[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 8]
[Senate]
[Pages 11345-11346]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                   THE NEXT ROUND OF NATO ENLARGEMENT

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I rise today to congratulate President Bush 
for his unequivocal support for the next round of enlargement of the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which he voiced during his recent 
trip to Europe.
  Several months ago I made clear my opposition to a so-called ``zero 
option'' of not admitting any new country to membership at next year's 
NATO Summit in Prague. Largely at the administration's urging, the 
alliance last week formally laid the ``zero option'' to rest. At least 
one country will be invited to membership in Prague.
  In addition, in several venues I have declared that no country 
outside of

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NATO has any veto right over which country or countries the alliance 
will invite to membership.
  Most particularly this statement applies to the three Baltic states--
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia--and Russia's evident opposition to 
their joining NATO.
  It would be totally unacceptable to grant Russia any such veto. Let 
us not forget the history of the last 61 years.
  In 1940, Moscow rigged bogus ``invitations'' from the three 
independent Baltic states to be incorporated by the Soviet Union. I am 
proud as an American that this country for more than 50 years never 
recognized this illegal annexation.
  Following annexation, and during the ensuing 5 years, the Soviets 
murdered thousands of Baltic citizens and deported thousands more to 
deepest Siberia. Guerilla warfare against the occupiers erupted in the 
forests of all three countries, with the last anti-Soviet partisan in 
Lithuania not surrendering until the 1960s.
  Despite their heroic struggle, the Baltic peoples had to endure the 
iron repression of Soviet communism for half a century. Now, in the 
wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, all three Baltic countries 
are full-fledged democracies that are developing their civil societies 
and free-market economies.
  After Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia suffered the 51 years of Soviet-
inflicted brutalities, it would be morally grotesque to deny them the 
fundamental right to choose their own system of security that is 
accorded to every other European country. This would be the ultimate 
``double whammy,'' in essence saying, ``since you suffered so much, you 
may not ensure your safety in the future!''
  No, Mr. President, we must never repeat, even by inference, the 
infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of 1939, which carved up northeastern 
Europe between Stalin and Hitler: There must be no more ``red lines'' 
in Europe.
  Russia, with which I sincerely hope we can develop a harmonious and 
productive relationship, must understand that NATO enlargement in 
general, and a Baltic dimension to enlargement in particular, pose 
absolutely no threat whatsoever to Russia. With several of its high-
ranking military officers permanently attached to NATO and SHAPE, 
Russia must know that the old Soviet propaganda was a deliberate lie. 
NATO is, and always was, a purely defensive alliance.
  I believe that President Bush and Secretary of State Powell are 
correct in saying that it is premature at this time to ``name names'' 
of countries to be invited to NATO membership at the Prague Summit. The 
Alliance has laid out a detailed procedure for qualifying for 
membership. Most importantly, in the spring of 2002 NATO must make a 
third evaluation of each country's membership action plan or ``MAP.''
  But it is no secret that some countries are making significant 
progress militarily, politically, economically, and socially. Slovenia, 
I believe, is already eminently qualified for NATO membership. Unless 
it lapses into over-confidence during the next year, it should be a 
shoo-in in Prague.
  Lithuania has apparently done remarkably well in fulfilling its MAP, 
and its neighbors, Latvia and Estonia, are also coming on strong. The 
legal status and treatment of the Russian minority in all three 
countries now is in full compliance with international standards. As 
long as lingering remnants of bigotry in the Baltic states continue to 
be erased by democratic education and practice, the political 
requirements for NATO membership should be met.
  Slovakia, after having lost precious time under the populist 
administration of Vladimir Meciar, now has a democratic government that 
is also making giant strides toward membership. Its national elections 
in the fall of 2002 will be decisive in proving to NATO that this 
progress is permanent.
  The southern Balkans, of course, are strategically the most important 
area for NATO enlargement. Romania and Bulgaria are potentially vital 
members for the Alliance. Both countries have overcome various kinds of 
misrule and are also making progress. Other aspirant countries in the 
southern Balkans are more long-term candidates.
  In 1998, I had the privilege of being floor manager for the 
successful Senate ratification of the legislation admitting Poland, 
Hungary, and the Czech Republic to NATO. I look forward to playing the 
same role in 2003 for the admission of one or more of the current 
candidate countries.

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