[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 2]
[Senate]
[Pages 2922-2923]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                          WEST AFRICA'S CRISIS

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to draw my colleagues 
attention to the continuing crisis in West Africa, where a deeply 
disturbing trend has emerged in strong-man politics. In the model 
emerging in that region, violent regimes hold entire civilian 
populations hostage in order to win concessions, and even the guise of 
legitimacy, from the international community.
  At the heart of this trend, is Liberian President Charles Taylor. 
While the Liberian Embassy here and the man himself are currently 
trying to persuade the world of their good intentions, no one who has 
followed Africa in recent years should be deceived. Taylor has 
absolutely no credibility. All reliable reports continue to indicate 
that he is manipulating the situation in West Africa for personal gain, 
at the expense of his own Liberian people, the people of Sierra Leone, 
and now the people of Guinea.
  Some of the responsibility for the terrible abuses committed in the 
region must fall upon his shoulders. I believe that Liberian President 
Charles Taylor is a war criminal.
  Having secured the presidency essentially by convincing the exhausted 
Liberian people that there would be no peace unless he was elected, he 
proceeded to provide support for the Revolutionary United Front, Sierra 
Leone's rebel force perhaps best known for hacking off the limbs of 
civilian men, women, and children to demonstrate their might, although 
their large-scale recruitment of child soldiers--a page borrowed from 
Taylor's book--is also notorious. By funneling diamonds that the rebels 
mined in Sierra Leone out through Liberia, and providing weapons in 
exchange, Taylor has profited from terrible bloodshed. And after the 
capture of RUF leader Foday Sankoh last year, many RUF statements 
suggested that Taylor was directly in control of the force. The U.N. 
has found ``overwhelming evidence that Liberia has been actively 
supporting the RUF at all levels.''
  An international sanctions regime has been proposed, but regrettably 
postponed, at the United Nations. Sanctions are the correct course. And 
while many fear the impact on the long-suffering Liberian people, the 
unfortunate truth is that they are living in a state of total economic 
collapse even without the sanctions, largely because their head of 
state has no interest in the well being of his citizens.
  Mr. President, I raise these issues today because I was in Sierra 
Leone just a few days ago. Previously, I had traveled in Nigeria, the 
regional giant in transition. Although I am more convinced than ever 
before, in the wake of my trip, that Nigeria's leadership must take 
bold steps to confront that country's difficult resource distribution 
issues and to hold those guilty of grand corruption accountable for 
their actions, I came away from my visit to Nigeria more optimistic 
than I had been when I arrived. From Port Harcourt to Kano, in Lagos 
and in Abuja, I met with dedicated, talented individuals in civil 
society and in government, who are absolutely committed to making the 
most of their historic opportunity to chart the course of a democratic 
Nigeria.
  I also visited Senegal, which is truly an inspirational place. In a 
neighborhood plagued by horrific violence,

[[Page 2923]]

where even the most basic human security is in jeopardy, Senegal is 
moving in the opposite direction. Last year they experienced a historic 
and peaceful democratic transition. Senegal continues to be a global 
leader in AIDS prevention.
  Both of these countries--one still consolidating its transition, 
another forging ahead in its quest for development and concern for the 
condition of its citizens--affected by the crisis in Sierra Leone, 
Liberia, and Guinea. The entire region is. Refugees flee from one 
country to the next, desperately seeking safety. States fear they will 
be the next target of the syndicate of thugs led by Charles Taylor and 
personified by the RUF, and for Guinea, this fear has become a reality. 
Many, most notably Nigeria but also including Senegal, are undertaking 
serious military initiatives to bolster the peacekeeping forces in 
Sierra Leone.
  Some will ask, why does it matter? Why must we care about the 
difficult and messy situation of a far-away place. We must care because 
the destabilization of an entire region will make it all but impossible 
to pursue a number of U.S. interests, from trade and investment to 
fighting international crime and drug trade. We must care because, if 
we do not resist, the model presented by the likes of Charles Taylor 
will surely be emulated elsewhere in the world. We must care because 
atrocities like those committed in Sierra Leone are an affront to 
humanity as a whole. We are something less than what we aspire to be as 
Americans if we simply turn our heads away as children lose their 
limbs, families lose their homes, and so many West Africans lose their 
lives.
  What is happening in West Africa is no less shocking and no less 
despicable than it would be if these atrocities were committed in 
Europe. The innocent men, women, and children who have borne the brunt 
of this crisis did nothing wrong, and we must avoid what might be 
called ignorant fatalism, wherein we throw up our hands and write off 
the people of Sierra Leone and Liberia and Guinea with some groundless 
assertion that this is just the way things are in Africa. Africa is not 
the problem. A series of deliberate acts carried out by forces with a 
plan that is, at its core, criminal--that is the problem. And these are 
forces that we can name, and we should. And Mr. President, the 
leadership of these forces should be held accountable for their 
actions.
  That leads me to the next question--what can we do?
  We can help the British, who are working to train the Sierra Leonean 
Army and whose very presence has done a great deal to stabilize Sierra 
Leone. Their commitment is admirable; their costs are great. When they 
need assistance, we should make every effort to provide it.
  We can reinforce the democracies in the region, like the countries of 
Senegal, Ghana, and Mali, to help them pursue their positive, 
alternative vision for West Africa's future.
  We can continue our efforts to bolster the peacekeeping forces in 
Sierra Leone through Operation Focus Relief, the U.S. program to train 
and equip seven West African battalions for service in Sierra Leone. 
And we can urge the UN force in Sierra Leone to develop their capacity 
to move into the rebel controlled areas, and then to use that capacity 
assertively.
  We can work to avoid the pitfalls of the past. We must not forget 
that the welfare of the people of Sierra Leone is the responsibility of 
that beleaguered government. I met with President Kabbah, and with the 
Attorney General and Foreign Minister. I know that they want to do the 
right thing. But the point is not about which individuals are holding 
office. The point is that we must work to enhance the capacity and the 
integrity of Sierra Leone's government, and it must work on that 
project feverishly as well. The people of Sierra Leone need basic 
services, they need to have their security assured, they need 
opportunities. Ending the war is not enough.
  In the same vein, we must not tolerate human rights abuses no matter 
who is responsible. When militia forces that support the government of 
Sierra Leone abuse civilians, they should be held accountable for their 
actions. And we must work to ensure that our involvement in the region 
is responsible, and collaborate with regional actors to ensure that we 
monitor the human rights performance of the troops we train and equip. 
West Africa must break the cycle of violence and impunity, and all 
forces have a role to play in that effort.
  And that leads me to a crucial point, one that is particularly 
important for this new Administration and for this Congress. We must 
support the accountability mechanisms being established in the region. 
There has been consistent, bipartisan support for accountability in the 
region. The Administration should find the money needed to support the 
Special Court for Sierra Leone, and it should find it now. And this 
Congress should commit to contributing to that court in this year and 
the next.
  The Special Court will try only those most responsible for terrible 
abuses--the very worst actors. Others who have been swept up in the 
violence will be referred to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 
another entity which deserves international support. The Court and the 
Commission are two elements of the same strategy to ensure 
accountability without leaving the rank-and-file no incentive to disarm 
and demobilize. They are vital to Sierra Leone's future, and they will 
serve as a crucial signal of a changing tide, and an end to impunity, 
throughout the region.
  Finally, we must join together to isolate Charles Taylor and his 
cronies and to tell it like it is. There was a time when some believed 
that he could be part of the solution in West Africa. At this point, we 
should all know better. And we must speak the truth about the role 
played by the government of Burkina Faso, the government of Gambia, and 
the others involved in the arms trade in the region.
  Mr. President, these issues do matter. I have looked into the faces 
of amputees, refugees, widows and widowers and orphans. I have seen the 
tragic consequences of the near total disruption of a society--the 
malnourishment, the disillusionment, the desperation. Some people are 
getting rich as a result of this misery. I have heard the people of 
neighboring countries speak of their fears for the region's future. I 
implore this body and this Administration to take the steps I have 
described. It is in our interest and it is right. And if we fail to do 
so, I fear that the terrible crisis will only get worse.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico is recognized.
  (The remarks of Mr. Domenici pertaining to the introduction of S. 472 
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills 
and Joint Resolutions.'')
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Bunning). Under the previous order, the 
distinguished Senator from Kansas, Mr. Roberts, has the floor.
  Mr. ROBERTS. I thank the distinguished Presiding Officer.
  (The remarks of Mr. Roberts pertaining to the introduction of S. 478 
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills 
and Joint Resolutions.'')
  Mr. ROBERTS. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the 
quorum call be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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