[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 146 (2000), Part 2]
[Senate]
[Pages 2491-2493]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                      TIBETAN DAY OF COMMEMORATION

  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Judiciary 
Committee be discharged from further consideration of Senate Resolution 
60 and the Senate then proceed to its immediate consideration.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The clerk will report the resolution by title.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A resolution (S. Res. 60) recognizing the plight of the 
     Tibetan people on the 40th anniversary of Tibet's attempt to 
     restore its independence and calling for serious negotiations 
     between China and the Dalai Lama to achieve a peaceful 
     solution to the situation in Tibet.

  There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the 
resolution.
  Mr. MACK. Mr. President, S. Res. 60, makes March 10, 2000 the Tibetan 
Day of Commemoration. This marks the forty-first anniversary of the 
1959 Lhasa uprising over the course of which over 87,000 Tibetans were 
killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps by the People's Liberation 
Army. So tomorrow, we honor the memory of the more than 87,000 Tibetans 
who struggled for the preservation of Tibet. We also honor the 6 
million Tibetans today who keep alive the hope of freedom in Tibet and 
the tens of thousands of exiles who hope to return home.
  The Dalai Lama of Tibet has issued a statement for this anniversary 
which I would ask unanimous consent appear in the record immediately 
following my remarks. My distinguished colleague from California, 
Senator Feinstein, has also issued a statement in favor of this 
resolution and commemorating the 41st anniversary of the Lhasa 
uprising.
  From 1949, when the new communist government in Beijing sent an army 
to invade Tibet, through to the present, Tibet has been a victim of PLA 
tyranny, oppression, and cultural genocide. Unfortunately, there has 
been no respite from persecution over the past year and Tibetans in the 
world today are facing the very real and unfortunate threat of seeing 
their homeland and culture obliterated. According to the most recent 
State Department Report on Human Rights, ``Chinese government 
authorities continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet, 
including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention without 
public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan nationalists for 
peacefully expressing their political or religious views.'' Things 
continue to get worse in Tibet, and this resolution recognizes their 
ongoing struggle with the PRC.
  President Clinton has demonstrated an interest in Tibet and has 
spoken to President Jiang Zemin both privately and publicly, urging him 
to begin serious negotiations with the Dalai Lama. I urge President 
Clinton in the final months of his administration to match his rhetoric 
with actions and do what he can to get negotiations started between the 
Dalai Lama and the People's Republic of China.
  I am pleased that we have acted today to formally recognize the 
continual denial of basic rights to the people of Tibet and to 
encourage a peaceful resolution between China and the

[[Page 2492]]

Dalai Lama, or his representatives, as an entire body. We can agree 
unanimously and in a bipartisan manner that there should be a peaceful 
resolution to this situation and that this Senate can stand united in 
our support for the Tibetan people, the preservation of their culture, 
and the right for them to negotiate peacefully for an end to over 50 
years of brutal rule by the PRC.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a statement of the Dalai 
Lama be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the statement was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

 Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Occasion of the 41st 
      Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising March 10, 2000

       My sincere greetings to my fellow countrymen in Tibet as 
     well as in exile and to our friends and supporters all over 
     the world on the occasion of the 41st anniversary of the 
     Tibetan National Uprising Day of 1959.
       We are at the beginning of the 21st century. If we look at 
     the events that took place in the 20th century mankind made 
     tremendous progress in improving our material well-being. At 
     the same time, there was massive destruction, both in terms 
     of human lives and physical structures as peoples and nations 
     sought recourse to confrontation instead of dialogue to 
     resolve bilateral and multilateral problems. The 20th century 
     was therefore in a way a century of war and bloodshed. I 
     believe that we have learned valuable lessons through these 
     experiences. It is clear that any solution resulting from 
     violence or confrontation is not lasting. I firmly believe 
     that it is only through peaceful means that we can develop 
     better understanding between ourselves. We must make this new 
     century a century of peace and dialogue.
       We commemorate this March 10th anniversary at a time when 
     the state of affairs of our freedom struggle is complex and 
     multifarious, yet the spirit of resistance of our people 
     inside Tibet continues to increase. It is also encouraging to 
     note that worldwide support for our cause is increasing. 
     Unfortunately, on the part of Beijing there is an evident 
     lack of political will and courage to address the issue of 
     Tibet sensibly and pragmatically through dialogue.
       Right from the beginning, ever since the time of our exile, 
     we have believed in hoping for the best but preparing for the 
     worst. In this same spirit, we have tried our best to reach 
     out to the Chinese government to bring about a process of 
     dialogue and reconciliation for many years. We have also been 
     building bridges with our overseas Chinese brothers and 
     sisters, including those in Taiwan, and to enhance 
     significantly mutual understanding, respect and solidarity. 
     At the same time we have continued with our work of 
     strengthening the base of our exiled community by creating 
     awareness about the true nature of the Tibetan struggle, 
     preserving Tibetan values, promoting nonviolence, augmenting 
     democracy and expanding the network of our supporters 
     throughout the world.
       It is with great sadness I report that the human rights 
     situation in Tibet today has taken a critical turn in recent 
     years. The ``strike hard'' and ``patriotic re-education'' 
     campaigns against Tibetan religion and patriotism have 
     intensified with each passing year. In some spheres of life 
     we are witnessing the return of an atmosphere of 
     intimidation, coercion and fear, reminiscent of the days of 
     the Cultural Revolution. In 1999 alone there have been six 
     known cases of deaths resulting from torture and abuse. 
     Authorities have expelled a total of 1,432 monks and nuns 
     from their monasteries and nunneries for refusing to either 
     oppose Tibetan freedom or to denounce me. There are 615 known 
     and documented Tibetan political prisoners in Tibet. Since 
     1996, a total of 11,409 monks and nuns have been expelled 
     from their places of worship and study. It is obvious that 
     there has been little change with regard to China's ruthless 
     political objective in Tibet since the early sixties when the 
     late Panchen Lama, who personally witnessed Communist China's 
     occupation of Tibet from the 50s to the beginning of the 60s, 
     wrote his famous 70,000 character petition. Even today the 
     present young reincarnate Panchen Lama is under virtual house 
     arrest, making him the youngest political prisoner in the 
     world. I am deeply concerned about this.
       The most alarming trend in Tibet is the flood of Chinese 
     settlers who continue to come to Tibet to take advantage of 
     Tibet's opening to market capitalism. This along with the 
     widespread disease of prostitution, gambling and karaoke 
     bars, which the authorities quietly encourage, is undermining 
     the traditional social norms and moral values of the Tibetan 
     people. These, more than brute force, are successful in 
     reducing the Tibetans to a minority in their own country and 
     alienating them from their traditional beliefs and values.
       This sad state of affairs in Tibet does nothing to 
     alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people or to bring 
     stability and unity to the People's Republic of China. If 
     China is seriously concerned about unity, she must make 
     honest efforts to win over the hearts of the Tibetans and not 
     attempt to impose her will on them. It is the responsibility 
     of those in power, who rule and govern, to ensure that 
     policies towards all its ethnic groups are based on equality 
     and justice in order to prevent separation. Though lies and 
     falsehood may deceive people temporarily and the use of force 
     may control human beings physically, it is only through 
     proper understanding, fairness and mutual respect that human 
     beings can be genuinely convinced and satisfied.
       The Chinese authorities see the distinct culture and 
     religion of Tibet as the principal cause for separation. 
     Accordingly, there is an attempt to destroy the integral core 
     of the Tibetan civilization and identity. New measures of 
     restrictions in the fields of culture, religion and education 
     coupled with the unabated influx of Chinese immigrants to 
     Tibet amount to a policy of cultural genocide.
       It is true that the root cause of the Tibetan resistance 
     and freedom struggle lies in Tibet's long history, its 
     distinct and ancient culture, and its unique identity. The 
     Tibetan issue is much more complex and deeper than the simple 
     official version Beijing upholds. History is history and no 
     one can change the past. One cannot simply retain what one 
     wants and abandon what one does not want. It is best left to 
     historians and legal experts to study the case objectively 
     and make their own judgements. In matters of history 
     political decisions are not necessary. I am therefore looking 
     towards the future.
       Because of lack of understanding, appreciation and respect 
     for Tibet's distinct culture, history and identity China's 
     Tibet policies have been consistently misguided. In occupied 
     Tibet there is little room for truth. The use of force and 
     coercion as the principal means to rule and administer Tibet 
     compel Tibetans to lie out of fear and local officials to 
     hide the truth and create false facts in order to suit and to 
     please Beijing and its stewards in Tibet. As a result China's 
     treatment of Tibet continues to evade the realities in Tibet. 
     This approach is shortsighted and counter-productive. These 
     policies are narrow-minded and reveal the ugly face of racial 
     and cultural arrogance and a deep sense of political 
     insecurity. The development concerning the flights of Agya 
     Rinpoche, the Abbot of Kumbum Monastery, and more recently 
     Karmapa Rinpoche are cases in point. However, the time has 
     passed when in the name of national sovereignty and integrity 
     a state can continue to apply such ruthless policies with 
     impunity and escape international condemnation. Moreover, the 
     Chinese people themselves will deeply regret the destruction 
     of Tibet's ancient and rich cultural heritage. I sincerely 
     believe that our rich culture and spirituality not only can 
     benefit millions of Chinese but can also enrich China itself.
       It is unfortunate that some leaders of the People's 
     Republic of China seem to be hoping for the Tibetan issue to 
     disappear with the passage of time. Such thinking on the part 
     of the Chinese leaders is to repeat the miscalculations made 
     in the past. Certainly, no Chinese leader would have thought 
     back in 1949/50 and then in 1959 that in 2000 China would 
     still be grappling with the issue of Tibet. The old 
     generation of Tibetans has gone, a second and a third 
     generation of Tibetans have emerged. Irrespective of the 
     passage of time the freedom struggle of the Tibetan people 
     continues with undiminished determination. It is clear that 
     this is not a struggle for the cause of one man nor is it 
     that of one generation of Tibetans. It is therefore obvious 
     that generations of Tibetans to come will continue to 
     cherish, honor and commit themselves to this freedom 
     struggle. Sooner or later, the Chinese leadership will have 
     to face this fact.
       The Chinese leaders refuse to believe that I am not seeking 
     separation but genuine autonomy for the Tibetans. They are 
     quite openly accusing me of lying. They are free to come and 
     visit our communities in exile to find out the truth for 
     themselves.
       It has been my consistent endeavor to find a peaceful and 
     mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem. My 
     approach envisages that Tibet enjoy genuine autonomy within 
     the framework of the People's Republic of China. Such a 
     mutually beneficial solution would contribute to the 
     stability and unity of China--their two topmost priorities--
     while at the same time the Tibetans would be ensured of the 
     basic right to preserve their own civilization and to protect 
     the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau.
       In the absence of any positive response from the Chinese 
     government to my overtures over the years, I am left with no 
     alternative but to appeal to the members of the international 
     community. It is clear now that only increased and concerted 
     international efforts will persuade Beijing to change its 
     policy on Tibet. In spite of immediate negative reactions 
     from the Chinese side, I strongly believe that such 
     expressions of international concern and support are 
     essential for creating an environment conducive for the 
     peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem. On my part, I 
     remain committed to the process of dialogue. It is my

[[Page 2493]]

     firm belief that dialogue and a willingness to look with 
     honesty and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead us to a 
     viable solution.
       I would like to take this opportunity to thank the numerous 
     individuals, governments, members of parliaments, non-
     governmental organizations and various religious orders for 
     their support. The sympathy and support shown to our cause by 
     a growing number of well-informed Chinese brothers and 
     sisters is of special significance and a great encouragement 
     to us Tibetans. I also wish to convey my greetings and 
     express my deep sense of appreciation to our supporters all 
     over the world who are commemorating this anniversary today. 
     Above all I would like to express on behalf of the Tibetans 
     our gratitude to the people and the Government of India for 
     their unsurpassed generosity and support during these past 
     forty years of our exile.
       With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet who have 
     died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to 
     the sufferings of our people.

  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that an amendment 
at the desk to the resolution be agreed to, the resolution, as amended, 
be agreed to, the amendment to the preamble be agreed to, and the 
preamble, as amended, be agreed to, the title amendment be agreed to, 
and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and, finally, any 
statements be printed in the Record.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment (No. 2884) was agreed to, as follows:


                           amendment no. 2884

              (Purpose: To provide a complete substitute)

       On page 3, strike lines 2 through 16 and insert the 
     following:
       (1) March 10, 2000 should be recognized as the Tibetan Day 
     of Commemoration in solemn remembrance of those Tibetans who 
     sacrificed, suffered, and died during the Lhasa uprising, and 
     in affirmation of the inherent rights of the Tibetan people 
     to determine their own future; and
       (2) March 10, 2000 should serve as an occasion to renew 
     calls by the President, Congress, and other United States 
     Government officials on the Government of the People's 
     Republic of China to enter into serious negotiations with the 
     Dalai Lama or his representatives until such a time as a 
     peaceful solution, satisfactory to both sides, is achieved.
       In the preamble, strike all the whereas clauses and insert 
     the following:
       Whereas during the period 1949-1950, the newly established 
     communist government of the People's Republic of China sent 
     an army to invade Tibet;
       Whereas the Tibetan army was ill equipped and outnumbered, 
     and the People's Liberation Army overwhelmed Tibetan 
     defenses;
       Whereas, on May 23, 1951, a delegation sent from the 
     capital city of Lhasa to Peking to negotiate with the 
     Government of the People's Republic of China was forced under 
     duress to accept a Chinese-drafted 17-point agreement that 
     incorporated Tibet into China but promised to preserve 
     Tibetan political, cultural, and religious institutions;
       Whereas during the period of 1951-1959, the failure of the 
     Government of the People's Republic of China to uphold 
     guarantees to autonomy contained in the 17-Point Agreement 
     and the imposition of socialist reforms resulted in 
     widespread oppression and brutality;
       Whereas on March 10, 1959, the people of Lhasa, fearing for 
     the life of the Dalai Lama, surrounded his palace, organized 
     a permanent guard, and called for the withdrawal of the 
     Chinese from Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's 
     independence;
       Whereas on March 17, 1959, the Dalai Lama escaped in 
     disguise during the night after two mortar shells exploded 
     within the walls of his palace and, before crossing the 
     Indian border into exile two weeks later, repudiated the 17-
     Point Agreement;
       Whereas during the `Lhasa uprising' begun on March 10, 
     1959, Chinese statistics estimate 87,000 Tibetans were 
     killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps, and only a 
     small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape to 
     India survived Chinese military attacks, malnutrition, cold, 
     and disease;
       Whereas for the past forty years, the Dalai Lama has worked 
     in exile to find ways to allow Tibetans to determine the 
     future status of Tibet and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize 
     for his efforts in 1989;
       Whereas it is the policy of the United States to support 
     substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's 
     Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives;
       Whereas the State Department's 1999 Country Report on Human 
     Rights Practices finds that ``Chinese government authorities 
     continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet, 
     including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention 
     without public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan 
     nationalists for peacefully expressing their political or 
     religious views.'';
       Whereas President Jiang Zemin pointed out in a press 
     conference with President Clinton on June 27, 1997, that if 
     the Dalai Lama recognizes that Tibet is an inalienable part 
     of China and Taiwan is a province of China, then the door to 
     negotiate is open;
       Whereas all efforts by the U.S. and private parties to 
     enable the Dalai Lama to find a negotiated solution have 
     failed;
       Whereas the Dalai Lama has specifically stated that he is 
     not seeking independence and is committed to finding a 
     negotiated solution within the framework enunciated by Deng 
     Xiaoping in 1979; and
       Whereas China has signed but failed to ratify the 
     International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the 
     International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural 
     Rights: Now, therefore, be it
       Amend the title of the resolution to read as follows: 
     ``Recognizing the plight of the Tibetan people on the forty-
     first anniversary of Tibet's 1959 Lhasa uprising and calling 
     for serious negotiations between China and the Dalai Lama to 
     achieve a peaceful solution to the situation in Tibet.''.

  The resolution (S. Res. 60), as amended, was agreed to.
  The preamble, as amended, was agreed to.
  The title amendment was agreed to.
  The resolution, as amended, with its preamble, as amended, reads as 
follows:
  (S. Res. 60 was not available for printing. It will appear in a 
future issue of the Record.)

                          ____________________