[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 20]
[House]
[Pages 27085-27104]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



 CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2506, FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, 
             AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2002

  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the previous order of the House, 
I call up the conference report accompanying the bill (H.R. 2506) 
making appropriations for foreign operations, export financing, and 
related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2002, and for 
other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, 
the conference report is considered as having been read.
  (For conference report and statement, see prior proceedings of the 
House of today.)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and 
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 30 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe).
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I am privileged to bring before the House today the conference report 
on H.R. 2506, making appropriations for foreign operations, export 
financing, and related programs for fiscal year 2002. I want to also 
pay special thanks today to my very able ranking minority member, the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey). She has been a full partner 
throughout this process, and I am very grateful for the support and the 
participation that she has provided to bring this bipartisan bill 
before the House today as a conference report.
  It is important to note that this bill enjoyed widespread support 
when it came before the House the first time. We approved the bill on 
July 24 by a vote of 381 to 46, really unprecedented for a foreign 
operations bill. Senate passage occurred 3 months later, on October 24, 
by a vote of 96 to two. I think these votes in both the House and the 
Senate demonstrate the importance that most Members in both bodies 
attach to fulfilling our foreign obligations and assisting our friends 
and allies abroad.
  As I stated when I brought the bill to the floor earlier this year, I 
had three priorities for this legislation: first was to reverse the 
spread of infectious diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and 
malaria; second, encouraging economic growth through open trade and 
transparent laws in other countries; and, third, improving the 
accountability of the agencies that are funded by this bill. This 
conference agreement represents important progress in all three areas.
  The conference agreement appropriates $15.346 billion in new 
discretionary budget authority. This figure represents an even split 
between the House and Senate allocations. It is $178 million above the 
House level, $178 million below the Senate-passed bill. Three major 
reasons for the increase are the needs to restore a portion of the 
administration's cut to the Export-Import Bank; to provide new funding 
for the Andean Counterdrug Initiative; and to intensify our efforts to 
combat HIV/AIDS and other communicable diseases.
  For the Export-Import Bank, we restored $138 million of the proposed 
reduction of $232 million in the program funds of the bank. This level 
of funding will allow for loan authorizations estimated at $10.6 
billion, approximately $1.4 billion higher than the current level.
  Regarding the Andean Counterdrug Initiative, it is important to 
recall that a supplemental appropriation bill outside the boundaries of 
the subcommittee's fiscal year 2001 allocation funded the initial Plan 
Colombia adopted by Congress last year. Therefore, the $625 million the 
conference report recommends for these activities is significantly 
above the $154 million that was available in the regular 2001 
appropriations act for these countries; hence, the requirement for more 
money for this initiative. I am disappointed that we could not provide 
a higher level for this important initiative. However, in the 
discussions that we had with the Senate on this matter, I often felt 
like I was a minority of one. We were able to provide the base funding 
of $625 million, plus transfer authority to provide $35 million in 
addition to these funds. That will allow for a total of $660 million 
for this program in fiscal year 2002.
  In addition, the conference report includes an amended version of the 
general provisions as proposed by the Senate that modifies the annual 
counternarcotics certification process. I ask that the letter I 
received from the State Department dated December 14, 2001, supporting 
the recommendation of the conferees be included in the Record.
  Over $2.8 billion of the funds provided in this conference report 
will be made

[[Page 27086]]

available for military, economic, and refugee assistance for Israel. It 
is important that we pass this conference report as soon as possible, 
since Israel's economic assistance is a component of its fiscal year 
2001 budget that expires at the end of December, this month, just a few 
days from now. Overall, the bill provides $5.14 billion for the Middle 
East, including assistance to Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon.
  Total funding for activities to combat HIV/AIDS in this bill is $475 
million, a very significant increase over the level of $315 million 
provided in fiscal year 2001. Within that level, the conference 
agreement appropriates $50 million for the international HIV/AIDS trust 
fund, as well as general authority to provide for an additional $50 
million, if warranted, from other sources in this bill and from prior 
year funds.
  Together with $100 million appropriated earlier this year in the 
supplemental appropriations act and $100 million appropriated in the 
Labor-HHS bill which we just completed on the floor a few moments ago, 
we have fully met and exceeded the President's request of $200 million 
in funding for the international fund to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and 
tuberculosis. For bilateral assistance, no less than $395 million 
should be available for HIV/AIDS programs, assuming that $40 million is 
transferred to the proposed global fund. This amount exceeds the 
President's request by $66 million and the level authorized in law by 
$95 million. Some of the increase is for new programs in vulnerable 
countries such as Burma where little donor assistance is available to 
restrict the spread of AIDS.
  Overall, for assistance programs managed solely by the Agency for 
International Development, the committee recommends a total of over 
$3.5 billion, of which $1.43 billion is for child survival and health 
programs. These totals include $120 million for a grant to UNICEF. In 
addition, $150 million is provided for basic education, an increase of 
$47 million over the fiscal year 2001 level. Again, I want to 
congratulate the gentlewoman from New York for her persistence in 
ensuring that assistance for basic education receive a high priority in 
this year's conference agreement.

                              {time}  1545

  Many children around the world have a great deal to be thankful to 
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for.
  For international financial institutions, the recommendation is $1.17 
billion, which is $23 million over the 2001 level, but $40 million 
below the request. The bill also completes funding for the Heavily 
Indebted Poor Country Initiative, with a final $224 million, and 
provides an additional $25 million for the Tropical Forest Debt Relief 
Act; $5 million in new funds and $20 million from previous year 
balances. The President has called on the World Bank to dramatically 
increase the share of its funding for health and education in the 
poorest countries, but to do so with grants, rather than loans. Over 
the past few years, the committee has urged different administrations 
to adopt these policies, and I am pleased that President Bush has 
embraced them.
  The conference report also includes language similar to that included 
in the bill that the House passed earlier this year regarding 
compliance by the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian Liberation 
Organization with their commitments to halt violence and terrorism. 
Language in the conference agreement specifies the PLO and Palestinian 
Authority should abide by the cease-fire brokered by CIA Director 
George Tenet. If they are not in substantial compliance, the Secretary 
of State should impose at least one of three sanctions: First, the 
closure of the Palestinian information office in Washington; second, 
the designation of the PLO or one or more of its constituent groups as 
a terrorist organization; and, third, the cutting off of all except 
humanitarian aid to the West Bank and Gaza.
  The President is allowed to waive these restrictions if he determines 
it is in the national security interests of the United States. Many of 
my colleagues wanted to go further in sanctioning the Palestinians; 
others felt that any language might upset potential negotiations that 
are either underway or will be underway in the future. The conference 
compromise, I believe, is a good indication of Congressional intent. I 
think it sends the right message to the Palestinians: Comply with your 
commitments regarding the enunciation of terror and violence and no 
sanctions will be imposed. I also believe it gives the President and 
the Secretary of State additional leverage in their discussions with 
Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Authority.
  The conference agreement also includes my proposal regarding the 
International Committee on the Red Cross. This otherwise noble 
institution has failed to admit the Magen David Adom Society of Israel 
to the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. The American 
Red Cross has courageously fought to get the Society admitted to the 
Red Cross Movement. They have withheld their dues to the Geneva 
headquarters of the International Red Cross for the past 2 years. I am 
proposing that the United States Government do the same, until the 
Society is fully able to participate in the activities of the 
International Red Cross.
  The bill also includes an additional $100 million to assist El 
Salvador in its recovery from two devastating earthquakes earlier this 
year. Many Members of the House are interested in assuring that 
additional assistance is provided for our friends in El Salvador, and 
the conference agreement provides that at least $100 million shall be 
made available for that purpose. The administrator of AID was in El 
Salvador last week and was able to make this announcement, and I can 
tell Members it was greeted with considerable satisfaction there.
  For the International Fund for Ireland, we are recommending $25 
million. That is the same as last year, but it is $5 million above the 
President's request. The program is designed to support the peace 
process in Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Republic of 
Ireland. Again, this is a matter that has strong support in the House 
and that the Senate did not address.
  Our assistance program for Eastern Europe and the Balkans will 
receive $621 million in this conference report, an increase of $21 
million over the fiscal year 2001 level. The major reason for the 
increase is the need to meet the last-minute requests of the 
administration for debt relief for Yugoslovia, which will assist the 
new democratic government of Serbia in its attempt to reform the 
economy of that country.
  For the states of the former Soviet Union, funding would decline only 
slightly, from $810 million to $784 million. The committee continues 
its support to find a peaceful settlement in the Southern Caucasus 
region by providing $90 million for both Armenia and Georgia. While the 
committee does not set aside a specific amount for Azerbaijan, it 
waives a statutory restriction on assistance to its government as it 
cooperates in the fight against global terrorism.
  The committee supports the struggle for a better life by the people 
of the Ukraine. Under this bill, the Ukraine will continue to receive 
$154 million, one of the largest single aid programs for any country on 
the globe.
  Assistance for South and Southeast Asia is a relatively small part of 
our bill, but its importance is far more substantial than the number 
would indicate. Ongoing economic growth in health programs in India, 
the Philippines, Bangladesh and Indonesia provide the framework for 
subsequent investment by the private sector and multilateral 
development banks. The United States will participate in the effort to 
rebuild the Afghan economy, but substantial funds for that purpose have 
not yet been requested by the President, and so they are not included 
in this conference agreement.
  For the second year, AID is encouraged to renew a basic education 
program in Pakistan. It is modest, but a very important start towards 
renewing a long-term economic assistance program in a country that has 
been seriously impacted by international terrorism.

[[Page 27087]]

  The conference agreement also provides funding for several smaller 
programs that often do not get a lot of attention, including $38 
million for anti-terrorism assistance and $40 million for humanitarian 
demining programs around the world.
  The Peace Corps is another program that has made an enormous 
difference in the world over the last several decades, and it has very 
strong support in the House. We recognize its value and its importance 
by providing the full funding request of $275 million.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to, once again, thank our ranking 
minority member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for her 
cooperation in developing this year's bill and in reaching a conference 
agreement. We have had our disagreements from time to time, but we have 
approached them in the spirit of finding answers to them. We were both 
committed to developing a bipartisan bill that addresses the key 
priorities of the administration, as well as the Members of the House, 
both majority and minority, and, of course, the Senate in this 
conference report. It has been a great pleasure to work with the 
gentlewoman this year, and I am very grateful to have had her as my 
ranking member.
  Before we close, Mr. Speaker, I would be remiss if I did not say we 
could not be here today without the extraordinary help of the staff of 
this subcommittee and our personal staffs that make it possible. I am 
speaking of the clerk of our subcommittee, Charlie Flickner, our 
professional staff, John Shank, Alice Grant and Lori Maes. On the other 
side of the aisle, Mark Murray; and our personal staffs, Sean Mulvaney 
from my staff, and Beth Tritter from the staff of the gentlewoman from 
New York (Mrs. Lowey). They have been extraordinary in their efforts to 
work together and to find the answers, and in making sure that this 
bill came to the floor in a timely fashion and was one that can have 
strong bipartisan support.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank all the members of the subcommittee for their 
invaluable assistance this year. I am proud that all the House 
conferees have signed this conference report, and I urge the entire 
House to vote in favor of this important legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I include the following for the Record:

                                          Department of State,

                                Washington, DC, December 14, 2001.
     Hon. Jim Koble,
     Chairman, Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export 
         Financing, and Related Programs, Committee on 
         Appropriations, House of Representatives.
       Dear Chairman Kolbe: This is in response to Mr. Mica's 
     letter regarding proposed changes to the annual counter 
     narcotics certification process. The general provision 
     contained in the fiscal year 2002 Foreign Operations, Export 
     Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations bill is a 
     significant first step toward improving the current narcotics 
     certification process. Moreover, it is important to remember 
     that this provision to modify the certification process was 
     negotiated, in good faith, by this Administration with the 
     Senate Foreign Relations Committee under the leadership of 
     then Chairman Helms.
       We understand that the general provision contained in the 
     final version of your bill would be applied on a worldwide 
     basis and would place a premium on cooperation rather than 
     confrontation with other governments. That cooperation is 
     essential for combating international drug trafficking and 
     traffickers, as well as combating international terrorism and 
     terrorists.
       Far from rendering meaningless the 15-year certification 
     process or making it hard for us to fight illicit drugs and 
     terrorism, the proposed legislation is a good measure of how 
     far we have come since certifications began 15 years ago. At 
     that time, we needed the blunt instrument of certification to 
     get the attention of some governments. We are operating in a 
     different world now, where the threat of international 
     trafficking is better understood and where countries are more 
     willing to work together to combat the problem.
       The provision in the 2002 Foreign Operations bill retains 
     the positive elements of the current system by continuing to 
     link the counternarcotics efforts of major illicit drug 
     producing and drug-transit countries to their eligibility for 
     most forms of U.S. assistance, while eliminating some of the 
     aspects that have created tension in our bilateral 
     relationships. This provision continues to require the 
     President to evaluate major illicit drug producing or drug-
     transit countries in their efforts to adhere to the 1988 
     United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic 
     Drugs and Psychotropic Substances.
       The 2002 counternarcotics provision further reduces one 
     source of friction with many countries that are designated as 
     major illicit drug producing or drug-transit countries by 
     reducing the period countries must wait before they are 
     eligible to receive the full amount of U.S. assistance in any 
     fiscal year. The provision still retains the President's 
     authority to waive the imposition of sanctions if he 
     determines and reports to the appropriate congressional 
     committees that it is vital to the national interests of the 
     United States. Only countries that the President designates 
     as having failed in their counter-narcotics efforts and who 
     do not receive a waiver would be eligible for most U.S. 
     assistance provided under the Foreign Operations. 
     Appropriations Act in FY 2002.
       Additionally, the 2002 language preserves the Department's 
     annual International, Narcotics Control Strategy Report 
     (INCSR), which is the single most important and complete 
     survey anywhere of foreign drug control policies and 
     practices.
       The modification to the annual drug certification 
     procedures contained in the general provisions of your bill 
     provides that the new procedures would remain in place for 
     one year, allowing the Department to monitor their 
     effectiveness and to consider other options for the longer 
     range during this period.
       The Department is committed to combating the flow of 
     illegal drugs into our country, particularly since the links 
     between drug trafficking and international terrorism have 
     been firmly established. We believe that the proposed 
     modification to the current certification procedures will 
     allow us to continue this important mission.
           Sincerely,
     Paul B. Kelly,
       Assistant Secretary, Legislative Affairs.

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[[Page 27091]]

  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this conference report. I am very 
proud to join the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) today in 
presenting the final fiscal year 2002 foreign operations bill to our 
colleagues. We have worked closely with the Senate to come up with what 
I believe is a fine product.
  The bill provides $15.324 billion, about $178 million above the 
President's request, for foreign assistance programs. I am pleased that 
we were able to provide funding levels for many programs, such as Child 
Survival and Development Assistance, which are well above the 
President's request. I believe this bill responds decisively to the 
HIV-AIDS crisis in Africa and around the world, providing a total of 
$475 million to fight this disease. This total is $150 million above 
last year's level and $285 million above the fiscal year 2000 level.
  The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and I worked hard to maximize 
the Congressional commitment to fighting HIV-AIDS within a budget that 
was simply too small to do all we know we must do, and I believe we 
have succeeded.
  The bill also represents a first step toward a Congressional 
commitment to providing basic education for all of the world's poor 
children. Education is a cornerstone of development, and it is high 
time that the foreign operations bill reflected this priority. In fact, 
every study shows that educating children, and especially girls, yields 
extraordinary advances in health care, economic growth and the 
stability of developing societies.
  The bill before us today provides a total of $165 million for basic 
education, up from just $115 million 1 year ago. This is a tremendous 
beginning to what I hope will be a multiyear scale-up of this program. 
Again, I thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) for working with 
me on this issue.
  The bill also fully funds our commitments to the Middle East. It 
adequately funds export programs and meets other international 
commitments. It also includes a key provision urging the President to 
assess Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat's compliance with 
basic agreements to disavow violence and terrorism and hold those who 
continue to pursue terror accountable. It also urges the President to 
take punitive action against Arafat and the PA if he has not complied.
  The House-passed bill made this assessment mandatory, and I want to 
make it perfectly clear that I strongly preferred that this language 
stand. The events of recent weeks have made it obvious why Arafat must 
know if he reneges on his commitments, his relationship with the United 
States will suffer. I do believe the language in this conference 
agreement expresses the clear will of Congress on this matter, and I 
have already urged the President to comply.
  We all know that conferencing a bill is a process of compromise, and 
I would like to discuss two provisions with which I continue to 
disagree. Specifically, I am concerned about the inclusion in this bill 
of an open-ended waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act. I 
had hoped that we would be able to amend the Senate-passed language to 
sunset the waiver and ensure the stability of Nagorno-Karabagh. We make 
clear in the Statement of Managers that we will revisit this issue next 
year, if necessary.
  I also strenuously disagree with the decision to drop the Senate's 
Global Democracy Promotion language which would have repealed the 
President's executive order imposing the global gag rule on our 
bilateral family planning assistance. Although I am delighted we were 
able to increase bilateral international family planning assistance to 
$446.5 million, recipients of these funds will continue to be unfairly 
and onerously restricted by the gag rule. As I have said before, I 
believe this policy is a blight on our foreign assistance program.
  I also regret that this bill has been held up for weeks by those in 
this body who oppose funding for the United Nations Population Fund, 
the UNFPA. The increase we have provided for this organization reflects 
the importance and quality of its work, not only in the family planning 
arena, but in combatting HIV-AIDS and helping the people of 
Afghanistan.
  In fact, unfortunately, the bill could have been completed a month 
ago, and I can tell you it does make a huge difference to the 
implementers and recipients of these assistance programs as a result of 
the delay. Moving forward with all of the wonderful new initiatives we 
have discussed here today has been needlessly delayed.
  Mr. Speaker, I think we can all agree that the last few months have 
sparked a new awareness on the part of all Americans of the importance 
of understanding and engaging with people around the world. We cannot 
go it alone, we know that, and we cannot deny the fact that what 
happened seemingly a world away can directly impact the lives of each 
and every American.
  It is with this enhanced awareness of the complexities of the world 
that my colleagues and I approached this conference, and with it is 
with a heightened sense of purpose that I continue to support and urge 
my colleagues to support increased investments in our foreign policy 
priorities. We simply do not have enough in this year's bill to do what 
we must for Afghanistan, for HIV-AIDS, for basic education, health 
care, democracy and economic development, and we will be in the same 
position next year, unless we get a substantially increased request 
from the President come February. We must constantly build on our 
successes, because the stakes are far too high for us to rest on our 
laurels.
  I want to include by thanking the wonderful Members of my committee. 
It has been a pleasure to work with them, both on the Democrat and 
Republican side, and the staff, who have been so instrumental in 
putting this bill together. I particularly appreciate the hard work of 
Mark Murray, Charlie Flickner, John Shank, Alice Grant, Lori Maes, Sean 
Mulvaney, Beth Tritter, and all of the associate staffers for the 
majority and minority members.

                              {time}  1600

  I also must thank, of course, our big chairman, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Young), who I know is so committed. Finally, I cannot say 
enough about what a wonderful experience it has been to work with the 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the chairman of the subcommittee. 
Mr. Speaker, his dedication and hard work is evident in the bill before 
us today. I look forward to the good work we will do together in the 
future. It is really a pleasure for me to work with the gentleman from 
Arizona. I know that there are few issues that we have any disagreement 
on, and I look forward to working with him again in the future.
  I also want to thank Chairman Leahy and Senator McConnell and their 
staff for their cooperation.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the full committee.
  Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, this bill does not enjoy as much 
support as many of our other appropriations bills, but I really 
compliment the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and the gentlewoman 
from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for having been able to bring together a 
bill that has many reforms and that changes a lot of the foreign aid 
programs that are of interest to the United States. As I said, it is 
not the easiest bill to produce, but they have done a really good job. 
I know that we will all start to breathe a sigh of relief, because this 
is the next-to-the-last appropriations bill for this season. Tomorrow, 
we will have the last appropriations bill for this season.
  I hope that we can proceed quickly with the completion of this bill 
and the rest of the business of today, and I would advise everybody to 
get a good night's rest, because the largest bill in our pack is 
tomorrow, and that is our bill for national defense and homeland 
security.

[[Page 27092]]

  Mr. Speaker, this is the first year for the gentleman from Arizona 
(Mr. Kolbe) as chairman of this subcommittee. He had chaired another 
subcommittee for quite a long time, but because of the term limits that 
are self-imposed in the House, the gentleman changed to this job this 
year. I would say to the gentleman that he has done an outstanding job. 
He has visited with heads of State from all over this planet and has 
met them with great integrity and with mutual respect. He has done a 
really fine job representing the Congress as he deals with the foreign 
leaders, and the gentleman from Arizona deserves the pride of this 
House and the respect of this House for the great job that he has done. 
His partner, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), has, in fact, 
been a partner all the way through; and while there were some 
differences, most of them were overcome without too much difficulty. 
They have done a good job, and I think it is okay to vote for this bill 
today.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick), an outstanding, hard-working member of 
the committee.
  Ms. KILPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support the foreign operations 
bill and the process by which it has gone through this United States 
Congress. I have been a member of this committee now for some 3 years 
and under the leadership of the former chairman of the subcommittee, 
the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan), and now the gentleman from 
Arizona (Mr. Kolbe). I want to add my voice to those of support and to 
thank the chairman for his kindness, his inclusion, and the opportunity 
to work with him. I also want to thank my ranking member, the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for her leadership. In spite of 
the tragedy of our Nation and being from New York and all of the 
consequences that it must have had for the gentlewoman's family and her 
constituents, I appreciate her leadership and I appreciate her being 
here and allowing us to participate and represent as we have been sent 
here to do.
  This is a good foreign operations bill, as has been said, and really 
has increased many of the lines where we need assistance to assist the 
countries around the world. Our Export-Import Bank has really been 
restored to the place that it needs to be to assist our businesses so 
that they can help not only increase their bottom lines, but to send 
American goods around the world and receive those goods that will help 
our communities.
  The child survival and health account, most important during this 
time of pandemic proportions in our HIV/AIDS pandemic that strikes not 
only Africa, but Russia, India, Asia and our United States as well.
  The UNICEF account. I thank my colleagues very much for the 
additional appropriation there for children around the world who 
basically need it. And then in our basic education accounts for 
children around the world to begin to receive the kind of education 
that they will need to take care of themselves and their families.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a good bill. The one objection I do have, and 
nothing is perfect in this Congress, is the language that is retained 
that banned those organizations from receiving funds who counsel their 
clients on abortions in their family planning programs. Family planning 
is not giving abortions. Family planning is just that; and many people 
around the world, particularly poor women, need the counseling so that 
they can plan their children and be able to take care of their people 
and their families.
  Mr. Speaker, I do support the foreign operations bill. I hope that we 
will go further next year and address the pandemic a little better and 
give the relief to women who need it around this country as they plan 
their families.
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg), a member of 
the subcommittee who has done yeoman's work to help us get to this 
point.
  Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
conference report. As a member of this subcommittee for the last 7 
years, I am proud of the bill that we have before us today; and I think 
that commendations should go to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), 
the chairman of the subcommittee, who has been a great leader and who 
has brought what I think is an effective and responsible bill to 
completion. I also want to thank the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. 
Lowey) for her efforts as well.
  As we have in past years, the entire subcommittee has worked together 
to make important progress on a number of foreign assistance issues; 
and along with that go some great thanks to the subcommittee staff, the 
entire staff who have performed admirably. I want to commend all of 
them. I will not mention their names. The gentleman from Arizona 
mentioned them, but they are all very important to this.
  I am pleased that this agreement provides some 94.3 million in 
assistance to Armenia. This includes for the first time $4.3 million in 
military assistance. Providing military assistance marks a new stage in 
the U.S.-Armenia relationship.
  The conference agreement also includes a Senate provision providing a 
limited conditional waiver of section 907. During the conference, new 
language was added to protect Armenians in the Caucasus region and 
explicitly expressed the intent of Congress to review this provision 
each year. I want to make it abundantly clear that this is a limited 
and conditional waiver which we will revisit next year in the fiscal 
year 2003 bill. Renewal of any waiver to section 907 will be closely 
scrutinized, and Azerbaijan's actions will be closely monitored.
  Many friends of Armenia have worked to support these provisions, 
including the ranking member and others on the subcommittee and, of 
course, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), my caucus cochair, 
along with the Armenian Assembly of America. One of the most important 
contributions, Mr. Speaker, that this bill makes in the way of foreign 
policy commitments is the annual assistance package to the Middle East. 
Particularly at this difficult time, it is important to remember that 
we are providing funding. This funding that we are providing supports 
the pursuit of peace and stability in that region. Israel, of course, 
who is our principal ally in the region and shares our values of 
democracy and freedom, and I am pleased that this bill fully supports 
the administration's request for $2.8 billion in military and economic 
assistance to Israel, as well as $60 million to support the settlement 
of Jewish refugees.
  The conference agreement also includes $35 million for Lebanon to 
protect and support the excellent USAID mission there. This funding 
supports the efforts of NGOs and the American educational institutions 
to help provide development stability, particularly in southern 
Lebanon.
  The bill also includes $779 million for the Export-Import Bank, $92 
million above the President's request. With the funding I hope the bank 
will be able to maintain at least the level of activity that we 
experienced last year. The Export-Import Bank has a critical role to 
play in support of American exports and the businesses and workers who 
supply these products.
  North Korea. The conference agreement also includes $90 million for 
the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization called KEDO. I am 
pleased this is less than the administration's request. I have long 
opposed the 1994 agreed-to framework and funding for North Korea, a 
country which supports terrorism and continues to pursue weapons of 
mass destruction. I will continue to oppose this effort in the future.
  Mr. Speaker, there are many other programs in this bill, including 
microenterprise loans, foreign military financing for the Baltic 
countries, and significant funding to continue the fight against HIV/
AIDS and the crisis around the world, particularly in Africa.
  Mr. Speaker, this is an excellent bill and represents a responsible 
contribution to our Nation's foreign policy, our national security, and 
our economic goals.

[[Page 27093]]

  Once again, I want to commend the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), 
whom I have worked with on a great many matters, and I am particularly 
pleased with the way he has worked with all of us. I urge all of my 
colleagues to support, my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, and to 
vote in favor of this conference report today.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to strongly support this conference report. As a 
member of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee for the last seven years, 
I am proud of the bill we have before us today. I encourage all members 
to join me in voting aye.
  I commend the gentleman from Arizona (Representative Jim Kolbe) for 
his hard work and leadership in bringing this effective and responsible 
bill to completion.
  I also thank my friend from New York (Representative Nita Lowey) for 
her efforts again this year.
  As we have in years past, the entire Subcommittee has worked together 
to make important progress on a number of foreign assistance issues.
  I also thank the Subcommittee staff for their tireless efforts, 
without which this bill would not be possible.
  Mr. Speaker, the power of Congress, and particularly the House of 
Representatives, flows from the power of the purse. When it comes to 
foreign affairs, that means foreign assistance. As such, this bill 
serves as the most important contribution this body makes to our 
nation's foreign affairs. It supports our economic interests, national 
security, and overall foreign policy.
  I'd like to specifically highlight a few areas.
  This bill provides an important foundation to our policy toward the 
Southern Caucasus and particularly for our friend and ally Armenia. The 
agreement provides $94.3 million in assistance to Armenia. This amount 
is higher than either the House or Senate version of the bill, and 
$24.3 million higher than the President's request. This also includes, 
for the first time, $4.3 million in military assistance to Armenia.
  Providing military assistance marks a new stage in the U.S.-Armenia 
relationship. The military financing will help maintain parity between 
Armenia and Azerbaijan. It will serve to strengthen and enhance 
Armenia's military as well as solidify its relationship with the United 
States armed forces.
  This conference agreement also includes a Senate provision regarding 
limited changes to Section 907. As my colleagues know, I have long 
supported Section 907 and have fought over the last several years 
against any effort to repeal or waive this important provision. At the 
same time, in the aftermath of the events of September 11th, it became 
clear that certain changes to Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act 
were not only inevitable, but also necessary. President Bush 
specifically requested a national security waiver to Section 907 in 
order to counter al Qaeda terrorist organizations and elements 
operating with Azerbaijan. Amazingly and inexplicably, Azerbaijan news 
media reports periodically mischaracterize the Armenians of Nagorno 
Karabagh as terrorists. Clearly, this not the case and it would be my 
hope that this inflammatory rhetoric and misinformation campaign by 
Azerbaijan cease.
  In working with the Administration and my House and Senate 
colleagues, we were able to craft a limited and conditional waiver to 
Section 907, which would enable the President to effectively combat the 
war on terrorism and ensure protection for Armenia and Nagorno 
Karabagh. I want to make it abundantly clear that this is a limited and 
conditional waiver and we will revisit this issue next year in the 
fiscal year 2003 bill. Renewal of any waiver to Section 907 will be 
closely scrutinized and Azerbaijan's actions will be closely monitored. 
If Azerbaijan abuses any assistance provided as a result of this waiver 
or attempts to use such assistance in an offensive manner against 
Armenia or Armenian communities in the South Caucasus, the limited 
waiver will be terminated.
  I would like to associate myself with the remarks made by the Ranking 
Member of the Senate Foreign Operations Subcommittee (Sen. Mitch 
McConnell) during consideration of this bill in the other body. In his 
statement, he made it clear that he will be closely following the 
developments in Azerbaijan and Turkey to lift the blockades against 
their neighbors. I concur whole-heartedly with these comments and want 
to emphasize the importance of lifting the ongoing blockades in place 
against Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh. It seems to me that lifting these 
blockades--now more than ever--is in the U.S. national interest. In the 
aftermath of September 11th, we must redouble our efforts in this 
regard.
  I would like to thank my colleagues for their hard work on this 
issue, particularly the gentleman from Arizona (Representative Jim 
Kolbe) our Chairman and my friend from New York (Representative Nita 
Lowey) our Ranking Member. I would also like to note the work of my 
Armenian Caucus Co-Chair, the gentleman from New Jersey (Representative 
Frank Pallone). Additionally, I would like to recognize the invaluable 
input and proactive leadership of those individuals and organizations 
from the Armenian-American community who understood the importance of 
America's efforts to combat terrorism and the new realities in a post 
September 11th environment. In particular, I would like to commend the 
Armenian Assembly of America for their tireless efforts to ensure that 
a balance was achieved.
  Mr. Speaker, one of the most important contributions this bill makes 
to foreign policy is the annual assistance package to the Middle East. 
Particularly at this difficult time, it's important to remember, the 
funding we provide supports the pursuit of peace and stability.
  Israel, of course, is our principal ally in the region and shares our 
values of democracy and freedom. Since its establishment, Israel has 
struggled to achieve its goal of peaceful existence and it is in our 
interest to provide any assistance necessary for Israel to achieve that 
goal. I am pleased this bill fully supports the administration's 
request for $2.8 billion in military and economic assistance to Israel, 
as well as $60 million to support the resettlement of Jewish refugees.
  This bill also provides almost $2 billion to Egypt and $225 million 
to Jordan, both critical allies of the United States. This funding is a 
direct result of peace agreements these countries have signed with 
Israel, which the United States helped to facilitate. As Egypt and 
Jordan continue to support and advocate for peace with Israel and a 
cessation to the current violence, it is important for the United 
States to maintain this funding.
  The bill also provides $35 million for Lebanon to support the 
excellent USAID mission there. This funding supports the efforts of 
NGO's and American educational institutions to help provide development 
and stability, particularly in southern Lebanon. Our assistance 
promotes our values of democracy and free markets among the Lebanese 
people. This is in the interest of the United States, Lebanon, and 
Israel. It helps build and strengthen relationships between the 
Lebanese people and the United States.
  However, despite our efforts, violence and terrorism continue in the 
Middle East. We are now in the 15th month of an ``intifada''. In 
addition to our financial assistance, the United States has led efforts 
to bring violence to an end through the Mitchell Committee, the Tenet 
agreement, and General Zinni's efforts in recent weeks. Despite our 
efforts, on December first and second we saw perhaps the worst episode 
of Palestinian terrorism Israel has ever been forced to endure. These 
acts of terrorism continue.
  Quite simply, violence must stop and terrorism must cease. This is 
now a test for Yasir Arafat and the Palestinian Authority. Arafat must 
take concrete action, including the arrest of all those responsible for 
terrorism against Israel. Arafat must bring down the terrorist groups 
who operate in territory under his control. I am pleased there is 
language in this bill that makes it clear, if Palestinian violence does 
not stop, the Palestinians' ties with the United States will be in 
serious jeopardy.
  This bill also includes $790 million for the Export-Import Bank. With 
this funding, I hope the Bank will be able to maintain at least the 
level of activity experienced this year.
  The Export-Import Bank has a critical role to play in support of 
American exports, and the businesses and workers who supply those 
products. Without support from Ex-Im, billions of dollars in American 
exports simply would not go forward. Ex-Im is especially important for 
small businesses, which benefit from over 80% of the Bank's 
transactions. These exports remain crucial to our economy.
  The conference agreement also includes $90 million for the Korean 
Peninsula Energy Development Organization. I am pleased this is 
slightly less than the Administration's request. I have long opposed 
the 1994 Agreed Framework and funding for North Korea--a country that 
supports terrorism and continues to pursue weapons of mass destruction. 
I will continue

[[Page 27094]]

to do this in the future. The United States simply should not provide 
foreign assistance to a country that supports terrorism.
  Mr. Speaker, there are many other important programs in this bill 
including microenterprise loans, foreign military financing for the 
Baltic countries, and significant funding--beyond the President's 
request--to continue the fight against the HIV/AIDS crisis around the 
world and in Africa.
  This is an excellent bill and represents a responsible contribution 
to our nation's foreign policy, national security, and economic goals.
  I once again commend the Chairman and Ranking Member, and their 
staffs, for their efforts on this bill and I urge all my colleagues on 
both sides of the aisle to vote in favor of it today.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman), a distinguished member of the 
committee.
  Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Speaker, first let me thank and congratulate the 
chairman of our subcommittee, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), 
and our ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), and 
their respective staffs for doing an outstanding job and being of such 
great assistance and cooperation to me and to other Members of the 
committee with interests in this bill. I also want to thank the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the full committee, 
for his continuing leadership and kindnesses to me and other Members on 
the committee, and, of course, to our ranking member of the full 
committee, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support for the 
foreign operations appropriations bill on which we are about to vote. 
While I am pleased to see that there is additional money for the United 
Nations family planning program, I am disappointed that the Mexico City 
gag rule on a woman's right to choose remains in place. However, 
overall, this is a very good piece of legislation that comes at a 
crucial time in our Nation's history.
  We all know that military action is essential to protect the American 
people here at home and abroad. But today's legislation will 
complement, will assist, that action. It is clear that it is in 
America's vital national interest to use a small portion of its budget 
to work and assist with other countries to make sure that those other 
countries around the world do not become breeding grounds for future 
Osama bin Ladens. As my colleagues may know, this foreign aid bill 
represents less than 1 percent of the budget of the United States of 
America, less than 1 percent; but it is money well spent.
  Mr. Speaker, let me read from a recent editorial that appeared in a 
local newspaper in my district. It said, ``There is a growing 
international consensus that long-term, wisely targeted foreign aid, 
designed not only to alleviate poverty, but also to help build strong 
civic institutions and social stability is an indispensable part of the 
struggle against terrorism.''
  I agree with that. The bill that we pass today takes a big step 
forward in creating the conditions which will allow people around the 
world to embrace democracy and tolerance and also to reject those who 
would be undemocratic and who would subjugate their own people.
  Mr. Speaker, in this foreign aid bill, we not only fulfill our moral 
obligation to fight global poverty, spur economic development, support 
health and education programs, and build democratic institutions; but 
through this foreign assistance bill, we serve America's vital national 
interests. We do so now more than ever because it is important for us 
to reach out to other populations around the world to help them make 
the right choices, to choose peace, prosperity and democracy. Because 
after all, democracies do not wage war on one another. Democracies make 
great trading partners with one another, and democracies, having 
democracies around the world helps us as Americans fulfill our national 
manifest destiny, if you will, the destiny where we seek to have people 
live in freedom, to have a free people choose their own leaders, and to 
live in equality under the rule of law.

                              {time}  1615

  This foreign aid bill, less than 1 percent of our national budget, 
achieves that goal; money very well spent. I urge my colleagues to 
support this bill.
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lewis), another distinguished member of the 
subcommittee and chairman of one of the other subcommittees, and an 
individual who has contributed a great deal to the work of this 
committee.
  Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for 
yielding time to me.
  I had planned not to speak, but our full committee chairman was kind 
enough to mention that our defense bill was up tomorrow, and it is an 
item that has the largest funding of all the bills. It takes up over 
half of discretionary spending, because it is our national defense, 
after all.
  But he also mentioned that this bill is sometimes tough in terms of a 
balance of votes on the floor. I am rising today really to say that 
that absolutely should not be our circumstance, for the bill that our 
chairman is bringing us today, representing only some $15 billion of 
funding, is absolutely one of the most important reasons for us to have 
a Congress in the first place.
  National security, yes; but this bill reflects America's presence in 
the world during times of war, but also in times of peace, and uses $15 
billion to make sure that the voice of freedom is heard around the 
world for America, the last remaining superpower; a small presence by 
way of this bill, able to reach out to countries attempting to make a 
new way for the lives of their people; the voice of freedom, the voice 
of independence and opportunity that is America's in the world; our 
chance to provide a kind of leadership that can impact the future of 
mankind. This bill is that important, $15 billion though it may be.
  I said to the Secretary of State when he came to us not so long ago 
that he was the chairman of the Joint Chiefs. It was such an irony that 
I was sitting there listening to him asking for $15 billion when the 
defense bill represents over $300 billion.
  The Members have done a great job, both the chairman and the ranking 
member, in bringing this bill forward. It is about time the American 
public understands that this is not just foreign aid, it is the voice 
for freedom in the world.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur).
  Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my very good friend, the ranking 
member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for granting me 
this time; and also to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the 
chairman of the subcommittee, for moving this conference bill to the 
floor. I might add, much improved from when it left this Chamber 
initially.
  September 11 reminded us all that neglect breeds violence, and an 
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. This bill has a lot of 
pounds of cure in it.
  Speaking as co-chair of the Ukrainian Caucus here in the House, I 
would like to speak specifically about Ukraine, noting that from when 
the bill left the House, the totals for that country have been raised 
from $125 million to $154 million, so Ukraine is no longer singled out 
as the only country in the world to receive a cut in foreign 
assistance, especially before their third parliamentary election, which 
will occur early next spring.
  Our ultimate goal is to help the Ukrainian people participate fully 
in this third election so they keep moving forward and do not slip 
backwards, as has happened to Belarus right under our own eyes.
  We hope that the funds in this bill will also help to make sure that 
not only their elections will be properly observed on Election Day, but 
they can be prepared to participate in the elections; that there will 
be monitoring of the electoral races, making sure that

[[Page 27095]]

election laws are not violated and that the oligarchs are not buying 
votes; and that the government does not tamper with the candidates' 
rights to present their own platforms in those elections.
  We should all do all we can do to help the Ukrainian elections to be 
truly free and truly fair. I urge support of this improved conference 
report as an improvement over the original House bill.
  Again, I wish to thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), who 
was a very worthy and engaging advocate in this bill; and also the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for her incredible leadership 
always.
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Kingston), one of the other distinguished 
members of the subcommittee who has also made very valuable 
contributions to the work of this subcommittee.
  Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding time to 
me, and also the ranking member for all the hard work that has been put 
into this bill.
  I want to make three points about it. There are some things in the 
bill that I do not particularly like, but there is always that case 
when we are trying to have influence around the globe. We do not all 
agree what must be done.
  There are a lot of very good things in here. There are three things I 
want to highlight.
  Number one is the war on drugs, the Andean counterdrug initiative. As 
the father of four children, I am amazed as I go into schools 
throughout the First District of Georgia and I visit lots and lots of 
schools, that one thing they all have in common, whether they are from 
a poor county, a rich county, a small county, a rural county, or an 
urban county, is that in the average high school in America, in just 
about all of them one can get drugs.
  It is amazing, when we think about a product that is not made in 
America. It is not advertised. If one works for the drug distributor, 
there are no business cards. We do not see billboards about it, and 
there is no health care plan; yet somehow this remarkable, insidious 
product can get on every schoolyard in America.
  This takes the battle abroad and says we want to stop it at its 
source. I appreciate the hard work of the gentleman from Illinois 
(Speaker Hastert) on this, and I am glad that the subcommittee has 
continued to keep the battle against drugs coming into America going.
  Number two, I want to mention our role in the Middle East and the 
situation that Israel is in right now. We are all very, very focused on 
the 9-11 attacks on America; but our partner in the Middle East, 
Israel, has also been under attack. While we have waged total war in 
Afghanistan in wiping out al Qaeda and the Taliban, we seem to often 
say to our ally, Israel: Restraint, hold back, do not go on a 
counterattack. Yet, that is kind of a double standard.
  I am glad that this bill does fund military financing for Israel, so 
this keeps a very strong American commitment to Israel.
  Finally, let me say this: for the American role around the globe, I 
think we have found out that we can get our allies, we can pull forces 
together, and we can stop a terrorist organization. We can have the 
same positive roles in agriculture and in finance and in population 
control, and this bill takes a step in that direction.
  America is not the policeman for the world; but if there is one, 
would it not be nice to know that it is a peace officer like the United 
States of America?
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank).
  Mr. FRANK. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding time to 
me.
  I have one serious regret about this bill, but it is beyond the 
capacity of the members of the subcommittee or even the full committee 
to deal with. There is not enough money. We do not do enough to 
alleviate poverty in the world. We could do better.
  In fact, right now we have taken on an obligation by the war we have 
waged in Afghanistan, which we had not just a right but an obligation 
to wage, and I am delighted with our success; but it has given us an 
obligation to go now into Afghanistan economically and politically and 
in other ways to try to make that a better society than it was before.
  I have one other point that I want to comment on. I have long 
supported aid to Egypt. I was glad Egypt played the constructive role 
it did beginning in the late seventies in the Middle East.
  But I am becoming less and less happy with the role Egypt plays. It 
is becoming less and less willing to be a constructive force. I want to 
say that I was particularly outraged when the Egyptian Government 
decided a few months ago to engage in blatant oppression of Egyptian 
men who happen to be homosexual. This happened long after this process 
had begun.
  The Egyptian Government ought to understand that it cannot with 
impunity continue to be so oppressive towards people's human rights, 
and in particular, its most recent outbreak of severe, unjustified, 
blatant prejudice, jailing men for no good reason whatsoever. They 
cannot continue to do that and not have it have an effect on how people 
view Egypt here and how people deal with Egypt.
  I hope Egypt will once again play a more active, constructive role in 
the Middle East. That is now in question. This bill does some good 
things with regard to sending a very strong message to the Palestinian 
Authority about the unacceptable lack of intervention on their part to 
maintain peace in the Middle East.
  The Egyptian Government's record of late has deteriorated, and it has 
been particularly outrageous in this human rights field.
  I will vote for this bill. I regret the fact that it does not have 
more money. I hope we will make sure that our moral obligation to help 
the people of Afghanistan deal with the devastation that has happened 
will not come at the expense of others, and I hope the Egyptian 
Government will pay attention.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
  Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding time 
to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Armenian-related 
provisions in the foreign ops bill, and I want to commend my colleagues 
on the subcommittee for striking the appropriate balance regarding 
section 907 of the Freedom Support Act.
  In particular, I want to thank the ranking member, the gentlewoman 
from New York (Mrs. Lowey), and in particular the co-chair of the 
Armenia Caucus, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg), who 
worked very hard on the Armenia provisions.
  As my colleagues know, this important provision of law, section 907, 
was enacted in 1992 to address Azerbaijan's aggression and blockades 
against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabagh. While Congress has upheld this 
provision of law over the years, the tragic events of September 11 
necessitated certain changes to section 907.
  As Secretary of State Colin Powell indicated in a letter to Members 
of Congress, changes were needed to ``enable Azerbaijan to counter 
terrorist organizations and elements operating within its borders.''
  In fact, I remain concerned about credible reports regarding the 
presence of al Qaeda cells operating within Azerbaijan that pose a 
direct threat to the United States and whose members participated in 
Azerbaijan's military campaign against the Armenians of Nagorno-
Karabagh.
  In his 1999 Defense & Foreign Affairs article by Yossef Bodansky, 
entitled ``The New Azerbaijan Hub--How Islamist operations are 
targeting Russia, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh,'' Bodansky notes that 
radical Islamist forces used Azerbaijan as a launching base to conduct 
operations. As my colleagues may recall, Mr. Bodansky served as the 
Director of the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and 
Unconventional Warfare.
  Mr. Speaker, these cells not only pose a threat to Armenia and 
Karabagh, but also threaten all of us.
  I include for the Record an article on this subject by Yossef 
Bodansky, as

[[Page 27096]]

well as an Armenia Assembly issue brief on this subject and a press 
release.
  The material referred to is as follows:

                         The New Azerbaijan Hub

                          (By Yossef Bodansky)

       An ongoing study by Defense & Foreign Affairs has cited a 
     significant number of highly-placed sources in Russia and the 
     Caucasus who advise that radical Islamist forces are 
     expanding their infrastructure in Azerbaijan in preparation 
     for a sustained escalation, both in Caucasus and at the heart 
     of Russia. Planned terrorist ``spectaculars'' include the use 
     of suicide bombers.
       Significantly, these developments are based on long-
     standing relationships and understandings between Azeri 
     officials and the Islamist leaders involved in Chechnya, 
     Pakistan and Afghanistan. The escalation bega in in 1997 when 
     the Islamists basically agreed with the Azerbaijan Government 
     of Gaydar Aliyev that they would--in exchange for allowing a 
     free flow of people, weapons and ordnance through 
     Azerbaijan--not interfere with or overthrow the Aliyev 
     Government. As well, they committed to providing outside 
     mujahedin to undertake operations against Armenia and 
     Nagorno-Karabakh which could be credibly denied by the Aliyev 
     Government.
       This Azerbaijan-based infrastructure is aimed at both 
     pushing arriving mujahedin to the forward training and 
     operational bases in Chechnya, as well as launching 
     operations against Russia and Armenia (including Nagorno-
     Kara- bakh) in the event of Russian bombing and raids on the 
     islamist bases in Chechnya.
       At present, the most important function of the 
     infrastructure in Azerbaijan is the absorption, handling and 
     initial acclimatization and indoctrination of foreign 
     volunteers, mainly Arabs and Afghans/Pakistanis, as well as 
     growing numbers of Central Asians, before being sent forward 
     to terrorism and military training bases in central Chechnya, 
     mainly the Saudi-born Islamist leader Khattab's main rear-
     area base near Urus-Martan, Chechnya. Among the mujahedin 
     presently handled in Azerbaijan are numerous would-be shahids 
     (suicide terrorists) who had been trained in Osama bin 
     Laden's camps in Afghanistan. The Islamist infrastructure in 
     Azerbaijan is build on the experience of bin Laden, Khattab 
     and their companions in not only absorbing volunteers for 
     Afghan jihad during the 1980s, but of transforming them into 
     a cohesive elite corps (which is still cohesive and most 
     active more than a decade after the Afghan Jihad).
       The current Islamist build-up constitutes a major expansion 
     of the so-called covert pipeline which has been running since 
     the Winter of 1997-98. The primary objective of the original 
     pipeline was to smuggle weapons, money and people arriving 
     from Pakistan/Afghanistan into Chechnya. The two primary 
     methods of transportation:
       By truck from the Baku region through the mountains and 
     into Dagestan and Chechnya; or
       By light aircraft from several sites in Azerbaijan into the 
     Vedeno gorge or to Nozhay-Yurtovskiy Rayon in Chechnya.
       The weapons delivered have been both shipments from 
     Pakistan/Afghanistan, as well as large consignments of 
     weapons purchased locally either from the ex-Soviet 
     stockpiles of the Azerbaijani armed forces or specially 
     acquired from Ukrainian and other suppliers (these weapons 
     were purchased the Azerbaijani official channels with Baku 
     providing end-user certificates and the buyers paying large 
     commissions to all involved).
       The current phase started in early September 1999 following 
     a decision in Baku to upgrade the support for the Chechen-
     Dagestani Islamist forces. The new policy was elucidated 
     publicly on August 20, 1999, by Vafa Guluzade, an Adviser to 
     Gaydar Aliyev and the Azeri Government on State Policy 
     issues. ``Chechen and Dagestani fighting should be regarded 
     as a national liberation struggle, not as a terrorism as the 
     Russian authorities are trying to present it,'' Vafa Guluzade 
     declared. He said that ``today Russia is actually continuing 
     in the Caucasus the policy of serf Russia which in 19th 
     Century subjugated with fire and the sword the freedom-loving 
     Caucasian nations. . . . Carrying out military campaign in 
     the Caucasus today, the biggest campaign after the first 
     Caucasian war, Russia is declaring itself a successor of 
     Tsarist Russia,'' Having gained their independence after 
     hundreds of years of Russian subjugation, Guluzade believes, 
     all Muslim states of the Caucasus should unite their efforts 
     to compel Russia to ``change its policy regarding the 
     Caucasus and other national regions before it is too late''.
       The modalities for the running of the new facilities in 
     Azerbaijan were defined during most of September. The new 
     activities in support of Chechnya and Dagestan were defined 
     in late September/early October during a supposedly--secret 
     visit to Georgia and particularly Azerbaijan by Selim 
     Beshayev, the Vice Speaker of the Chechen Parliament. 
     Beshayev's talks with Azeri officials were aimed at ensuring 
     the smooth flow of mujahedin and the specialized equipment 
     they need without undue interference.
       In Baku, Beshayev has spent a lot of time convincing the 
     Azeri authorities to expand their direct involvement in the 
     Islamist ``cause'' in the aftermath of the Russian exposure 
     of the Turkey-Georgia pipeline. Beshayev used both carrots 
     and sticks. He promised lavish ``unofficial'' foreign aid to 
     Azerbaijan: large quantities of cash from diverse sources in 
     Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf states which will most 
     likely go to private pockets. Beshayev, also reiterated the 
     Islamists' promise to assist Baku in ``resolving the Karabakh 
     problem'' as expeditiously as possible. He was also willing 
     to ``guarantee'' the security of the Baku-Novorossiysk oil 
     pipeline. The concurrent expansion of Islamists activities in 
     Azerbaijan proves the success of Beshayev's visit to Baku.
       The key Islamist facilities are concealed as charity and 
     educational organizations affiliated with the web used by bin 
     Laden's networks. Moreover, the headquarters of these 
     organizations are stuffed with Arab ``teachers'' and 
     ``managers'' from the ranks of such organizations as the 
     International Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Salvation 
     Front, several branches of Islamic Jihad, and the National 
     Islamic Front of Sudan. The key organizations are:
       World Assembly of Islamic Youth (sometimes translated as 
     World Islamic Youth Assembly). Its headquarters is located in 
     Baku's residential district of Dzhandzhlik/Janjilk. The key 
     principals are Muhammad Salim Abd-al-Hamid (Saudi papers), 
     Muhammad Ali Khoroko (Somali papers), Arif Abdallah Abd-al-
     Hamid and Hayruzi Qa'id Abd-al-Rahman (both Yemenite papers). 
     Another Saudi, Salah Salman, is the contact man with Islamist 
     charity and financial organizations in Saudi Arabia;
       The International Organization of Islamic Salvation. Its 
     headquarters is on Narimanov Street, in the settlement 
     (essentially remote suburb) of Azizbekovo near Baku. The 
     three main functionaries are Muhammad Shama, Muhammad Salih 
     al-Jarni and Arif Abdallah Abd-al-Hamid (same as above), all 
     with Yemenite papers;
       Al-Ibrahim Foundation. Very little is known about this 
     Baku-based charity except that its Arab principals have huge 
     amounts of cash in hard currency. They are involved in 
     acquisition of real estate among other ``educational'' 
     projects.
       In the Fall of 1999, these charities began setting up 
     several camps near Baku, where their students should be able 
     ``to study the Koran in a quiet setting''. The primary 
     function of the camps in the overall vicinity of Baku is the 
     training of professional agitators. The students are a 
     mixture of Arabs, Caucasians and Central Asians. Their 
     primary mission is intended to be to ``brainwash'' the Muslim 
     population of Dagestan (as well as of Uzbekistan and 
     Kyrgyzstan) into supporting Islamist causes, subversion and 
     terrorism. The Islamists have just established in these camps 
     facilities for the production of printed, audio and video 
     incitement and agitation material advocating anti-Russian and 
     anti-Western jihad. Significantly, these ``camps'' are also 
     engaged in agitation against hated Muslim governments, 
     particularly the House of al-Saud. On one wall there is the 
     slogan in Arabic: ``The fate of the Shah of Iran, who was 
     driven out of his own country by Islamic organizations, 
     awaits the [Saudi] royal family.''
       The second phase in the expansion of the Islamist 
     facilities has begun in the past few days. A group of Arabs--
     all with documents from Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Yemen, and 
     Afghanistan--left the Baku area to newly established 
     ``religious field camps'' in the remote mountains of north-
     eastern Azerbaijan, on the road to Chechnya and Dagestan. All 
     three Islamist ``charities'' mentioned above established such 
     camps virtually simultaneously. These are paramilitary camps 
     where the students undergo basic military training as well as 
     equipping before they move on toward Chechnya and Dagestan. 
     Some of the leaders and commanders of these camps have been 
     identified as ``proxies of terrorist Osama bin Laden''.
       Meanwhile, in anticipation for escalation and expansion, 
     senior officials of the International Muslim Brotherhood, the 
     National Islamic Front, and several branches of Islamic Jihad 
     arrived in Azerbaijan in the latter days of September 1999. 
     By the first week of October, they were mainly arranging 
     contacts with local Islamists in order to establish new 
     routes for moving money, weapons and mujahedin into Chechnya. 
     One of their priorities is the shipment of Stingers from 
     Pakistan. In their conversations with Azerbaijani Islamists 
     and ``forthcoming'' officials, these emissaries acknowledged 
     that their primary objective is the consolidation in 
     Azerbaijan of a ``springboard for inserting their main forces 
     [into Chechnya and Dagestan]''. They also set up a flow of 
     cash into the accounts of the Islamist charities and camps. 
     Since late September 1999, there have been repeated transfers 
     of funds from Saudi Arabia via Beirut totaling tens of 
     millions of dollars.
       Much of this money is then transferred to Chechnya by 
     couriers. For example, one of the camps received an 
     electronic transfer of $2-million from Al-Barakah Bank 
     Lebanon (which is owned by the Saudi Sheikh Salih Abdallah 
     Kamil). An Arab called Bin-Abdallah (UAE papers) received the 
     money in cash and immediately carried it across the

[[Page 27097]]

     border into Chechnya. On October 5, 1999, Azerbaijani border 
     guards arrested two Arabs (with Iraqi papers) near the 
     village of Pashbir. They had US$300,000 in cash on them. They 
     claimed they were volunteers working for a charity in 
     Chechnya. All available evidence suggests that these known 
     cases are but a small fraction of the present shipment of 
     funds from Arab countries to Chechnya as well as the 
     ``Koranic camps'' in Azerbaijan.
       Another indicator of impending Islamist activities in and 
     via Azerbaijan are the reconnaissance trips of Arab experts 
     near the borders with Chechnya and Dagestan. For example, in 
     the first week of October, a team from the Islamic Jihad 
     traveled twice from Baku to the Azerbaijani-Dagestani border 
     and carefully studied mountain passes and roads near the 
     border. On October 5, 1999, a Turkish citizen called Yegid 
     Rejeb was arrested on the Azerbaijani-Dagestani border en 
     route to Khasavyurt with a Russian passport in the name of 
     Magomed Sattarov. Rejeb is a graduate of one of the Baku area 
     camps.
       Meanwhile, the build-up of expert terrorist cadres has 
     begun through other venues as well. On September 20, 1999, 
     Chechen field commander Shamil Basayev announced the 
     forthcoming establishment of a battalion of 400-500 shahids: 
     would-be martyrs; that is, suicide terrorists. ``These people 
     will be ready and capable of carrying out the most difficult 
     of tasks,'' he declared in Grozny. ``Time and circumstances 
     will tell'' what specific tasks he had in mind for them.
       Again, this was not an empty threat. Between October 3-5, 
     1999, a group of about 50 veteran Arab mujahedin--carrying 
     papers from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and the Palestinian 
     Authority--arrived at Khattab's main camp at Urus-Martan in 
     central Chechnya. They traveled into Georgia legally on 
     transit visas issued by the Georgian Consulate in Turkey. 
     They are the first of about 100 Arab mujahedin known to have 
     received Georgian visas together. Once this type of travel 
     was exposed, the Georgian authorities in Turkey began 
     dragging their feet in providing visas to walk-in Arabs. 
     Therefore, the Islamists have expanded their search for new 
     alternate routes into Chechnya and Dagestan via Azerbaijan.
                                  ____


                    Azerbaijan and Islamic Terrorism

       According to the Associated Press, the Congressional 
     Research Services (CRS, 9/10/2001) issued a report noting 
     that individuals and groups affiliated with the international 
     terrorist Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda organization used 
     Azerbaijan as one of the bases in its elaborate terrorist 
     network. Some reports suggest that various radical Islamist 
     groups had operated in Azerbaijan even before its 1991 
     independence. However, the real increase in their presence 
     took place after the 1993 military coup, when the government 
     of Heydar Aliyev approved a large-scale deployment of 
     mujaheddin fighters from Afghanistan and other countries to 
     join in the fighting against the Nagorno Karabagh Armenians.
       Azerbaijan has used the Karabagh conflicts, characterizing 
     it as a religious war, to cultivate ties in the Islamic 
     world. These ties, including overtures to radical Jihad-
     oriented organizations, have been aimed at diplomatically 
     isolating Armenia and raising financial and military 
     assistance for a new military campaign against Karabagh. 
     Since 1998, in the wake of the U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya 
     and Tanzania, the Azerbaijani government came under pressure 
     from Washington to clamp down on radical Islamist groups that 
     operate in Azerbaijan. But as recent reports show, radical 
     Islamist groups are entrenched in Azerbaijan and will be very 
     difficult to eradicate. The information below refers to the 
     main stages of development of Islamist terrorism in 
     Azerbaijan in the past decade:
       Azerbaijan experienced a wave of ``Islamic Revival'' in the 
     late 1980s--early 1990s that led the way to the creation of 
     many indigenous Islamist groups espousing violent ideology 
     and establishment of relations with similar organizations 
     abroad. The most overt expressions of Islamic solidarity by 
     Azeris were made in 1990 and 1991, when residents of 
     districts bordering Iran destroyed most of the frontier 
     installations to fraternize with Iranians, just as several 
     newly-established Azeri Islamist groups offered to provide 
     volunteers to fight in the Gulf War on the side of Saddam 
     Hussein. A member of Al Qaeda, Jamal Ahmed el-Fadl, arrested 
     by the FBI for his role in the 1998 embassy bombings, claimed 
     his organization became active in Azerbajan as early as 1989. 
     (Trans-Caspian Project 10/3/00, Ekho 9/1/01)
       In the summer of 1993, President Heydar Aliyev deployed 
     over 1,000 Islamist mercenaries in the war against Karabagh 
     Armenians. They were flown on civilian aircraft from 
     Afghanistan to Azerbaijan. The mercenaries, which also 
     included Arab veterans of the Afghan war (1979-89), took an 
     active role in the Karabagh conflict. (Moscow News (9/13/00) 
     A Bin Laden associate claimed that Bin Laden himself led 
     mujaheddin in at least two Karabagh battles. (Associated 
     Press 11/14/99)
       Following the armistice that took hold in Karabagh in May 
     1994, most of the mujaheddin left Azerbaijan to fight in 
     other hot spots, such as the North Caucasus and Balkans. 
     Others, however, remained to establish what was soon 
     described as ``the new hub'' for Islamist radicals that 
     involved a network of training camps, mosques, charitable 
     organizations and underground cells. Ibrahim Eidarous, later 
     arrested in Europe by the FBI for his role in the 1998 
     embassy bombings, headed the Azerbaijani branch of al Qaeda 
     between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, radical Islamist groups with 
     branches in Azerbaijan reportedly pledged their support for 
     President Heydar Aliyev against Armenians, in exchange for a 
     safe haven in Azerbaijan. (Strategic Policy 10/99; Ekho 9/1/
     01)
       In August 1998, the Azerbaijani branch of the ``Islamic 
     Jihad'' organization, which by then had merged with Osama Bin 
     Laden's al Qaeda, reportedly coordinated the bombings of the 
     U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania that killed 224 people 
     and wounded nearly 4,600. The FBI was able to trace about 60 
     phone calls made from the satellite phone used by Bin Laden 
     to his associates in Baku and from them to operatives in East 
     Africa. The U.S. Embassy in Azerbaijan also feared an attack, 
     but as a local radical claimed, they did not attack the 
     Embassy so as ``not to spoil their good relations in 
     Azerbaijan.'' (Zerkalo 7/22/00; Bill of Indictment in U.S.A. 
     vs. Bin Laden et. al. 4/01; Washington Post 5/3/01; Ekho 8/
     23/01)
       Following the 1998 embassy bombings, Azerbaijan came under 
     increased U.S. pressure to curtail radical Islamist activity 
     on its territory. However, Azerbaijan refused to hand over 
     suspected terrorists to the U.S., so as not to ``earn the ire 
     of Islamist fundamentalists'', extending them instead to 
     their native countries. One of the extradited terrorism 
     suspects, Ahmad Salam Mabrouk, who at the time headed the 
     local branch of Al Qaeda, was detained while trying to 
     acquire chemical and biological weapons in Azerbaijan. 
     (Aviation Week & Space Technology 10/12/98; Agence France 
     Presse 3/18/99; London's Sunday Times 7/18/99; Zerkalo 7/22/
     00; Ekho 8/29/01)
       Azerbaijan, nevertheless, continues to be an attractive 
     destination for the international terrorist networks, 
     particularly those based in Afghanistan. In late 2000, head 
     of the UNHCR mission in Azerbaijan Didier Laye noted that 
     most asylum-seekers that arrive in Azerbaijan come from 
     Afghanistan. (Azerbaijan and Afghanistan have no direct 
     borders, are not ethnically related and there is no 
     infrastructure in Azerbaijan to support these arrivals. In 
     the absence of alternative reasons, Azerbaijan is an odd 
     destination for Afghans.) In the Azeri capital, mosques 
     influenced by Islamist radicals attract a large following. 
     That following reportedly includes even some senior members 
     of President Aliyev's staff. Most recently, the local media 
     speculated that should Bin Laden be forced to flee 
     Afghanistan, he may appear in Azerbaijan. Over the years, Bin 
     Laden's sympathizers have moved out of Azerbaijan's capital, 
     Baku, to establish camps in rural areas of the country, 
     particularly in the remote mountainous areas in the largely 
     Sunni Muslim north of the country. (Strategic Policy 10/99; 
     Turan 11/21/00; Ekho 5/2/01)
       In the words of one Islamic scholar, Azerbaijan is a part 
     of the ``Global Intifada'' that also includes Palestine, the 
     Balkans and Kashmir. As recently as a few weeks ago, sources 
     in the Azerbaijani Ministry of National Security, cited by 
     local media, confirmed that radical organizations, such as 
     Bin Laden's Al Qaeda, continued to be active in Azerbaijan. 
     Two weeks ago, Egyptian citizen Mahmoud Yaballah was arrested 
     for his connection to the U.S. Embassy bombings, while trying 
     to enter Canada after flying in from Azerbaijan. (Ekho 9/1/
     01)
       Azerbaijan is an authoritarian state, where President and 
     former KGB General Aliyev and his cohorts in effect control 
     all spheres of life. The Aliyev government, which came to 
     power by means of a military coup, has repeatedly banned 
     political parties and media outlets, stolen elections and 
     thrown thousands of its political opponents in jail. It is 
     highly unlikely that groups such as Bin Laden's Al Qaeda 
     could operate in Azerbaijan without at least some consent 
     from President Aliyev. The Aliyev government is thus treading 
     a thin line between international terrorists, whom it 
     cultivated to fight its wars, and the international 
     community, which can no longer ignore this reality.


                                Sources

       In addition to reports in the above-noted and well 
     recognized sources, such as AFP, AP, Aviation Week & Space 
     Technology, The Times and Washington Post, this issue brief 
     is based on the following additional sources:
       Ekho and Zerkalo are leading Russian-language daily 
     newspapers in Azerbaijan and can be found at www.zerkalo-
     daily.com and www.zerkalo.az. In August-September 2001, Ekho 
     featured a series of articles on ties between Bin Laden and 
     Azerbaijan written by its Deputy Editor Nair Aliyev.
       Moscow News is a leading English-language liberal weekly 
     newspaper published in Russia and can be found at www.mn.ru. 
     In September 2000, it featured an article on connections 
     between Chechnya, Azerbaijan, Afghanistan and the Islamist 
     terrorist network, written by its Azerbaijan correspondent 
     Sanobar Shermatova.
       Strategic Policy (formerly Defense & Foreign Affairs) is a 
     monthly international affairs report published in Alexandria, 
     VA and

[[Page 27098]]

     found at http://www.strategicstudies.org/dfa.htm. Its October 
     1999 issue featured an extensive article by Yossef Bodansky, 
     Director of the U.S. Congressional Task Force on Terrorism 
     and Unconventional Warfare.
       TransCaspian Project is an online reporting and analytical 
     service on Caspian regional affairs (found at http://
 www.transcaspian.ru). Its October 3, 2000 report featured an 
     analysis by Alexey Malashenko of the Moscow office of the 
     Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
       Turan is the leading news agency in Azerbaijan and can be 
     found at http://www.turaninfo.com.
                                  ____

                                                 November 5, 2001.
       In the beginning of October the International Working Group 
     on Search and Liberation of Missing Persons, Hostages and 
     POWs of Karabagh Conflict once again visited Azerbaijan where 
     it studied the issue of missing persons in the Nagorno 
     Karabagh conflict. With the participation of the leadership 
     of the Ministry of Defense, we discussed mechanisms for 
     effective cooperation and drew up plans for future work.
       We were pleased to see that the communication between 
     people working on the issue of searching for the missing 
     persons is improving and that a procedure for the return of 
     prisoners of war has been established. The officials, who are 
     responsible for dealing with the POWs no longer view them as 
     ``exchange material'' and following check-ups they transfer 
     intentional and unintentional violators of the border to the 
     opposite side without preconditions.
       In October, the responsible officers of the State 
     Commission and the Defense Ministry of Azerbaijani Republic 
     expressed their readiness to participate in a meeting of 
     individuals, engaged in the search for missing persons and 
     liberation of POWs of the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. The 
     meeting was scheduled to take place in Germany on November 
     10-12 of 2001. The purpose of the meeting would be to 
     intensify the humanitarian efforts in the search for missing 
     persons. The consent to participate in the meeting reflected 
     the fact that all structures on both the Armenian and the 
     Azerbaijani side are ready to cooperate with the 
     International Working Group. We were hoping that through 
     direct contacts, citizens on both sides would be able to 
     receive information about the destiny of their loved ones, 
     possibly some would return home strengthening trust between 
     the nations. Naturally, discussion of any political issues 
     during that meeting was not envisaged and such a possibility 
     was altogether excluded.
       We have to state with great disappointment that on November 
     2 the Azerbaijani side refused to participate in that 
     meeting.
       Until this instance, in its long years of work on this 
     conflict, the International Working Group has not seen any 
     side backtrack on agreements.
       This time the Azerbaijani side is not keeping its promise 
     and refuses to participate in the meeting in Germany, which, 
     as we strongly believe, is a substantial blow to the joint 
     efforts to establish a humanitarian dialogue.
       Human values are always a priority in our work. In every 
     conflict we are always on the side of people who are 
     suffering from the conflict. As a result of the Azerbaijani 
     authorities' refusal to participate in the meeting, it is 
     these people that will suffer again. Neither the early 
     notification of the Armenian side about the meeting, nor the 
     pressure of internal destructive forces can justify their 
     suffering.
       We believe that refusing to participate in the meeting, the 
     Azerbaijani authorities make our efforts ineffective and 
     seriously lower the level of confidence that the victims of 
     the conflict have in us. For these reasons, the International 
     Working Group plans to hold consultations on whether our 
     engagement in the region is still feasible.

     Svetlana Gannushkina.
     Bernhard Clasen.
     Paata Zakareishvili.

  Throughout this process, I have worked closely with my Armenian 
Caucus Co-Chair Joe Knollenberg, who also serves on the House Foreign 
Operations Appropriations Subcommittee. I would like to thank him in 
particular for his efforts in ensuring a balanced approach to section 
907.
  Mr. Speaker, the bill's limited and conditional waiver to section 907 
will enable the U.S. to effectively combat the war on terrorism while 
at the same time ensuring that Armenia and Armenian communities in the 
South Caucasus are safeguarded. The language makes it clear that no 
assistance can be provided to Azerbaijan unless the President 
determines and certifies that it is necessary to support 
counterterrorism and will not undermine the Nagorno-Karabagh peace 
process or be used for offensive purposes against Armenia or Armenian 
communities.
  By maintaining section 907, we hold Azerbaijan accountable for their 
(ongoing blockades against Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh) actions. In 
addition, Azerbaijan's incessant war mongering is of great concern. 
Instead of taking a constructive approach, senior Azerbaijani officials 
continue to threaten military action despite calls from the OSCE to 
cease such provocations. Azerbaijan has also rejected U.S./European 
union calls for economic cooperation with Armenia. Moreover, progress 
in the Nagorno Karabagh peace talks have been hindered with President 
Heydar Aliyev backing away from commitments made in Paris, France and 
in Key West, Florida. I was also disappointed to learn that after 
agreeing to meet with their Nagorno Karabagh counterparts, Azerbaijan 
recently refused to participate in a meeting sponsored by the 
International Working Group on Search and Liberation of Missing 
Persons, Hostages and POWs of the Karabagh conflict. I ask unanimous 
consent to include the International Working Group's press release on 
this matter.
  Mr. Speaker, I have seen a continued pattern whereby the Armenians 
reach out and take risks for peace and normal relations with its 
neighbors only to be rebuffed by Azerbaijan or Turkey. As my colleagues 
know, the resolution of conflicts in the Caucasus and the opening of 
closed borders are long-standing U.S. policy goals. In this regard, I 
expect to see some positive developments and, in fact, when Congress 
reviews the issue of the Section 907 waiver next year, renewal of any 
waiver should also be contingent upon Turkey's lifting its blockade of 
Armenia. Lifting the blockade is certainly in the U.S. national 
interest.
  Mr. Speaker, I also strongly support the other Armenian-related 
provisions in the bill, including the $90 million earmark for Armenia 
and an additional $4 million for foreign military financing, and 
$300,000 for international military education training. Expanding our 
military cooperation is an important new step in U.S.-Armenian 
relations and I fully support it.
  In this regard, I would note the importance for the United States to 
maintain parity in its military/security relationship between Armenia 
and Azerbaijan. Finally, I would also like to commend the Armenian 
Government as well as Armenian-American organizations and individuals 
who realized that conditional changes to section 907 were needed in the 
global war against terrorism.
  Again, I want to thank the subcommittee members for what they did in 
this regard.
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker), another member of the 
subcommittee.
  Mr. WICKER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to 
me.
  Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to join my chairman and my friend, the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), in supporting this bill and to 
urge my colleagues to adopt the conference report overwhelmingly.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a bill that typically many people in the United 
States would just as soon we forget about. There are a lot of my 
colleagues, Mr. Speaker, who would go back to their town meetings and 
proudly tell some of their constituents that they never voted for any 
foreign assistance.
  Yet, Mr. Speaker, those same people, when September 11 occurred and 
when we realized that the United States would have to drive the Taliban 
out of Afghanistan, that we would have to be engaged in that region, 
those very same Members who proudly said they never voted for a dime in 
foreign aid are glad that we have a friend or two in that region. They 
are proud and thankful that the United States has some influence there.
  If by spending just a little money on international military 
education, de-mining activities, Peace Corps activities, UNICEF, child 
survival, HIV/AIDS, we have obtained a little influence in those 
regions, then I proudly say that that is money spent not only for doing 
good across the world, but also money spent in our national interest.
  It has already been pointed out that this bill today, even with the 
small increase that we have, amounts to less than 1 percent of all of 
the money that the United States will spend for all purposes during 
this fiscal year.

                              {time}  1630

  And while some people around the country would not spend anything on 
this bill at all, I think most Americans, when informed that it is less 
than 1 percent, say that that is a good price to pay to extend our 
influence and our friendship around the world.

[[Page 27099]]

  We are providing assistance in many good ways, Mr. Speaker. And make 
no mistake about it, we intend to do good with this bill and we are 
providing help to other nations. But the main reason we pass this bill 
today and the main reason that I vote for it as a fiscal conservative 
is that it is absolutely in the national interest of the United States 
of America for us to extend our influence around the globe.
  I thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and I thank the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for their hard work.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Pelosi), a distinguished member of the committee, a 
ranking member of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, a 
former ranking member of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export 
Financing and Related Programs.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, first off, I want to commend the 
distinguished chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Arizona 
(Mr. Kolbe) and the ranking member, the excellent ranking member of the 
committee for their strong bipartisan leadership which was so necessary 
to bring this bipartisan bill to the floor today.
  It represent a great deal of work on their part and it was not 
without its difficult moments. I do intend to support the bill, 
although I am not thrilled with the way that some of the compromises 
were worked out, one would be the bill does contain the global gag 
rule, but I will talk about that in a moment.
  The bill provides important foreign aid investments that will boost 
the economy of developing nations and take a giant step toward the 
alleviation of poverty.
  On that note, Mr. Speaker, I want to say what I say every year when 
this bill comes up and when I was ranking member I did, and that is 
that all of us in our country are familiar with the great words of 
President Kennedy in his inaugural address which I, as a student, 
witnessed firsthand in the freezing cold in Washington, D.C. in 1960. 
In that address he said, and we all know these words to the people of 
America, ``To the citizens of America, ask not what your country can do 
for you, but what you can do for your country.'' We all know that. 
Everyone knows those words.
  But does everyone know that the very next sentence in the speech, the 
inaugural address, the very next sentence says, ``To the citizens of 
the world, ask not what America can do for you, but what we can do 
working together for the freedom of mankind.''
  And I believe, Mr. Speaker, that President Kennedy's words are the 
clarion call for the bill that is before us today. Now, more than ever, 
we need to cooperate internationally and to follow the lead of 
President Kennedy. Since September 11 it is now, more than ever, 
important to address the root causes of instability in the world by 
working to alleviate poverty.
  Alleviation of poverty would not have probably prevented what 
happened on September 11. But the alleviation of poverty will go a long 
way to alleviate also the fury of despair that springs from peoples who 
have no economic options. They have no recourse. They have no place to 
go. And so many of them are susceptible to demagogs. I think poverty 
produces violence throughout the world.
  We do know that now more than ever it is a good investment for 
America to invest in stability in the world and in peace. Pope Paul, VI 
said, ``If you want peace, work for justice.'' Part of that justice is, 
of course, economic justice. And this bill, with its investments across 
the world, helps to build the economies of a country, giving more 
economic opportunities to people, alleviating poverty, raising the 
standard of living, and again, hopefully defusing the fury of despair 
that is out there.
  As I mentioned, Mr. Speaker, there are many excellent parts of the 
bill. The bill contains $475 million for HIV/AIDS funding, which is a 
significant increase over the amount requested by the administration. 
It is still not enough, mind you. We have a tremendous opportunity as 
far as AIDS is concerned and the leadership that the United States 
provides.
  If you combined AIDS and poverty, you have a terrible combination. 
But that is the combination that many people are faced with throughout 
the world.
  The bill also contains $50 million for the Global Health Trust Fund 
with an option for the President to invest $50 million more. I 
certainly had hoped for more funding for the Global Health Trust Fund. 
The funding provided is increased and combined with the Labor HHS bill 
that we passed earlier today in the supplemental appropriations bill, 
will advance the fight against AIDS and encourage other nations to join 
in contributing funding, what we can do together with other countries.
  I want to especially commend the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. 
Lowey), the ranking member on the committee for her work on increasing 
funding for basic education. She has been a champion on this throughout 
the years, and her leadership and the amount of money in the bill, $165 
million, is due to her efforts over the years, and certainly this year.
  I mentioned about family planning. The bill contains a compromise on 
the family planning issue which enables international family planning 
to be funded at an increase in funding $446.5 million, and UNFPA at $34 
million. This was a hard-fought compromise. But the price to pay for 
that is the global guide rule is not in the conference report. As my 
colleagues will recall, one of the first acts, well, the first official 
act that President Bush took when he became President of the United 
States was to revoke the language that had been in our foreign ops bill 
from last year, which eliminated the global gag rule from our public 
policy. Unfortunately that was in the bill.
  The current restrictions of the gag rule erect barriers to the 
promotion of civil societies abroad and the enhancement of women's 
participation in the political process and the credibility of the 
United States in the international arena. Having expressed that dismay, 
I still, of course, intend to support the bill.
  I had also hoped for more funding for disaster assistance for El 
Salvador in response to the devastating earthquakes. The chairman was 
successful in providing $100 million in the bill. Only a portion of 
this is new funding.
  I look forward to working with the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) 
next year to provide needed construction funds to restore the 
infrastructure there.
  There are many good things in the bill. I commend the leadership of 
the committee for increasing what we called when I was ranking member 
and the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) was chairman, the 
Callahan account to $1.43 billion for the child survival account, which 
is a significant increase over the President's budget.
  Mr. Speaker, with that, I want to commend the distinguished chairman 
and the ranking member for a really a good piece of work. It is not 
without its difficulties. It is, in some respects, a compromise, and in 
other areas, it really made good strides in helping reach our 
international goals to help reflect the leadership role of our country 
in the world.
  Now, more than ever, in light of September 11, we see what a small 
investment this bill is in protecting our people at home by promoting 
stability and alleviation of poverty and eradication of disease, not 
only AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, et cetera.
  So this is the Lord's work, in addition to which there is business in 
here, a trade promotion which is very important to our own economy. It 
is a good bill. I urge its support.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Thornberry). The gentleman from Arizona 
(Mr. Kolbe) has 2 minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from New York 
(Mrs. Lowey) has 3 minutes remaining.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.


Announcement of Measures to be Considered under Suspension of the Rules 
                    on Wednesday, December 19, 2001

  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, before I yield to the last speaker, I would 
like to make the following announcement

[[Page 27100]]

for the leadership. Pursuant to the notice requirements of House 
Resolution 314, I announce that the following measures will be 
considered under suspension of the rules On Wednesday, December 19, 
2001: H.R. 3487; H.R. 3504; and H. Con. Res. 292.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield the remaining time to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Kirk). All the speakers that we have had on this side 
have been members of our subcommittee. To close this debate, I would 
like to call on an individual who has, over the years, contributed a 
great deal to establishing the foreign policy for this country through 
the work he has done here as a staff member, and today as a member of 
the Committee on Armed Services, contributes greatly to the national 
security of this country.
  Mr. KIRK. Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support for the Foreign 
Operations conference report, and I want to especially commend the 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) on his first bill, and the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for her work.
  While the foreign assistance program may not be the most popular, the 
events of September 11 underscore its importance. By supporting U.S. 
allies in a time of war against terror, we reduce U.S. casualties and 
shorten this conflict.
  Speaking as a member of the Committee on Armed Services, I would 
liken this program to its predecessor, the Land Lease Aid of World War 
II. Foreign assistance represents some of the most effective national 
defense dollars we provide, and also as a member of the Committee on 
the Budget, I will fight next year for function 150 funding to make 
this subcommittee's job easier.
  I want to highlight two keys aspects of this bill. First, after great 
delay, this bill provides the full measure of assistance to our allies 
in the Middle East, including Israel. If there is anytime to show 
tangible support to Israel, it is now. Democracies should stick 
together and this bill does that.
  I also want to commend the compromise to provide resources for family 
planning. The average Afghan woman has six children. Many young Afghans 
have few prospects and are tempted to extremism. This bill helps dry up 
the wells of discontent in central Asia, stabilizing new allies in the 
war on terror, both through the Agency for International Development, 
and especially through the UNFPA.
  I want to commend the committee and staff of the subcommittee and 
urge rapid adoption of this bill.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this conference 
report. I want to commend Chairman Kolbe and our ranking member, 
Congresswoman Lowey, for crafting a fair and comprehensive bill that 
addresses the needs of many nations throughout the world.
  As conflict continues around the globe, from Northern Ireland to the 
Middle East, this bill has taken the appropriate steps to provide the 
tools for future prosperity and the potential for reconciliation.
  As the cycle of violence continues in the Middle East, it is 
essential that we take the appropriate steps to facilitate an 
atmosphere of peace. The Middle East package in this appropriations 
bill takes great strides toward that end by including balanced funding 
for Israel and Egypt, as well as essential support for Jordan and 
Lebanon.
  Specifically, this bill provides economic funding in the amount of 
$720 million for Israel and $655 million for Egypt. Additionally, it 
provides $2.04 billion in military financing for Israel and $1.3 
billion for Egypt.
  I would like to make a special note to commend Israel for being the 
only country to voluntary request a reduction in its economic 
assistance. It is my sincere hope that this funding will foster an 
atmosphere for reconciliation that is so desperate needed. I would also 
like to thank the Committee for recognizing the work of the Galilee 
Society. The Galilee Society works with Israeli-Arabs and Israeli-Jews 
on projects that are in the mutual interest of both communities. From 
water purification to child immunizations, Galilee has looked beyond 
the religious and cultural differences that are often divisive in this 
part of the world, for the betterment of the society as a whole.
  Furthermore, the funding provided for the International Fund for 
Ireland in the amount of $25 million is a crucial element in 
facilitating an environment in Northern Ireland in which all sides can 
live together and prosper for the common good. With the peace process 
on tenuous ground, programs such as the International Fund for Ireland 
are essential for Irish youth from the North and from the Republic to 
work together to improve the future of their respective homelands.
  On behalf of the Congressional Caucus on Bangladesh and the South 
Asian Community in New York's Seventh Congressional District, I would 
like to express our gratitude for $23.5 million for International 
Disaster Assistance. Specifically, the $5 million earmark for relief 
efforts in South Asia. The South Asian region has been decimated by 
earthquakes and flooding throughout this difficult year. The funding 
included in this bill will make great progress toward rebuilding the 
communities hardest hit by these tragic events.
  I wish to thank the Committee for the funding provided for the United 
Nations Population Fund. This important funding will save the lives of 
thousands of women and children throughout the developing world.
  Though I am pleased overall with the funding levels included in this 
bill, I have many concerns regarding the Andean Initiative.
  Despite the fact that this funding is a vast improvement over Plan 
Colombia, I believe that it fails to address the needs of countries, 
such as Ecuador, to effectively combat the spillover effect from the 
drug war in Colombia. Furthermore, this initiative continues to provide 
financial and military assistance to the Colombian military. With an 
abysmal human rights record, the Colombian military should receive no 
support from the United States.
  It is my hope that these funding deficiencies will be addressed and 
rectified in future foreign aid packages.
  I congratulate Mr. Kolbe and Mrs. Lowey for their diligent work on 
this conference report, and I urge my colleagues to support its 
passage.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I will support this conference report 
with the express hope that we can do better next year. Foreign affairs 
is one of the most important investments we make as a nation, and that 
fact was underscored by the catastrophic events of September 11.
  In his first public appearance after that tragic day, former 
President Jimmy Carter said on November 15 at the Carter Center that 
the chasm between rich and poor nations is ``by far the most important 
single problem in the world.'' If more were done for the poor, he said, 
``there would be a lot less animosity and a lot less inclination to 
commit suicide to kill an American.''
  I congratulate my colleagues Doug Bereuter  and Howard Berman for 
leading a letter to President Bush last month urging increased funding 
for the fiscal year 2003 function 150 International Affairs budget as 
part of our Nation's comprehensive response to the September 11 attack 
on America. Foreign assistance makes a difference. Since 1960, life 
expectancy in poor countries has risen from 45 to 64. Since 1970, the 
illiteracy rate has fallen from 47 percent to 25 percent. And, since 
1980, the number of poor people has fallen by about 200 million--this 
at a time when world population increased by 1.6 billion. These are 
impressive gains, but the U.S. is not doing as much as we should.
  Through the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and 
the Group of Seven, the world's richest economies have committed 
themselves to halving world poverty by 2015, and devoting .7 percent of 
their individual gross national products to overseas development 
assistance. As a percentage of national income, U.S. foreign aid has 
dropped steadily since the early 1990s, leaving the U.S. at the very 
bottom among the 22 OECD members, with barely .1 percent of GNP going 
to development assistance.
  I commend to my colleagues the excellent Op-Ed I am submitting for 
the Record that was written by the CEO of Mercy Corps, headquartered in 
Portland, Oregon. In it, Neal Keny-Guyer states that ``we have to speak 
plainly and forcibly about the resources required to confront the real 
battle. . . . As Congress ponders a blank check for military defenses, 
national and homeland security and increased intelligence capabilities, 
we have to significantly increase programs that attack the roots of 
terrorism.''
  I agree with Mr. Keny-Guyer's conclusion that, ``We need to declare 
that it is a moral outrage to have the resources to reduce global 
poverty, but not the will to carry out change.'' I pledge to do what I 
can to work that will to strengthen U.S. foreign assistance along with 
my colleagues on the House International Relations Committee and 
through the FY03 budget process.

[[Page 27101]]



                  [From the Oregonian, Nov. 26, 2001]

            Help Injured World Heal With a Sustained Effort

                          (By Neal Keny-Guyer)

       All the military might that America can muster will not end 
     terrorism. Not by itself. It requires a sustained assault 
     against those conditions on which terrorism breeds and feeds: 
     abject poverty and social inequality, mass ignorance and 
     disease, despair and intolerance, violence and conflict.
       The frontline battalions and brigades in this war are the 
     humanitarian organizations such as Oxfam, CARE, Save the 
     Children and Mercy Corps. Never has their role been more 
     important. And never have these organizations been more 
     challenged to think and act differently.
       It is no longer enough to attack the physical conditions of 
     poverty--income levels, adequate housing, health care, infant 
     mortality rates. Pure acts of mercy and relief may help 
     alleviate individual suffering and make the actors of charity 
     feel better, but they do not redress or affect root causes 
     and conditions. Even if we were to lower global infant 
     mortality rates by 25 percent tomorrow (and, of course, we 
     should pursue this noble goal) it is not clear at all that 
     the world would be a more stable, less violent place. It is 
     not self-evident that the forces of terror would be in 
     retreat.
       So what is it that we aid agencies should really be doing 
     to make a difference?
       First, we have to speak plainly and forcibly about the 
     resources required to confront the real battle. Americans are 
     generous people, but the U.S. government's global aid budget 
     needs to increase significantly beyond the paltry level of 
     less than 1 percent of our federal budget that we give today. 
     Most industrialized nations devote far greater percentages of 
     their budgets to international relief and development. As 
     Congress ponders a blank check for military defenses, 
     national and homeland security and increased intelligence 
     capabilities, we have to significantly increase programs that 
     attack the roots of terrorism. But let's make sure that we 
     are not just throwing money at good causes or buying 
     political and military cooperation through aid.
       Second, international aid agencies and nongovernmental 
     organizations have to replace traditional programs that meet 
     basic human needs and promote development with more 
     innovative initiatives. We need programs that both feed the 
     hungry and teach agriculture skills and, at the same time, 
     promote land reform and democratic participation. Health 
     programs must provide not only basic maternal and child 
     medical care, but also promote basic rights for women and 
     children. We need micro-credit programs that do not simply 
     provide credit for the poor but that also link, for example, 
     Serbian producers with Albanian suppliers in Kosovo. We need 
     humanitarian assistance programs that consciously promote, if 
     not require, active cooperation among various religious 
     factions in so many down trodden countries.
       In Afghanistan today, the role of aid agencies is not 
     simply to feed starving people or to rebuild war-torn 
     buildings and infrastructure. Our real job is to provide aid 
     in a way that truly builds a foundation for a peaceful, 
     pluralistic future. Our multi-ethnic, multi-tribal teams need 
     to represent a working model of cooperation and tolerance. We 
     need to witness against human rights abuses and reprisals 
     while we help create Afghan models for a healthy civil 
     society.
       Humanitarian and development assistance, always and 
     everywhere, has to promote political participation among 
     marginalized groups, respect for human rights and the rule of 
     law. Aid agencies, always and everywhere, have to deliver 
     assistance in the ways that build bridges of understanding 
     and cooperation among religious, ethnic and cultural 
     communities affected by conflict.
       It is no longer enough to be simple angels of mercy. Aid 
     agencies today have to be ambassadors of peace, 
     reconciliation and hope-- hope for more secure, just and 
     meaningful future.
       Finally aid agencies today need to find creative, 
     compelling ways to connect their supporters with a deeper 
     understanding of the world. We need to declare that it is a 
     moral outrage to have the resources to reduce global poverty, 
     but not the will to carry out change. We cannot stand on the 
     sidelines of history while 50 million people are refugees 
     from war and persecution, while 25 million children are 
     killed, maimed or made homeless in a decade's time, while 
     35,000 children die each day from hunger and disease.
       A seamless web of compassion connects homeless child in 
     Poland with a hungry, desperate child in Afghanistan. And 
     when one child is helped anywhere, all of God's children can 
     rejoice. In this understanding, terrorism cannot win. In this 
     discovery, in this conviction, a better America and a better 
     world will emerge.

  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, this Member rises in strong support for 
the conference report to H.R. 2506, the Foreign Operations 
appropriations bill. This Member would particularly like to thank the 
distinguished gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the Chairman of 
Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, for his efforts in 
bringing this conference report to the House Floor. Additionally, this 
Member would like to thank the distinguished gentleman from Florida 
(Mr. Young) the Chairman of the Appropriations Committee, for his 
continued leadership.
  This Member would like to focus on three following parts of this 
conference report to H.R. 2506: the 150 International Affairs Budget, 
the Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im Bank), and the International Fund for 
Agricultural Development (IFAD).
  First, the conference report to H.R. 2506 includes appropriations for 
the 150 International Affairs budget. Through the 150 International 
Affairs budget, the U.S. funds its programs which are critical to 
protecting U.S. security, economic, and diplomatic interests overseas. 
Indeed, these programs, which include U.S. humanitarian assistance 
programs; foreign economic and military assistance; public diplomacy 
efforts; and export promotion programs, are the tools which American 
diplomats, aid workers, and businesses use to promote the American 
story of freedom, democracy, and free markets. Without these tools, 
other countries and regimes have a greater opportunity to define in an 
unfavorable light what America stands for and to promote causes which 
are in direct opposition to U.S. national interests.
  Mr. Speaker, this Member joined his colleague, the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), and 61 other distinguished 
Members of this Body from both sides of the aisle in sending to the 
President a letter which expresses support for an increase in the 
fiscal year 2003 150 International Affairs budget. Currently, funding 
for the 150 International Affairs budget comprises less than 1 percent 
of the overall Federal budget, and these funds will play a very crucial 
role in the war on terrorism. Indeed, increasing the 150 International 
Affairs Budget will provide the Administration more flexibility to wage 
the diplomatic component of the war on terrorism.
  Second, this Member supports the $727 million appropriation for the 
program budget of the Ex-Im Bank and the $63 million appropriation for 
its administrative budget. The Ex-Im Bank is an independent U.S. 
Government agency which provides direct loans to buyers of U.S. 
exports, guarantees to commercial loans to buyers of U.S. products, and 
insurance products which greatly benefit short-term small business 
sales. To illustrate the importance of the Ex-Im Bank, in FY 2000, it 
supported over $15 billion worth of exports through loans, guarantees, 
and insurance for American businesses, both small and large.
  As the Chairman of the House Financial Services Subcommittee on 
International Monetary Policy and Trade, this Member takes a particular 
interest in the appropriation for the Ex-Im Bank since he has 
introduced legislation (H.R. 2871) which would reauthorize the Ex-Im 
Bank for four years, until September 30, 2005. This legislation, the 
Export-Import Bank Reauthorization Act of 2001, passed the House 
Financial Services Committee on October 31, 2001. This Member is 
awaiting this legislation to be taken up on the House Floor. It should 
be noted that, at the request of certain U.S. Senators, the conference 
report includes an extension to March 31, 2001, for the authorization 
of the Ex-Im Bank.
  With respect to the program budget, the conference report provides 
funding for Ex-Im Bank's loans, guarantees, and insurance products. In 
the administration's budget for fiscal year 2002, it reduced the 
program budget of the Ex-Im Bank to $633 million. The fiscal year 2001 
level for the program budget was $865 million. This conference report 
restores some of the funding for the program budget by appropriating 
$727 million for fiscal 2002. It is important to note that under the 
Export-Import Bank Reauthorization Act of 2001, the program budget is 
effectively authorized for such sums as are appropriated through fiscal 
year 2005.
  With regard to the administrative budget for the Ex-Im Bank, this 
conference report appropriates $63 million. This is an increase by $1 
million over the $62 million level for the administrative budget for 
fiscal year 2002. Funding for the administrative budget is essential as 
the Ex-Im Bank is in a desperate need of a technology upgrade which 
would particularly benefit small business users of the Ex-Im Bank. To 
illustrate this importance, this Member's legislation, H.R. 2871, 
authorizes $80 million for the administrative budget, which includes 
funding for information technology for fiscal year 2002, and indexes 
this authorization level for inflation for fiscal year 2003 through 
fiscal year 2005.
  This Member would also like to note that this conference report 
contains an authorization of $30 million to IFAD. IFAD provides loans 
and grants for agricultural and rural projects for the world's poor who 
live in such rural areas. Almost 75 percent of the world's 1.2 billion 
poorest people live in rural areas. Furthermore, approximately two-
thirds of IFAD

[[Page 27102]]

loans are concessional. This authorization of $30 million for the Fifth 
Replenishment for IFAD is identical to the Administration's request.
  As the Chairman of the House Financial Services Subcommittee on 
International Monetary Policy and Trade, which has authorization 
responsibilities over the regional multilateral development banks 
including IFAD, this Member introduced H.R. 2604. This legislation 
reauthorizes the U.S. commitment to the Asian Development Fund and IFAD 
and sets forth additional policies regarding the other regional 
multilateral development institutions. This legislation, H.R. 2604, 
particularly addresses the subjects of HIV/AIDS, user fees, and 
transparency as it relates to the different regional multilateral 
development institutions.
  This legislation, H.R. 2604, passed the House Financial Services 
Committee by a voice vote on October 31, 2001. This Member is awaiting 
this legislation to be taken up on the House Floor. It is important to 
note this conference report does not authorize the Asian Development 
Fund. The Administration had requested an authorization for a four year 
$412 million U.S. contribution to the Seventh replenishment of the 
Asian Development Fund. Since this authorization is not in the 
conference report of H.R. 2506, it is imperative that the House Floor 
take up this Member's legislation, H.R. 2604, in the immediate future 
since it contains the authorization for the Asian Development Fund.
  In conclusion, for the above reasons and many others, this Member 
urges his colleagues to support the conference report to H.R. 2506, the 
Foreign Operations appropriations bill.
  Mr. FORBES. Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant support of the Fiscal 
Year 2002 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act. Though the bill 
includes language that gives me serious pause--in particular that 
related to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), I will cast my 
vote in support of this legislation today to ensure our continued 
support for the people of Israel in their time of great crisis.
  The people of Israel have lived with violence and unrest since the 
birth of their nation more than 50 years ago. But in recent years, it 
has appeared that with serious effort, a reasonable peace could be 
achieved in that region. Over the past several weeks, however, that 
dream of peace has crumbled. The leadership of the Palestinian 
Authority has been lacking either the wherewithal or the will to 
control the escalating violence and the Israeli leadership has 
retaliated in the only way it can see fit. Regrettably, innocent lives 
on both sides often pay the price for this impasse.
  In this time of turmoil, Mr. Speaker, we must show our support for 
our ally, Israel. This bill fully funds the President's requests for 
foreign military financing and economic assistance to Israel. Thus, 
despite my objections to the UNFPA language and other provisions, I 
must support this funding bill.
  The compromise language developed by the conferees increases the 
appropriation for the UNFPA by 40 percent over last year. In recent 
months, the UNFPA has come under increasing scrutiny for its policies 
that support coercive abortion policies in China, Peru, and elsewhere. 
Furthermore, as Congressional criticism of their complicity in these 
inhumane policies has increased, the UNFPA has become less and less 
willing to provide information that Congress needs to conduct its 
required oversight. In fact, only two months ago, the UNFPA refused a 
request by the International Relations Committee to even testify on 
this matter.
  There can be little doubt that coercive abortion and one-child 
policies prey upon the most vulnerable people in our global society. 
They force young women, disabled women, and poor women into giving up 
the families that they want through abortion or infanticide. They lead 
to the deaths of countless innocent children all around the world. By 
intentionally ignoring that these policies exist, the UNFPA passively 
supports them. And, this is a practice that must stop.
  While I am opposed to the bottom-line increase in funding for UNFPA, 
I am encouraged by the fact that this funding level is meant to be an 
appropriations ceiling. I am very hopeful that the President and his 
Administration will use the discretion that this mechanism provides to 
ensure that funding is commensurate only with the appropriate purposes 
of this program and that it is not used to support these despicable 
family planning programs.
  In addition to my concerns about the UNFPA funding, Mr. Speaker, I am 
also skeptical that it is appropriate to be increasing our 
international funding obligations to this extent at a time when our 
economy is still demonstrating a marked sluggishness. While I recognize 
the importance of remaining fully engaged in the international 
community in times of peace as well as in times of war, I am not 
certain that the increase in funding in this bill represents the 
appropriate balance of our national priorities. In fact, this funding 
bill includes a nearly $2 million increase over the funding level 
requested by the President.
  Mr. Speaker, I do appreciate the difficult task that the conferees 
had in forging this compromise legislation. And, though I am conflicted 
on the merits of that compromise, I will support it today.
  Mrs. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
of this bi-partisan conference report. I would like to thank my 
colleagues, Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey for their tireless 
work and impressive effort in producing this comprehensive report. I 
would also like to specifically thank Chairman Young and Ranking Member 
Obey for their support on a number of important issues.
  Thanks to the hard work of this subcommittee and with the direction 
of Chairman Young, over 250,000 ``at risk'' children in Bosnia will now 
be helped. Since the tragic war in Bosnia, it is estimated that 13 
percent of children in Bosnia and Herzegovina live in extreme poverty 
and 2,673 children do not have parental care. These children need and 
deserve a stable, safe environment where they can grow up and enjoy the 
support of a loving family.
  I am proud that my colleagues have addressed this need and have 
appropriated $3 million to help these children, many of whom live in 
terrible conditions.
  I would also like to thank my colleagues for the increase of funding 
for the U.N. Population Fund to $34 million--a $12.5 million increase 
from last year! What a victory for women and children around the world! 
Thanks to Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey in the House and 
Senator Leahy in the Senate, we can now directly fund effective modern 
contraception for nearly 1.6 million women in low-income countries, 
prevent 780,000 unintended pregnancies, prevent 365,000 unwanted 
births, help women avoid over 312,000 abortions, prevent thousands of 
maternal and child deaths, reduce the spread of HIV/AIDS infection in 
dozens of high-risk countries, and help poor countries develop stable 
economies.
  This is truly a cause for celebration!
  Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2506, the Foreign 
Operations Appropriations bill for FY 2002. With American forces 
engaged in battle, it is essential that Congress provide the 
Administration the tools it needs to meet our foreign policy 
objectives, which include playing an active role in the Middle East 
peace process.
  The events of the past weeks have again reminded us the troubled 
waters through which we must tread in the Middle East. The cycle of 
violence that has embroiled the region for the last 14 months has in no 
way helped Israel or the Palestinians. The longer this violence 
persists, the worse it will be for all parties, including the United 
States. Already, American credibility vis-a-vis the peace process has 
been seriously questioned.


  The violence unleashed in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, and elsewhere by 
Palestinian suicide bombers is wrong. There is no justification for 
killing innocent civilians, and the deaths of 27 Israeli citizens is 
outrageous and must be condemned by all. I fail to comprehend what 
would compel a young man to strap explosives to his body, and surrender 
his life in an immoral, misguided effort to kill innocent people.
  In response to the suicide attacks in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, Israel 
has again launched a powerful military response intended to scare 
Palestinians into submission. This strike has caused numerous 
Palestinian casualties, and destroyed Yasser Arafat's headquarters. 
While Israel intended to send a message to Palestinians, I do not think 
the message they sent--delivered from helicopter gunships and F-16's--
is one they wanted the Palestinians to receive. A commentator drew an 
apt parallel when he noted that if the English bombed Belfast and 
Dublin in response to an IRA attack, the Irish would hardly be more 
eager to work with the British on matters of security.
  Mr. Speaker, the Israel-Palestinian conflict is headed toward a 
precipice, which poses a grave danger to Israel, the Palestinians, and 
the United States. On November 19, Secretary Colin Powell indicated a 
renewed, active U.S. initiative to end violence and get the peace 
process back on track. Powell noted that obtaining a just and lasting 
peace between Israelis and Palestinians is our central diplomatic 
challenge, and that our vision is to help build, ``a region where 
Israelis and Arabs can live together in peace, security, and dignity.'' 
He also stated that both parties must take steps, some painful, in 
order to reach a just conclusion to this conflict.
  This is not the time for our country and this body to play the role 
of partisan. We must not

[[Page 27103]]

be pro or anti-Palestinian, nor must we be pro or anti-Israeli. We must 
sanction the conduct of those who insight violence or dictate their 
will by force alone, and criticize any activity that undermines 
confidence, security, and peace. We must urge both parties to 
rededicate themselves to the path of peace. This is the only path in 
the long-term interest of the United States, and is certainly the only 
one offering real security for Israel and statehood for the 
Palestinians.
  Mr. Speaker, as the Secretary Powell noted, United Nations Security 
Council Resolutions 242 and 338, Camp David, and all agreements made in 
the last decade have spelled out the principles upon which a final 
peace settlement will be made. Israel will get security and the 
opportunity to forge economic, political, and cultural ties to its 
neighbors; Palestinians will get an independent state. Israeli and 
Palestinian citizens alike will all have the opportunity to live normal 
lives. Both parties win. Only rejectionist and extremists lose.
  The first step to peace is implementing the Mitchell Committee 
Report. The Mitchell Committee studied the ongoing violence over a 
period of months, and the report is submitted included objective 
findings and constructive recommendations as to how to end the violence 
and rebuild confidence that will enable the parties to return to the 
negotiating table. Both Israel and the Palestinians have accepted the 
Mitchell Committee Report. It alone offers the one thing that is most 
needed today: hope.
  Mr. Speaker, I would note that I have introduced H. Con. Res. 253, a 
resolution which expresses support for the Mitchell Commission report. 
It is supported by the Administration, and I would hope that more 
members would register their support for the peace process by endorsing 
Mitchell and cosponsoring H. Con. Res. 253.
  ``I truly tell you: we have before us today an opportunity for peace 
which time will never repeat and we must seize it if we are really 
serious in struggling for peace. If we weaken or fritter away this 
opportunity we shall end in a new blood-bath; he who has conspired to 
lose it will have the curse of humanity and history on his head.''
  Mr. Speaker, these are the words of Anwar Sadat spoken to the Knesset 
in 1977. Sadat, like Yitzak Rabin, paid the highest personal price for 
peace. Let us remember them, and champion efforts to bring about a just 
and lasting peace. Now is a historic opportunity for between peace and 
war. Let's be on the right side of history.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, while I support H.R. 2506, the Foreign 
Operations Conference Report, regrettably, the conference report before 
us does significantly damage the Annual Drug Certification Process. The 
certification process is an important Reagan era tool to garner the 
cooperation of major drug producer and major drug transit nations that 
want the benefit of US aid.
  It is simply, the Drug Certification Procedure mandate that before a 
major illicit drug producer or major transit nation is entitled to our 
foreign aid, the President must certify to Congress that such nation is 
``fully cooperating'' with us in our fight against these illicit drugs.
  As we full know today illicit drugs helped finance global terrorism 
whether Bin Laden in Afghanistan, or the FARC and ELN in Colombia, or 
other terrorist networks around the world.
  We need the full cooperation of these major producer and/or major 
transit nations to stop the flow of drugs here, and the profits to the 
global terrorists. Now is not the time to weaken American law in the 
fight against illicit drugs and global terrorism.
  The Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics Control, 
Randy Beers, who served both Clinton and now under Bush, has said of 
the drug certification process that it is ``a policy tool which is 
controversial, not because it has failed, but because it is working.''
  Yet in this year's annual foreign operations appropriations bill 
Secretary Beers negotiated a major change in the drug certification 
law, without our input that lowered the bar (``demonstrably fails'') on 
the cooperation we are entitled to receive from these nations, which 
makes it harder for us to fight illicit drugs abroad.
  We question, why now when we are in the fight of our lives against 
global terrorism would we want to surrender one of the most effective 
tools against the source of much of its financing, the illicit drug 
trade. It makes no sense.
  It is the wrong message at the wrong time especially now as we fight 
global terrorism often financed by the illicit drug trade.
  Accordingly, I urge Mr. Kolbe's Committee to re-examine the 
importance of preserving the Drug Certification Process.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this conference 
report.
  I want to commend Chairman Kolbe and my friend Nita Lowey for 
negotiating a fair and comprehensive conference report that reflects 
the new challenges that we face in working with the international 
community.
  On behalf of the Bangladeshi caucus and the entire South Asian 
Community in my district, I would like to express our most sincere 
gratitude for $235.5 million in funding for International Disaster 
assistance with at least $5 million going toward South Asia.
  The South Asian region has been decimated by earthquakes and flooding 
throughout this difficult year.
  The funding provided in this bill will make great strides toward 
rebuilding the communities hardest hit by these tragic events.
  I would also like to express my gratitude for the inclusion of $25 
million for the International Fund for Ireland.
  The funding provided for IFI is crucial to facilitating an 
environment in Northern Ireland in which all sides can work together on 
issues of mutual concern and benefit.
  Finally, I wish to thank the Committee for the funding provided for 
the United Nations Population Fund.
  This important funding will save the lives of thousands of women and 
children throughout the world.
  The projects of which I am supportive are too numerous to mention in 
such a short time, but suffice it to say that it is a privilege to vote 
in favor of this conference report.
  Mr. SCHAFFER. Mr. Speaker, the Conference report related to foreign 
operations--currently under consideration by the House--contains an 
improved level of funding for Ukraine. These funds move us closer to 
achieving America's objectives there. The Conferees of the Foreign 
Operations Appropriations Bill are to be commended for realizing the 
strategic and economic significance of Ukraine to the United States and 
for favorably judging my recommendation for higher funding levels.
  As you may recall, Mr. Speaker, I rose in opposition to the actions 
previously taken by this House when it funded America's activities in 
Ukraine at an amount substantially lower than that recommended by the 
president. The president's budget called for an expenditure of $169 
million for fiscal year 2002. The House approved an amount not to 
exceed $124 million.
  Upon passage of the House bill on foreign operations appropriations, 
I petitioned our colleagues in the Senate to set in its companion 
appropriations bill a figure for Ukraine in excess of the president's 
recommendation. My appeal was warmly received, and I am pleased by the 
Senate's reply in proposing the Ukrainian line be funded at no less 
than $180 million.
  The figure proposed in the report before us now is $154 million 
which, while admittedly subordinate to our president's more prudent 
recommendation, strikes me as a reasonable compromise between the two 
chambers of the Congress and certainly worthy of our approval today. I 
appreciate the efforts of the House conferees to accommodate such a 
significant portion of my request, and I hereby pledge my continuing 
effort to monitor the efficacy of these scarce resources. I intend to 
continue in my capacity as Co-chairman of the Congressional Ukrainian 
Caucus, to oversee and judge the utility of the programs enabled by the 
generosity of the American people through the Congress. I will endeavor 
to routinely report to the subcommittee chairman and our colleagues in 
general regularly the conclusions of my findings. It is my earnest 
desire that my observations, and those of the Caucus, weigh heavily in 
the formulation of future budgets regarding our interests in Ukraine. 
Moreover, I am grateful for the Subcommittee Chairman's receptivity to 
this proposition.
  Funding proposed in the current bill comes at a very critical point 
in Ukraine's development as a democracy. In March 2002, Ukrainians will 
have the opportunity to elect a new parliament. There is great concern 
internationally for the strong possibility of election tampering, 
outright fraud during this election, and compromised results. If 
Ukraine is to stay the course toward a mature democracy, the upcoming 
elections must yield a fair and accurate representation of popular 
intentions, attitudes, opinions, and beliefs.
  Mr. Speaker, I warrant it the duty of the United States to promote 
democracy and freedom whenever and wherever possible. I have been this 
institution's strongest supporter of Ukraine in its struggle for 
democracy throughout my tenure in congress and long before my service 
here. I regard America's support integral to the growth of democracy, 
free-markets and property rights in Ukraine. Without question, 
America's continued help will hasten Ukraine overcoming the various 
threats of domestic corruption. Our financial assistance will help 
sustain Ukraine's unmistakable progress in achieving its place among 
the global community of democratic nations.

[[Page 27104]]

  The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is 
working in Ukraine, representing America's interests by coordinating 
many democracy-building projects. In fact, I have made various 
recommendations to USAID for specific programs designed to promote 
democracy and citizenship, and I'm confident this appropriation will 
foster timely development of these important projects.
  This election will be a thorough test of USAID's effectiveness in 
Ukraine. If the elections are to be genuine, USAID must coordinate not 
only its assets for poll watching, but must preempt election fraud by 
guiding Ukrainian voting officials in providing ballot security, voter 
education, and legal compliance.
  Prior to and throughout my years in Congress, I have had the 
privilege of meeting many Ukrainians and Ukrainian leaders. These 
people, whose history of democracy is short, understand its 
significance better than many who have enjoyed a lifetime in a free 
society.
  It has been ten years since Ukraine discarded the yoke of Society-
style communism and oppression and embarked on the road to freedom. The 
progress of reforms has been slow, to be sure, but this cannot deter 
American assistance. The case is now stronger than ever for assertive 
American assistance and leadership in Ukraine.
  Despite slow reforms, Ukraine has consistently demonstrated its 
commitment to building alliances with the western world. Ukraine has 
supported the U.S. in various peacekeeping missions. Ukraine has been 
completely cooperative in non-proliferation issues and in nuclear 
disarmament. Ukraine supported America in the war on terrorism, opening 
air space and providing ground transportation for coalition supplies. 
Most recently, Ukraine has supported President Bush in withdrawing from 
the ABM Treaty, calling it a morally justified decision, and the treaty 
obsolete.
  The Ukrainian people are resolute in their desire to live in a 
democracy and enjoy national self-determination. The United States 
stands to benefit greatly from a strong alliance with Ukraine, 
economically, strategically, and culturally. American support is 
paramount in the achievement of these important goals and I urge the 
House to look favorably on this particular portion of the Committee 
report.
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to support this conference 
report.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is 
ordered on the conference report.
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
  Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 357, 
nays 66, not voting 11, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 505]

                               YEAS--357

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Aderholt
     Allen
     Andrews
     Armey
     Baca
     Baird
     Baldacci
     Baldwin
     Ballenger
     Barrett
     Barton
     Bass
     Becerra
     Bentsen
     Bereuter
     Berkley
     Berman
     Biggert
     Bilirakis
     Bishop
     Blagojevich
     Blumenauer
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bonior
     Bono
     Boozman
     Borski
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Boyd
     Brady (PA)
     Brady (TX)
     Brown (FL)
     Brown (OH)
     Brown (SC)
     Bryant
     Burr
     Burton
     Buyer
     Callahan
     Calvert
     Camp
     Cannon
     Cantor
     Capito
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardin
     Carson (IN)
     Carson (OK)
     Castle
     Chambliss
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clyburn
     Coble
     Collins
     Condit
     Conyers
     Cooksey
     Costello
     Cox
     Coyne
     Cramer
     Crenshaw
     Crowley
     Culberson
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (IL)
     Davis, Tom
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     DeLay
     Deutsch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Dooley
     Doyle
     Dreier
     Dunn
     Edwards
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     Engel
     English
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Farr
     Fattah
     Ferguson
     Filner
     Fletcher
     Foley
     Forbes
     Ford
     Fossella
     Frank
     Frelinghuysen
     Frost
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gekas
     Gephardt
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Gonzalez
     Gordon
     Goss
     Graham
     Granger
     Graves
     Green (TX)
     Green (WI)
     Greenwood
     Grucci
     Gutierrez
     Harman
     Hart
     Hastings (WA)
     Hill
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hobson
     Hoeffel
     Hoekstra
     Holden
     Holt
     Honda
     Hooley
     Horn
     Houghton
     Hoyer
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hyde
     Inslee
     Isakson
     Israel
     Issa
     Istook
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     Jenkins
     John
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Jones (OH)
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Keller
     Kelly
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kind (WI)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kirk
     Kleczka
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     Kucinich
     LaFalce
     LaHood
     Lampson
     Langevin
     Lantos
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Leach
     Lee
     Levin
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (GA)
     Linder
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Lucas (KY)
     Lynch
     Maloney (CT)
     Maloney (NY)
     Markey
     Mascara
     Matheson
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McHugh
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinney
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meeks (NY)
     Menendez
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller, Dan
     Miller, Gary
     Miller, George
     Mink
     Mollohan
     Moore
     Moran (KS)
     Moran (VA)
     Morella
     Murtha
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Nethercutt
     Ney
     Northup
     Nussle
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Osborne
     Ose
     Oxley
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Peterson (MN)
     Peterson (PA)
     Phelps
     Pickering
     Pomeroy
     Portman
     Price (NC)
     Pryce (OH)
     Putnam
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Rahall
     Ramstad
     Rangel
     Regula
     Rehberg
     Reyes
     Reynolds
     Riley
     Rivers
     Rodriguez
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Ross
     Rothman
     Roukema
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Ryan (WI)
     Sabo
     Sanchez
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Sawyer
     Saxton
     Schaffer
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schrock
     Scott
     Serrano
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Sherman
     Sherwood
     Shimkus
     Shows
     Simmons
     Simpson
     Skeen
     Skelton
     Slaughter
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Snyder
     Solis
     Souder
     Spratt
     Stenholm
     Strickland
     Stupak
     Sununu
     Sweeney
     Tauscher
     Tauzin
     Terry
     Thomas
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Thornberry
     Thune
     Thurman
     Tiahrt
     Tiberi
     Tierney
     Towns
     Traficant
     Turner
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Upton
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Vitter
     Walden
     Walsh
     Waters
     Watkins (OK)
     Watson (CA)
     Watt (NC)
     Watts (OK)
     Waxman
     Weiner
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wilson (NM)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wolf
     Woolsey
     Wu
     Wynn
     Young (FL)

                                NAYS--66

     Akin
     Bachus
     Barcia
     Barr
     Bartlett
     Berry
     Blunt
     Chabot
     Combest
     Crane
     Cunningham
     Davis, Jo Ann
     Deal
     DeMint
     Doolittle
     Duncan
     Everett
     Flake
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Gutknecht
     Hall (TX)
     Hansen
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Herger
     Hilleary
     Hostettler
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones (NC)
     Kennedy (MN)
     Kerns
     Largent
     Lewis (KY)
     Lucas (OK)
     Manzullo
     McInnis
     Mica
     Miller, Jeff
     Myrick
     Norwood
     Otter
     Paul
     Pence
     Petri
     Pitts
     Platts
     Pombo
     Roemer
     Rohrabacher
     Royce
     Ryun (KS)
     Sensenbrenner
     Shuster
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Stearns
     Stump
     Tancredo
     Tanner
     Taylor (MS)
     Taylor (NC)
     Toomey
     Wamp
     Weldon (FL)

                             NOT VOTING--11

     Baker
     Clement
     Cubin
     Hall (OH)
     Hastings (FL)
     Luther
     Meek (FL)
     Owens
     Stark
     Wexler
     Young (AK)

                              {time}  1704

  Messrs. JONES of North Carolina, HANSEN, LEWIS of Kentucky, HILLEARY, 
BACHUS, LUCAS of Oklahoma, SAM JOHNSON of Texas, HAYWORTH, EVERETT, 
SHUSTER, and LARGENT changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So the conference report was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________