind eye to 
     the true nature of certain regimes whose long-term interests 
     and intentions remain contrary to ours.
       Of course we must, and should, take the opportunity to 
     reach out to nations that are willing to step up and take 
     concrete steps to help us in the fight against terror. Not 
     for several generations has the geopolitical map of the world 
     been so much in flux, as a variety of countries decide how to 
     respond to the events of September 11 and to President Bush's 
     ultimatum that ``either you are with us or you are with the 
     terrorists.'' President Bush is certainly to be commended for 
     the rapid transformation of our relationship with Russia, 
     whose long-term interests clearly lie with the West. 
     President Putin seems to have seized September 11 as an 
     opportunity to align Russia more closely with

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     the United States, and he should be encouraged in this 
     regard. But we must proceed with care. For example: The idea 
     of giving Russia a decision-making role within NATO--
     including a veto over certain Alliance decisions (as NATO 
     Secretary General Lord Robertson suggested the other day)--is 
     absurd. Russia still has much to prove before being given de 
     facto membership in the Atlantic Alliance.
       We must make clear--as President Bush has made clear--that 
     we want closer cooperation with Russia and a new relationship 
     that puts Cold War animosities behind us. But in building 
     that relationship, we must stand firmly behind our intention 
     to build and deploy ballistic missile defenses. If the United 
     States and Russia are to establish a new strategic 
     relationship based on trust, cooperation, and mutual 
     interests, then Russia must recognize that such missile 
     defenses, in protecting the United States and our allies from 
     mutual adversaries, will enhance the security of both nations 
     in today's new and dangerous world.


                     moral foundations of security

       America is indeed the greatest nation on the face of the 
     earth, a beacon of freedom for the entire world. We have met 
     tremendous challenges to our freedom before September 11 and 
     defeated them. We will do so again. but in the long run, the 
     greatest emerging threat to America may not come from 
     without, but rather from within. As I have said often during 
     my years in public life, we will not long survive as a nation 
     unless and until we restore the moral and spiritual 
     principles that made America great in the first place.
       On September 11, 4,000 innocent Americans were killed by a 
     foreign enemy. The American people responded with shock, 
     sadness, and a deep and righteous anger--and rightly so. Yet 
     let us not forget that every passing day in our country 
     almost 4,000 innocent Americans are killed at the hands of 
     so-called doctors, who rip those little ones from their 
     mothers' wombs. These are the most innocent Americans of 
     all--small, helpless, defenseless babies. For unborn 
     Americans, every day is September 11.
       America was attacked by terrorists on September 11 because 
     of what America stands for--our dedication to life, liberty 
     and justice under God. As we defend those principles abroad, 
     let us also renew them here at home. As we go after the 
     terrorists who committed those unspeakable acts against our 
     people, let us, at the same time, get about the task of 
     restoring our nation's moral and spiritual foundations. No 
     matter how successfully we prosecute the war against 
     terrorism--no matter how brilliantly we prepare for the 
     threats of the future--we will never be truly secure if we do 
     not return to the principles on which America was founded, 
     and which made America great.
       This is already taking place. In the wake of September 11, 
     flags are flying and church pews are overflowing. This great 
     patriotic and spiritual outpouring is proof that the 
     terrorists' plans have backfired. They thought that their 
     attacks would frighten and divide us; instead they have drawn 
     us closer to God--and to each other. We must encourage this 
     spiritual rebirth, and nurture it so that it becomes another 
     Great Awakening. We must instill in our young people an 
     understanding that theirs is a nation founded by Providence 
     to serve as a shining city on a hill--a light to the nations, 
     spreading the good news of God's gift of human freedom.
       Thank you, God bless you, and, as Ronald Reagan always 
     said, God bless America!

                          ____________________