[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 20]
[Senate]
[Page 27784]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                                ZIMBABWE

  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I want to take a few moments to discuss the 
deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe. Over the past several months, we 
have all watched with alarm as President Mugabe has placed his desire 
to remain in power above the best interests of his own people. In the 
process, Mr. Mugabe's government has destroyed the rule of law, 
contributed to food shortages, committed violations of human rights, 
and wrecked the economy--causing unemployment to rise to more than 60 
percent.
  The issue has received most of the attention is land reform. There is 
no question that land reform is badly needed to ensure long-term 
prosperity in Zimbabwe. As late as 1999, the process appeared to be 
moving in the right direction: Zimbabwe had presented a detailed plan 
for the inception phase of a land reform effort, the World Bank had 
made a $5 million pledge to assist with the resettlement of poor 
farmers, and several bilateral donors, including the United States, 
made pledges of assistance.
  However, in an attempt to deflect attention from a failing economy, a 
misguided military intervention in the Congo, widespread government 
corruption, and a host of other domestic problems, President Mugabe 
decided to support the sudden occupation of large farms. In the wake of 
this ill-conceived policy, several farmers have been killed, the 
independence of the judicial system has been seriously undermined, and 
agricultural production has been sharply reduced, contributing to 
widespread food shortages throughout the country.
  As the land seizure crisis continues, other forms of harassment and 
political violence in Zimbabwe--carried out primarily by members of the 
ZANU-PF party against members of the Movement for Democratic Change 
(MDC), journalists, and other critics of the government--have steadily 
escalated. A number of recent events clearly indicate that the 
situation is a risk of spiraling out of control: the MDC office in 
Bulawayo was invaded and burnt down with a petrol bomb, as the police 
stood by and watched; there are reports that MDC members have been 
illegally taken into custody and tortured; the government announced the 
humanitarian organizations will not be permitted to distribute food aid 
in rural areas where it is acutely needed; and after two journalists 
were arrested, the minister of information compared the international 
media to terrorists and began notifying foreign journalists that they 
would not be allowed to work in the country for the foreseeable future.
  There are also serious concerns about the upcoming Presidential 
election scheduled for early next year. As a Gallup poll shows 
President Mugabe running behind MDC candidate Morgan Tsvangirai, many 
outside observers believe that Mr. Mugabe and ZANU-PF will stop at 
nothing to remain in power, and are engaged in activities to undermine 
the democratic process and illegally alter the outcome of the election. 
In addition to the campaign of harassment and violence against MDC 
supporters, the government has prevented non-governmental organizations 
from carrying out voter education campaigns and has refused to allow 
observers from international organizations, including the European 
Union, to monitor the elections. Moreover, the government is pushing 
through electoral reforms that will effectively withhold absentee 
ballots from Zimbabweans living abroad, with the exception of diplomats 
and soldiers, and require voters to present proof of residency. These 
are measures that could eliminate thousands from the voter rolls.
  Because of the serious situation in Zimbabwe, I have joined with 
Senator Feingold and sponsored a provision which was included in FY 
2002 Foreign Operations Appropriations Conference Report that requires 
U.S. executive directors to international financial institutions to 
vote against loans, except those for basic human needs or democracy-
building purposes, to the Government of Zimbabwe, unless the Secretary 
of State determines and reports that the rule of law has been restored.
  I would also like to point out that earlier this session the House 
and Senate passed S. 494, the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery 
Act of 2001, and I look forward to President Bush signing it into law, 
as soon as possible. S. 494 contains several provisions similar to 
section 560 in the Foreign Operations Conference Report, although 
section 560 does not provide waiver authority.
  Mr. President, I continue to strongly support the Administration's 
request for assistance to Zimbabwe for health care programs, 
strengthening civil society that is not affiliated with the ruling 
party, peace corps activities, and humanitarian purposes. However, the 
request for funds to restart the International Military Education and 
Training is premature, and would send the wrong message at this 
critical juncture.

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