[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 17]
[House]
[Pages 23401-23406]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                          THE WAR ON TERRORISM

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Jeff Miller of Florida). Under the 
Speaker's announced policy of January 3, 2001, the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Paul) is recognized for 60 minutes.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, we have been told on numerous occasions to 
expect a long and protracted war. This is not necessary if one can 
identify the target, the enemy, and then stay focused on that target. 
It is impossible to keep one's eye on a target and hit it if we do not 
precisely understand it and identify it.
  In pursuing any military undertaking, it is the responsibility of 
Congress to know exactly why it appropriates the funding. Today, unlike 
any time in our history, the enemy and its location remains vague and 
pervasive. In the undeclared wars of Vietnam and Korea, the enemy was 
known and clearly defined, even though our policies were confused and 
contradictory. Today, our policies relating to the growth of terrorism 
are also confused and contradictory. However, the precise enemy and its 
location are not known by anyone.
  Until the enemy is defined and understood, it cannot be accurately 
targeted or vanquished. The terrorists are no more an entity than the 
Mob or some international criminal gang, such as the Mafia. It is 
certainly not a country, nor is it the Afghan people. The Taliban is 
obviously a strong sympathizer of bin Laden and his henchmen, but how 
much more so than the government of Saudi Arabia or even Pakistan? 
Probably not much.
  Ulterior motives have always played a part in the foreign policies of 
almost every Nation throughout history. Economic gain and a geographic 
expansion, or even just the desires for more political power, too often 
drives the militarism of all nations. Unfortunately, in recent years, 
we have not been exempt. If expansionism, economic interests, desires 
for hegemony and influential allies affect our policies, and they in 
turn incite mob attacks against us, they obviously cannot be ignored. 
The target will be elusive and ever-enlarging rather than vanquished.
  We do know a lot about the terrorists who spilled the blood of nearly 
4,000 innocent civilians. There were 19 of them, 15 from Saudi Arabia; 
and they have paid a high price. They are all dead. So those most 
responsible for the attack have been permanently taken care of. If one 
encounters a single suicide bomber who takes his own life along with 
others, without the help from anyone else, no further punishment is 
possible. The only question that can be raised under that circumstance 
is why did it happen and how can we change the conditions that drove 
that individual to perform such a heinous act.
  The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington are not quite so 
simple, but they are similar. These attacks required funding, planning, 
and inspiration from others. But the total number of people directly 
involved had to be relatively small in order to have kept the plans 
thoroughly concealed. Twenty accomplices, or even 100 could have done 
it; but there is no way thousands of people knew and participated in 
the planning and carried out the attacks.
  Moral support expressed by those who find our policies offensive is a 
different matter and difficult to determine. Those who enjoyed seeing 
the United States hit are too numerous to count and impossible to 
identify. To target and wage war against all of them is like declaring 
war against an idea or sin. The predominant nationality of the 
terrorists was Saudi Arabian. Yet, for political and economic reasons, 
even with the lack of cooperation from the Saudi Government, we have 
ignored that country in placing blame.
  The Afghan people did nothing to deserve another war. The Taliban, of 
course, is closely tied to bin Laden and the al Qaeda, but so are the 
Pakistanis and the Saudis. Even the United States was a supporter of 
the Taliban's rise to power. And as recently as August of this year, we 
talked pipeline politics with them. The recent French publication of 
bin Laden, ``The Forbidden Truth,'' revealed our most recent effort to 
secure control over Caspian Sea oil in collaboration with the Taliban.
  According to the two authors, the economic conditions demanded by the 
U.S. were turned down and led to U.S. military threats against the 
Taliban. It has been known for years that UniCal, a U.S. company, has 
been anxious to build a pipeline through northern Afghanistan. But it 
has not been possible due to the weak Afghan central government. We 
should not be surprised now that many contend that the plan for the 
U.N. to nation-build in Afghanistan is a logical and important 
consequence of this desire. The crisis has merely given those 
interested in this project an excuse to replace the government of 
Afghanistan.
  Since we do not even know if bin Laden is in Afghanistan; and since 
other countries are equally supportive of him, our concentration on 
this Taliban target remains suspect by many. Former FBI Deputy Director 
John O'Neill resigned in July over duplicitous dealings with the 
Taliban in our oil interests. O'Neill then took a job as head of the 
World Trade Center's security and, ironically, was killed in the 9-11 
attack.
  The charges made by these authors in this recent publication deserves 
close scrutiny and congressional oversight investigation and not just 
for the historical record.
  To understand world sentiment on this subject, one might note a 
comment in the ``Hindu,'' India's national newspaper, not necessarily 
to agree with the paper's sentiment, but to help us better understand 
what is being thought about us around the world in contrast to the spin 
put on the war by our five major TV networks.
  This quote comes from an article written by Sitaram Yechury on 
October 13, 2001: ``The world today is being asked to side with the 
United States in a fight against global terrorism. This is only a 
cover. The world is being asked today in reality to side with the U.S. 
as it seeks to strengthen its economic hegemony. This is neither 
acceptable nor will it be allowed. We must forge together to state that 
we are neither with the terrorists nor with the United States.''
  The need to define our target is ever so necessary if we are going to 
avoid letting this war get out of control. It is important to note that 
in the same article the author quoted Michael Klare, an expert on 
Caspian Sea oil reserves, from an interview on Radio Free Europe. He 
said, ``We, the United States, view oil as a security consideration, 
and we have to protect it by any means

[[Page 23402]]

necessary, regardless of other considerations, other values.''

                              {time}  1915

  This, of course, was a clearly stated position of our administration 
in 1990 as our country was being prepared to fight the Persian Gulf 
War. Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction only became the 
issue later on. For various reasons, the enemy with whom we are now at 
war remains vague and illusive. Those who commit violent terrorist acts 
should be targeted with a rifle or hemlock, not with vague declarations 
with some claiming we must root out terrorism in as many as 60 
countries.
  If we are not precise in identifying our enemy, it is going to be 
hard to keep our eye on the target. Without this identification, the 
war will spread and be needlessly prolonged. Why is this definition so 
crucial? Because without it the special interests and the ill advised 
will clamor for all kinds of expanded militarism. Planning to expand 
and fight a never-ending war in 60 countries against worldwide 
terrorist conflicts with the notion that at most only a few hundred 
ever knew of the plans to attack the World Trade Center and the 
Pentagon.
  The pervasive and indefinable enemy, terrorism, cannot be conquered 
without weapons and U.N. nation-building. Only a sensible pro-American 
foreign policy will accomplish this. This must occur if we are to avoid 
a cataclysmic expansion of the current hostilities. It was said that 
our efforts were to be directed towards the terrorists responsible for 
the attacks, and overthrowing and instituting new governments were not 
to be part of the agenda.
  Already we have clearly taken our eyes off that target and diverted 
it toward building a pro-Western, U.N.-sanctioned government in 
Afghanistan. But if bin Laden can hit us in New York and Washington, 
D.C., what should one expect to happen once the U.S. and the U.N. 
establishes a new government in Afghanistan with occupying troops? It 
seems that would be an easy target for the likes of al Qaeda.
  Since we do not know in which cave or country bin Laden is hiding, we 
hear the clamor of many for us to overthrow our next villain, Saddam 
Hussein, guilty or not. On the short list of countries to be attacked 
are North Korea, Libya, Syria, Iran and the Sudan, just for starters. 
But this jingoistic talk is foolhardy and dangerous. The war against 
terrorism cannot be won in this manner. The drum beat for attacking 
Baghdad grows louder every day with Paul Wolfowitz, Bill Kristol, 
Richard Perle and Bill Bennett leading the charge.
  In a recent interview, the U.S. Deputy of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, 
made it clear, ``We are going to continue pursuing this entire al Qaeda 
network which is in 60 countries, not just Afghanistan.''
  Fortunately, President Bush and Colin Powell so far have resisted the 
pressure to expand the war into other countries. Let us hope and pray 
that they do not yield to the clamor of the special interests that want 
us to take on Iraq. The argument that we need to do so because Hussein 
is producing weapons of mass destruction is the reddest of all 
herrings. I sincerely doubt he has developed significant weapons of 
mass destruction.
  However, if that is the argument, we should plan to attack all the 
countries that have similar weapons or plans to build them, countries 
like China, North Korea, Israel, Pakistan and India. Iraq has been 
uncooperative with the U.N. world order, and remains independent of 
Western control of its oil reserve, unlike Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. 
This is why she has been bombed steadily for 11 years by the U.S. and 
Britain.
  Mr. Speaker, my guess is that in the not-too-distant future so-called 
proof will be provided that Saddam Hussein was somehow partially 
responsible for the attack on the United States, and it will be 
irresistible then for the United States to retaliate against him. This 
will greatly and dangerously expand the war and provoke even greater 
hatred towards the United States, and it is all so unnecessary. It is 
so hard for many Americans to understand how we inadvertently provoke 
the Arab Muslim people, and I am not talking about the likes of bin 
Laden and his gang. I am talking about the Arab Muslim masses.
  In 1996 after 5 years of sanctions against Iraq and persistent 
bombing, CBS reporter Lesley Stahl asked our ambassador to the U.N., 
Madeleine Albright, a simple question: ``We have heard that half a 
million children have died as a consequence of our policy against Iraq. 
Is the price worth it?''
  Albright's response was, ``We think the price is worth it.'' Although 
this interview won an Emmy Award, it was rarely related in the U.S., 
but widely circulated in the Middle East. Some still wonder why America 
is despised in this region of the world.
  Former President George Bush has been criticized for not marching on 
to Baghdad at the end of the Persian Gulf War. He gave then and stands 
by its explanation today a superb answer as to why it was ill advised 
to attempt to remove Saddam Hussein from power. There were strategic 
and tactical as well as humanitarian arguments against it. But the 
important and clinching argument against annihilating Baghdad was 
political. The coalition in no uncertain terms let it be known they 
wanted no part of it. Besides, the U.N. only authorized the removal of 
Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. The U.N. has never sanctioned the continued 
U.S. and British bombing of Iraq, a source of much hatred directed 
towards the United States.
  The placing of U.S. troops on what is seen as Muslim Holy Land in 
Saudi Arabia seems to have done exactly what the former President was 
trying to avoid, the breakup of the coalition. The coalition has hung 
together by a thread, but internal dissention among the secular and 
religious Arab Muslim nations within individual countries has 
intensified. Even today, the current crisis threatens the overthrow of 
every puppet pro-Western Arab leader from Egypt to Saudi Arabia to 
Kuwait.
  Many of the same advisers from the first Bush administration are now 
urging the current President to finish off Hussein. However, every 
reason given 11 years ago for not leveling Baghdad still holds true 
today, if not more so. It has been argued that we needed to maintain a 
presence in Saudi Arabia after the Persian Gulf War to protect the 
Saudi Government from Iraqi attack. Others argue it was only a cynical 
excuse to justify keeping troops to protect what our officials declared 
were our oil supplies.
  Some have even suggested that our expanded presence in Saudi Arabia 
was prompted by a need to keep King Fahd in power and to thwart any 
effort by Saudi fundamentalists from overthrowing his regime. Expanding 
the war by taking on Iraq at this time may please some allies, but it 
will lead to chaos in the region and throughout the world. It will 
incite even more anti-American sentiment and expose us to even greater 
danger. It could prove to be an unmitigated disaster.
  Iran and Russia will not be pleased with this move, nor will our 
European allies. It is not our job to remove Saddam Hussein. That is 
the job of the Iraqi people. It is not our job to remove the Taliban. 
That is the business of the Afghan people. It is not our job to insist 
that the next government in Afghanistan include women, no matter how 
good of an idea it is. If this really is an issue, why not insist that 
our friends in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait do the same thing as well as 
impose our will on them. Talk about hypocrisy. The mere thought that we 
fight wars for affirmative action in a country 6,000 miles from home 
with no cultural similarities should insult us all. Of course it does 
distract from the issue of an oil pipeline through northern 
Afghanistan. We need to keep our eye on the target and not be so easily 
distracted.
  Assume for a minute that bin Laden is not in Afghanistan. Would any 
of our military effort in that region be justified? Since none of it 
would be related to American security, it would be difficult to 
justify.
  Assume for a minute that bin Laden is as ill as I believe he is with 
serious renal disease. Would he not do everything conceivable for his 
cause by provoking us into expanding the war and

[[Page 23403]]

alienating as many Muslims as possible? Remember, to bin Laden 
martyrdom is a noble calling and he may be more powerful in death than 
life.
  An American invasion of Iraq would please bin Laden because it would 
rally his troops against any moderate Arab leader who appears to be 
supporting the United States. It would prove his point that America is 
up to no good, and oil and Arab infidels are the source of all of the 
Muslims' problems.
  We have recently been reminded of Admiral Yamamoto's quote after the 
bombing of Pearl Harbor in expressing his fear that the event awakened 
a sleeping giant. Most everyone agrees with the prophetic wisdom of 
that comment, but I question the accuracy of drawing an analogy between 
the Pearl Harbor event and the World Trade Center attack. Hardly are we 
the same Nation we were in 1941. Today we are anything but a sleeping 
giant. There is no contest for our status as the only world's only 
economic, political and military superpower. A sleeping giant would not 
have troops in 141 countries throughout the world and be engaged in 
every conceivable conflict with 250,000 troops stationed abroad.
  The fear I have is that our policies, along with those of Britain, 
the U.N. and NATO since World War II inspired and have now awakened a 
long-forgotten sleeping giant, Islamic fundamentalism. Let us hope for 
all of our sakes that Iraq is not made the target in this very complex 
war.
  The President, in the 2000 Presidential campaign, argued against 
nation-building, and he was right to do so. He also said, ``If we are 
an arrogant Nation, they will resent us.'' He wisely argued for 
humility and a policy that promotes peace. Attacking Baghdad or 
declaring war against Saddam Hussein or even continuing the illegal 
bombing of Iraq is hardly a policy of humility designed to promote 
peace.
  As we continue our bombing of Afghanistan, plans are made to install 
a new government sympathetic to the West and under U.N. control. The 
persuasive arguments as always is money. We were able to gain 
Pakistan's support, although it continually waivers in this manner. 
Appropriations are already being prepared in the Congress to rebuild 
all that we destroyed in Afghanistan and then some, even before the 
bombing has stopped.
  ``Rumsfeld's plan,'' as reported and quoted in Turkey's Hurriyet 
newspaper, lays out the plan for the next Iraqi government. Turkey's 
support is crucial, so the plan is to give Turkey oil from the norther 
Iraq Karkuk field. The United States has also promised a pipeline 
running from Iraq through Turkey. How can the Turks resist such a 
generous offer? Since we subsidize Turkey and they bomb the Kurds, 
while we punish the Iraqis for the same thing, this plan it to divvy up 
wealth in the land of Kurds is hardly a surprise.
  It seems that Washington never learns. Our foolish foreign 
interventions continuously get us into more trouble than we have 
bargained for, and the spending is endless. I am not optimistic that 
this Congress will anytime soon come to its senses.

                              {time}  1930

  I am afraid that we will never treat the taxpayers with respect. 
National bankruptcy is a more likely scenario than Congress adopting a 
frugal and wise spending policy.
  Mr. Speaker, we must make every effort to precisely define our target 
in this war and keep our eye on it. It is safe to assume that the 
number of people directly involved in the 9-11 attacks is closer to 
several hundred than the millions we are now talking about targeting 
with our planned shotgun approach to terrorism. One commentator pointed 
out that when the Mafia commits violence, no one suggests we bomb 
Sicily. Today, it seems we are in a symbolic way not only bombing 
Sicily, but thinking about bombing Athens; that is, Iraq.
  If a corrupt city or State government does business with a drug 
cartel or organized crime and violence results, we do not bomb city 
hall or the State capital. We limit the target to those directly guilty 
and punish them. Could we not learn a lesson from these examples?
  It is difficult for everyone to put the 9-11 attacks in a proper 
perspective, because any attempt to do so is construed as diminishing 
the utter horror of the events of that day.
  We must remember though that the 3,900 deaths incurred in the World 
Trade Center attacks were just slightly more than the deaths that occur 
on our Nation's highways every month. Could it be that the sense of 
personal vulnerability we survivors feel motivates us in meting out 
justice, rather than the concern for the victims of the attacks? 
Otherwise, the numbers do not add up to the proper response.
  If we lose sight of the target and unwisely broaden the war, the 
tragedy of 9-11 will pale in the death and destruction that could lie 
ahead. As Members of Congress, we have a profound responsibility to 
mete out justice, provide security for our Nation and protect the 
liberties of all the people, without senselessly expanding the war at 
the urging of narrow political and economic special interests. The 
price is too high and the danger too great. We must not lose our focus 
on the real target and inadvertently create new enemies for ourselves.
  Mr. Speaker, we have not done any better keeping our eye on the 
terrorist target on the home front than we have overseas. Not only has 
Congress come up short in picking the right target, it has directed all 
its energies in the wrong direction. The target of our efforts has, 
sadly, been the liberties of all Americans.
  With all the new power we have given to the administration, none has 
truly improved the chances of catching the terrorists who were 
responsible for the 9-11 attacks. All Americans will soon feel the 
consequences of this new legislation.
  Just as the crisis provided an opportunity for some to promote a 
special interest agenda in our foreign policy, many have seen the 
crisis as a chance to achieve changes in our domestic laws which, up 
until now, were seen as dangerous and unfair to American citizens.
  Granting bailouts is not new for Congress, but current conditions 
have prompted many takers to line up for the handouts. There has always 
been a large constituency for expanding Federal power, for whatever 
reason, and these groups have been energized.
  The military industrial complex is out in force and is optimistic. 
Union power is pleased with recent events and has not missed the 
opportunity to increase membership rolls. Federal policing powers, 
already in a bull market, received a super shot in the arm. The IRS, 
which detests financial privacy, gloats, while all the big spenders in 
Washington applaud the tools made available to crack down on tax 
dodgers.
  The drug warriors and anti-gun zealots love the new powers that now 
can be used to watch the every move of our citizens. Extremists who 
talk of the Constitution, promote right-to-life, form citizen militias 
or participate in non-mainstream religious practices, now can be 
monitored much more effectively by those who find their views 
offensive.
  Laws recently passed by the Congress apply to all Americans, not just 
terrorists. But we should remember that if the terrorists are known and 
identified, existing laws would have been quite adequate to deal with 
them. Even before the passage of the recent Draconian legislation, 
hundreds had already been arrested under suspicion and million of 
dollars of al- Qaida funds had been frozen. None of these new laws will 
deal with uncooperative foreign entities, like the Saudi government, 
which chose not to relinquish evidence pertaining to exactly who 
financed the terrorist operations. Unfortunately, the laws will affect 
all innocent Americans, yet will do nothing to thwart terrorism.
  The laws recently passed in Congress in response to the terrorist 
attacks can be compared to the efforts of anti-gun fanatics who jump at 
every chance to undermine the second amendment. When crimes are 
committed with the use of guns, it is argued that we must remove guns 
from society, or at least register them and make it difficult to

[[Page 23404]]

buy them. The counterargument made by the second amendment supporters 
correctly explained that this would only undermine the freedom of law-
abiding citizens, and do nothing to keep guns out of the hands of the 
criminals or to reduce crime.
  Now we hear a similar argument, that a certain amount of privacy and 
personal liberty of law-abiding citizens must be sacrificed in order to 
root out possible terrorists. This will result only in liberties being 
lost, and will not serve to preempt any terrorist attack.
  The criminals, just as they know how to get guns even when they are 
illegal, will still be able to circumvent antiterrorist laws. To 
believe otherwise is to endorse a Faustian bargain. That is what I 
believe the Congress has done.
  We know from the ongoing drug war that Federal drug police not 
infrequently make mistakes, break down the wrong doors and destroy 
property. Abuses of seizure and forfeiture laws are numerous. Yet the 
new laws will encourage even more mistakes by Federal law enforcement 
agencies. It has long been forgotten that law enforcement in the United 
States was supposed to be a state and local government responsibility, 
not that of the Federal Government.
  The Federal Government's policing powers have just gotten a giant 
boost in scope and authority through both new legislation and executive 
orders. Before the 9-11 attack, Attorney General Ashcroft let his 
position be known regarding privacy and government secrecy. Executive 
Order 13223 made it much more difficult for researchers to gain access 
to Presidential documents from previous administrations and a ``need to 
know'' had to be demonstrated. This was a direct hit at efforts to 
demand openness in government, even if only for analysis and writing of 
history. Ashcroft's position is that Presidential records ought to 
remain secret, even after an administration has left office. He argues 
that government deserves privacy, while ignoring the fourth amendment 
protections of the people's privacy.
  He argues his case by absurdly claiming that he must protect the 
privacy of the individuals who might be involved, a non-problem that 
could easily be resolved without closing public records to the public.
  It is estimated that approximately 1,200 men have been arrested as a 
consequence of the 9-11 attacks, yet their names and charges are not 
available, and, according to Ashcroft, will not be made available. Once 
again, he uses the argument he is protecting their privacy.
  Unbelievable. Due process for the detainees has been denied. Secret 
government is winning out over open government. This is the largest 
number of people to be locked up under these conditions since FDR's 
internment of Japanese Americans during World War II.
  Information regarding these arrests is a must in a constitutional 
republic. If they are terrorists or accomplices, just let the public 
know and pursue their prosecution. But secret arrests and silence are 
not acceptable in a society that professes to be free. Curtailing 
freedom is not the answer to protecting freedom under adverse 
circumstances.
  The administration has severely curtailed briefings regarding the 
military operation in Afghanistan for congressional leaders, ignoring a 
longtime tradition in this country. One person or one branch of 
government should never control military operations. Our system of 
government has always required a shared power arrangement.
  The antiterrorism bill did little to restrain the growth of big 
government. In the name of patriotism, the Congress did some very 
unpatriotic things. Instead of concentrating on the persons or groups 
that committed the attacks on 9-11, our efforts, unfortunately, have 
undermined the liberties of all Americans. ``Know your customer'' type 
banking regulations, resisted by most Americans for years, have now 
been put in place in an expanded fashion. Not only will the regulations 
affect banks, thrifts and credit unions, but all businesses will be 
required to file suspicious transaction reports if cash is used with a 
total of the transaction reaching $10,000. Retail stores will be 
required to spy on all their customers and send reports to the U.S. 
Government.
  Financial service consultants are convinced that this new regulation 
will affect literally millions of law-abiding American citizens. The 
odds that this additional paperwork will catch a terrorist are remote. 
The sad part is that these regulations have been sought after by 
Federal law enforcement agencies for years. The 9-11 attacks have 
served as an opportunity to get them by the Congress and the American 
people.
  Only now are the American people hearing about the onerous portions 
of the antiterrorism legislation, and they are not pleased. It is easy 
for elected officials in Washington to tell the American people that 
the government will do whatever it takes to defeat terrorism. Such 
assurances inevitably are followed by proposals either to restrict the 
constitutional liberties of the American people or to spend vast sums 
of money from the Federal Treasury.
  The history of the 20th century shows that the Congress violates our 
Constitution most often during times of crisis. Accordingly, most of 
our worst unconstitutional agencies and programs began during the World 
Wars and the Depression. Ironically, the Constitution itself was 
conceived at a time of great crisis. The founders intended its 
provisions to place severe restriction on the Federal Government, even 
in times of great distress.
  America must guard against current calls for the government to 
sacrifice the Constitution in the name of law enforcement. The 
antiterrorism legislation recently passed by Congress demonstrates how 
well-meaning politicians make shortsighted mistakes in the rush to 
respond to a crisis. Most of its provisions were never carefully 
studied by Congress, nor was a sufficient time taken to debate the 
bill, despite its importance. No testimony was heard from privacy 
experts or from other fields outside of law enforcement. Normal 
congressional committee hearings processes were suspended. In fact, the 
final version of the bill was not even made available to Members before 
the vote. The American public should not tolerate these political 
games, especially when our precious freedoms are at stake.
  Almost all of the new laws focus on American citizens rather than 
potential foreign terrorists. For example, the definition of terrorism 
for Federal criminal purposes has been greatly expanded. A person could 
now be considered a terrorist by belonging to a pro-Constitution group, 
a citizen's militia or a pro-life organization. Legitimate protests 
against the government could place tens of thousands of other Americans 
under Federal surveillance.
  Similarly, Internet use can be monitored without a user's knowledge, 
and Internet providers can be forced to hand over user information to 
law enforcement officials without a warrant or subpoena.
  The bill also greatly expands the use of traditional surveillance 
tools, including wiretaps, search warrants and subpoenas. Probable 
cause standards for these tools are relaxed, or even eliminated in some 
circumstances. Warrants become easier to obtain and can be executed 
without notification. Wiretaps can be placed without a court order. In 
fact, the FBI and the CIA now can tap telephones or computers 
nationwide without demonstrating that a criminal suspect is using a 
particular phone or computer.
  The biggest problem with these new law enforcement powers is they 
bear little relationship to fighting terrorism. Surveillance powers are 
greatly expanded, while checks and balances on governments are greatly 
reduced. Most of the provisions have been sought by domestic law 
enforcement agencies for years, not to fight terrorism, but rather to 
increase their police powers over the American people.
  There is no evidence that our previously held civil liberties posed a 
barrier to the effective tracking or prosecution of terrorists. The 
Federal Government has made no showing that it failed to detect or 
prevent the recent

[[Page 23405]]

terrorist strike because of the civil liberties that will be 
compromised by this new legislation.
  In his speech to the Joint Session of Congress following the 
September 11 attack, President Bush reminded all of us that the United 
States outlasted and defeated Soviet totalitarianism in the last 
century. The numerous internal problems in the former Soviet Union, its 
centralized economic planning and lack of free markets, its repression 
of human liberty and its excessive militarization, all led to its 
inevitable collapse. We must be vigilant to resist the rush toward 
ever-increasing state control of our society so that our own government 
does not become a greater threat to our freedoms than any foreign 
terrorists.

                              {time}  1945

  The Executive Order that has gotten the most attention by those who 
are concerned that our response to 9-11 is overreaching and dangerous 
to our liberties is the one authorizing military justice, in secret. 
Nazi war criminals were tried in public, but plans now are being laid 
to carry out the trials and punishment, including possibly the death 
penalty, outside the eyes and ears of the legislative and judicial 
branches of government and the American public. Since such a process 
threatens national security and the Constitution, it cannot be used as 
a justification for their protection.
  Some have claimed this military tribunal has been in the planning 
stages for 5 years. If so, what would have been its justification? The 
argument that FDR did it and, therefore, it must be okay is a rather 
weak argument. Roosevelt was hardly one that went by the rule book: the 
Constitution. But the situation then was quite different from today. 
There was a declared war by Congress against a precise enemy, the 
Germans, who sent 8 saboteurs into our country. Convictions were 
unanimous, not by two-thirds of the panel, and appeals were permitted. 
That is not what is being offered today. Besides, the previous military 
tribunal expired when the war as over. Since this war will go on 
indefinitely, so too will these courts.
  The real outrage is that such a usurpation of power can be 
accomplished with the ``stroke of a pen.'' It may be that we have come 
to that stage in our history when an Executive Order is the ``law of 
the land,'' but it is not ``kinda cool,'' as one member of the previous 
administration bragged. It is a process that is unacceptable, even in 
this professed time of crisis.
  There are well-documented histories of secret military tribunals. Up 
until now, the United States has consistently condemned them. The fact 
that a two-thirds majority can sentence a person to death in secrecy in 
the United States is scary. With no appeals available and no defense 
attorneys of choice being permitted should compel us to reject such a 
system outright.
  Those who favor these trials claim that they are necessary to halt 
terrorism in its tracks. We are told that only terrorists will be 
brought before these tribunals. This means that the so-called suspects 
must be tried and convicted before they are assigned to this type of 
``trial'' without due process. They will be deemed guilty by hearsay, 
in contrast to the traditional American system of justice where all are 
innocent until proven guilty. This turns the justice system on its 
head.
  One cannot be reassured by believing these courts will only apply to 
foreigners who are terrorists. Sloppiness in convicting criminals is a 
slippery slope. We should not forget that the Davidians at Waco were 
convicted and demonized and slaughtered outside our judicial system and 
they were, for the most part, American citizens. Randy Weaver's family 
fared no better.
  It has been said that the best way for us to spread our message of 
freedom, justice, and prosperity throughout the world is through 
example and persuasion, not through force of arms. We have drifted a 
long way from that concept. Military courts will be another bad example 
for the world. We were outraged in 1996 when Lori Berenson, an American 
citizen, was tried, convicted, and sentenced to life by a Peruvian 
military court. Instead of setting an example, now we are following the 
lead of a Peruvian dictator.
  The ongoing debate regarding the use of torture in rounding up the 
criminals involved in the 9-11 attacks is too casual. This can only 
represent progress in the cause of liberty and justice. Once government 
becomes more secretive, it is more likely this too will be abused. 
Hopefully, the Congress will not endorse or turn a blind eye to this 
barbaric proposal. For every proposal made to circumvent the judicial 
system, it is intended that we visualize that these infractions of the 
law and the Constitution will apply only to the terrorists and never 
involve innocent U.S. citizens. This is impossible, because someone has 
to determine exactly who to bring before the tribunal, and that 
involves all of us. That is too much arbitrary power for anyone to be 
given in a representative government and is more characteristic of a 
totalitarian government.
  Many throughout the world, especially those in the Muslim countries, 
will be convinced by the secretive process that the real reason for 
military courts is that the U.S. lacks sufficient evidence to convict 
in an open court. Should we be fighting so strenuously the war against 
terrorism and carelessly sacrifice our traditions of American justice? 
If we do, the war will be for naught and we will lose, even if we win.
  Congress has a profound responsibility in all of this and should 
never concede this power to a President or an Attorney General. 
Congressional oversight powers must be used to their fullest to curtail 
this unconstitutional assumption of power.
  The planned use of military personnel to patrol our streets and 
airports is another challenge of great importance that should not go 
uncontested. For years, many in Washington have advocated the national 
approach to all policing activities. This current crisis has given them 
a tremendous boost. Believe me, this is no panacea and is a dangerous 
move. The Constitution never intended that the Federal Government 
assume this power. This concept was codified in the Posse Comitatus Act 
of 1878. This act prohibits the military from carrying out law 
enforcement duties such as searching or arresting people in the United 
States, the argument being that the military is only used for this type 
of purpose in a police State. Interestingly, it was the violation of 
these principles that prompted the Texas revolution against Mexico. The 
military, under the Mexican Constitution at that time, was prohibited 
from enforcing civil laws, and when Santa Anna ignored this 
prohibition, the revolution broke out. We should not so readily concede 
the principles that have been fought for on more than one occasion in 
this country.
  The threats to liberty seem endless. It seems we have forgotten to 
target the enemy. Instead, we have inadvertently targeted the rights of 
American citizens. The crisis has offered a good opportunity for those 
who have argued all along for bigger government.
  For instance, the military draft is the ultimate insult to those who 
love personal liberty. The Pentagon, even with the ongoing crisis, has 
argued against the reinstatement of the draft. Yet the clamor for its 
reinstatement grows louder daily by those who wanted a return to the 
draft all along. I see the draft as the ultimate abuse of liberty. 
Morally, it cannot be distinguished from slavery. All the arguments for 
drafting 18-year-old men and women and sending them off to foreign wars 
are couched in terms of noble service to the country and benefits to 
the draftees. The need-for-discipline argument is the most common 
reason given after the call for service in an effort to make the world 
safe for democracy. There can be no worse substitute for the lack of 
parental guidance of teenagers than the Federal Government's 
domineering control and forcing them to fight an enemy they do not even 
know in a country they cannot even identify.
  Now it is argued that since the Federal government has taken over the 
entire job of Homeland Security, all

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kinds of jobs can be found for the draftees to serve the State, even 
for those who are conscientious objectors.
  The proponents of the draft call it ``mandatory service.'' Slavery 
too was mandatory, but few believed it was a service. They claim that 
every 18-year-old owes at least 2 years of his life to his country. Let 
us hope the American people do not fall for this need-to-serve 
argument. The Congress should refuse even to consider such a proposal. 
Better yet, what we need to do is abolish the selective service 
altogether.
  However, if we get to the point of returning to the draft, I have a 
proposal. Every news commentator, every Hollywood star, every newspaper 
editorialist, and every Member of Congress under the age of 65 who has 
never served in the military and who now demands that the draft be 
reinstated should be drafted first; the 18-year-olds last. Since the 
Pentagon says they do not need draftees, these new recruits can be the 
first to march to the orders of the general in charge of Homeland 
Security. For those less robust individuals, they can do the hospital 
and cooking chores for the rest of the newly-formed domestic Army. 
After all, someone middle-aged owes a lot more to his country than an 
18-year-old.
  I am certain that this provision would mute the loud demands for the 
return of the military draft.
  I see good reason for American citizens to be concerned, not only 
about another terrorist attack, but for their own personal freedoms as 
the Congress deals with this crisis. Personal freedom is the element of 
the human condition that has made America great and unique and 
something we all cherish. Even those who are more willing to sacrifice 
a little freedom for security do it with the firm conviction that they 
are acting in the best interests of freedom and justice. However, good 
intentions can never suffice for sound judgment in the defense of 
liberty.
  I do not challenge the dedication and sincerity of those who disagree 
with the freedom philosophy and confidently promote government 
solutions for all of our ills. I am just absolutely convinced that the 
best formula for giving us peace and prosperity and preserving the 
American way of life is freedom, limited government, and minding our 
own business overseas.
  Henry Grady Weaver, author of a classic book on freedom, The 
Mainspring of Human Progress, years ago warned us that good intentions 
in politics are not good enough and actually are dangerous to the 
cause. Weaver stated: ``Most of the major ills of the world have been 
caused by well-meaning people who ignored the principle of individual 
freedom, except as applied to themselves, and who were obsessed with 
fanatical zeal to improve the lot of mankind-in-the-mass through some 
pet formula of their own. The harm done by ordinary criminals, 
murderers, gangsters and thieves is negligible in comparison with the 
agony inflicted upon human beings by the professional do-gooders who 
attempt to set themselves up as Gods on earth and who would ruthlessly 
force their views on all others, with the abiding assurance that the 
end justifies the means.''
  Mr. Speaker, this message is one we should all ponder.

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