[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 13]
[Senate]
[Page 18040]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                  PRE-ELECTION CONDITIONS IN ZIMBABWE

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to draw the Senate's 
attention to the continuing political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe.
  This summer, the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee held a hearing on this crisis. The 
overwhelming consensus of the witnesses at that hearing, witnesses from 
the administration, from NGOs, and from academia, was that Zimbabwe 
would continue in a downward spiral, with potentially disastrous 
results for the entire Southern African region, unless the rule of law 
is sufficiently restored to create conditions for a fair Presidential 
election next year.
  I regret that recent events suggest that the Government of Zimbabwe 
is intent on taking the opposite approach. Zimbabwean authorities have 
expelled representatives of the widely-respected International 
Foundation for Electoral Systems, better known to many in this body as 
IFES. An IFES team had traveled to Zimbabwe to monitor pre-election 
conditions, which are critically important to a free and fair election. 
If the only information available to voters is state-controlled 
propaganda, if opposition party leaders and supporters are intimidated, 
and if the administrative structure established to prepare for and 
govern elections is biased, the deck is stacked against democracy 
before voting even begins. Without international monitors in place, the 
international community cannot adequately assess these important 
issues.
  In fact, despite recent encouraging reports that the government of 
Zimbabwe had agreed to a rule-governed land reform strategy in return 
for significant assistance from Britain, conditions continue to be grim 
within the country. Reports indicate that 900 of 1,150 farms are unable 
to continue normal operations because they are still under occupation, 
and food supplies are inadequate.
  I strongly support rule-governed land reform in Zimbabwe. It is 
clearly urgently needed and the United States should provide 
significant assistance to such an effort. But the most pressing problem 
in Zimbabwe is not about land. It is about the systematic destruction 
of the rule of law; it is about the intimidation of independent 
journalists; it is about executive interference with the judiciary; and 
it is about the abuse of Zimbabweans who support the opposition party 
or have the misfortune of standing between ruling party-financed thugs 
and the objects of their desire. So far no evidence has come to light 
indicating that these fundamental issues have been resolved.
  As the United States quite rightly devotes itself to fighting 
terrorism, we must not let the horrific attacks of September 11 deter 
us or distract us from our other important foreign policy goals and 
interests. This country must continue speaking out against oppression 
and in favor of freedom all over the world. Sham elections will not be 
legitimized by the international community, and President Mugabe's 
government cannot regain credibility if international monitors are 
barred from the country. The United States and the international 
community must work to keep the pressure on the government in Harare 
and to support the forces of democracy in Zimbabwe. I have joined my 
colleague, Senator Frist, in sponsoring the Zimbabwe Democracy and 
Economic Recovery Act for this very purpose. The bill has passed the 
Senate unanimously, and I urge my colleagues in the House to take it 
up. In Zimbabwe, where many courageous citizens continue to struggle to 
protect their institutions and to save their country from lawlessness, 
our honesty and our solidarity is needed now more than ever.

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