[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 146 (2000), Part 11]
[House]
[Pages 15127-15128]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                       REMEMBERING THE KOREAN WAR

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 19, 1999, the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) is 
recognized during morning hour debates for 5 minutes.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, 50 years ago this month, without warning 
or provocation, hundreds of thousands of North Korean troops invaded 
South Korea, pouring across the 38th parallel and precipitating the 
Korean War. Unprepared South Korean, or ROK, forces and the handful of 
Americans on the ground were incapable of halting this swift and brutal 
assault. In a matter of days, the badly battered U.S. and ROK units had 
been pushed back to a tiny toe-hold on the southern tip of the Korean 
Peninsula.
  It was only with determination and unbelievable courage that American 
forces, together with South Korean and allied troops, were able to push 
back the attacking North Korean Army. The break-out of the Pusan 
perimeter, the Inchon landing, battles like Pork Chop Hill and 
Heartbreak Ridge, the terrible fight against overwhelming odds at the 
frozen Chosin Reservoir, on these and countless other unnamed 
battlefields we beat back the invaders.
  The Korean conflict reflected the absolute determination of the 
United States to halt the spread of tyranny and totalitarianism, but 
the cost was high. The war that North Korea started resulted in 39,000 
U.S. deaths and over 100,000 wounded and severely undermined U.S. 
relations with Russia and China. It took decades for our South Korean 
ally to recover.
  In the so-called Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the DPRK, 
there is certainly a very different and distorted interpretation of the 
events that occurred 50 years ago. Incredibly, according to the North 
Korean news agency, quote, ``the U.S. instigated the ROK Army to start 
a surprise armed invasion of North Korea on June 25, 1950. It was 
commanded by the U.S. military advisory group,'' end of quote.
  The newscast goes on to explain that in precipitating this unprovoked 
attack, the U.S. supposedly indiscriminately carpet bombed throughout 
North Korea.
  Mr. Speaker, these lies from North Korea newscasts are not from some 
ancient historical record. No, this was the broadcast in the last 
several weeks. It is worth noting, Mr. Speaker, that this slanderous 
pack of lies was broadcast right after the recent historic meeting 
between South Korean President Kim Dae Jung and North Korean leader Kim 
Jong Il. It was broadcast the day after the United States had announced 
the delivery to North Korea of an additional 50,000 tons of grain. And 
about the same time that North Korea was reinventing history, Secretary 
of State Albright was announcing that North Korea is not a terrorist 
state or even a rogue state, but merely a state of concern.
  This member points this out because of the recent changes in 
perception regarding North Korea. On the verge of collapse, the hermit 
kingdom is at least attempting to give the impression that it is 
reaching out to South Korea and to the West. If North Korea is in fact 
sincere in its peaceful overtures, that certainly would be a dramatic, 
positive development. However, it would be premature to assume that the 
DPRK has irrevocably reformed its behavior. It would be naive in the 
extreme to believe that a few gestures constitute a reversion of 50 
years of violently confrontational behavior and terrorism, and it would 
be foolish to pretend that North Korea no longer deserves to be labeled 
as a terrorist state.
  In recent days, a historic meeting has occurred between the North and 
South Korean leaders. Kim Dae Jung went to Pyongyang and promised to 
open the spigots of foreign assistance, although at the North's 
insistence, it is called economic cooperation. That is, the South gives 
and the North cooperates by accepting. In return, the North has 
promised to permit some long-awaited family reunions of those who have 
been torn from their families 50 years ago.
  From a public relations standpoint, North Korea scored a remarkable 
victory. Kim Jong Il was described as cherubic in the New York Times 
and, amazingly, senior administration officials called him courageous 
and visionary. But the question remains, has Kim Jong Il and the 
totalitarian elite that rules North Korea made a commitment to peace? 
When one examines North Korea's record on weapons of mass destruction, 
missiles and support for terrorism, it is not at all clear that it has 
made a permanent commitment to peace.
  Despite the 1994 Agreed Framework that was touted as capping the 
North Korean nuclear threat, there is ample evidence that Pyongyang 
continues to

[[Page 15128]]

pursue an undeclared nuclear program. An unclassified 1998 CIA report 
concludes that North Korea possesses between 6 and 12 kilograms of 
plutonium which it acquired before the Yongbyon nuclear reactor was 
shut down in 1995. This weapons-grade material has not been accounted 
for. In addition, press reports from publications such as Jane's 
Intelligence Review suggest the DPRK has continued its efforts to 
acquire uranium enrichment technologies. In 1998, a secret underground 
facility was discovered that certainly seemed like it was related to 
nuclear activities.
  I hope that North Korea has made a change, Mr. Speaker, but we need 
to see exactly what it has done before we reach any new conclusions 
about its intentions.
  According to the Congressional Research Service, Russian and former 
East German nuclear scientists are operating in North Korea.
  In contrast to the time when the 1994 Agreed Framework was signed, 
North Korea seems on the threshold of being able to attack the United 
States with a missile that could deliver chemical, biological, or 
possibly nuclear weapons. It has produced, deployed and exported 
missiles to several countries of great concern to the United States. 
The DPRK has launched a three-stage (Taepo-dong 1) missile and 
continues to develop a larger, longer-range missile (the Taepo-dong 2). 
Not only does North Korea now possess a missile capable of reaching 
U.S. soil, but it is clear that it intends to sell such fully developed 
weapons systems to the highest bidder. According to a 1999 National 
Intelligence Estimate, ``the proliferation of medium-range ballistic 
missiles--driven primarily by North Korean No Dong sales--has created 
an immediate, serious and growing threat to U.S. forces, interests, and 
allies, and has significantly altered the strategic balances in the 
Middle East and Africa.''
  While individuals in the Executive Branch argue that North Korea has 
agreed to halt its missile program, it is important to note that the 
North only has agreed to a moratorium on flight tests. Design, rocket 
motor tests, production, and sales to other so-called ``states of 
concern'' can continue.
  It was just last week, at negotiations that took place between U.S. 
and North Korean officials, that the DPRK flatly refused to halt 
development of missiles. Instead, they made it clear that development 
of new and more capable missiles will continue. In addition, North 
Korea demanded $1 billion to impose a ``moratorium'' on new missile 
exports. Unfortunately, this is all too typical of the North's pattern 
of threats and extortion.
  North Korea insists that it is not a terrorist state, but its past 
and even recent actions certainly suggest otherwise. The DPRK has 
remained a haven for the terrorists of the Japanese Red Army faction. 
Pyongyang regularly has infiltrated training and resupply teams into 
South Korea and Japan. Other actions include border violations, 
infiltration of armed saboteurs and spies, hijacking, kidnapping, 
assassination, and threats against media personnel and institutions.
  To finance these terrorist activities, North Korea uses counterfeit 
U.S. currency. Recently a Japanese Red Army terrorist was caught while 
traveling in Southeast Asia with a North Korean diplomatic passport. 
This terrorist was carrying over $100,000 in counterfeit currency. In 
short, Mr. Speaker, North Korea has not to date behaved like a country 
wishing to join the international family of nations.
  Former Secretary of Defense William Perry, a truly outstanding public 
servant, was tasked with reviewing U.S. policy toward North Korea. He 
concluded that North Korea had two options. The first option would be 
the path of engagement. If the DPRK really sheds its rogue behavior, 
the United States should respond with a reduction of sanctions, and 
gradual extension of normal political and commercial activity. If, 
however, the DPRK chooses the path of confrontation, the Perry-
recommended policy is that the United States and our allies must meet 
the North's aggressiveness with firmness, resolve, and military might. 
It must be clear that America would respond in that fashion.
  Mr. Speaker, it is far too early to tell which path the DPRK will 
choose. It is possible that they will opt for peaceful engagement. 
America and South Korea obviously hope that it is the path the DPRK 
will choose, but we must end the cycle of extortion which the North has 
successfully pursued with the United States. One insubstantive summit 
meeting does not guarantee such a sea change in behavior. This nation 
must maintain its resolve to preposition 100,000 troops in the Asia-
Pacific area, with 37,000 on the Korean Peninsula. We must resist the 
temptation to throw even more money at the North without demonstrable 
progress in reducing the threat. And, we must continue to aggressively 
pursue the development of ballistic missile defenses capable of 
defending this nation against the emerging ballistic missile threat--a 
threat made ever-more immediate by the North Korean missile development 
program and its missile exports.
  Mr. Speaker, this Member genuinely hopes that North Korea will one 
day become merely a ``state of concern.'' But until this Member sees 
ample evidence to the contrary, he must continue to view North Korea as 
a ``terrorist state'' and to regard the Korean Peninsula as the place 
on the globe where American forces might again be attacked and a 
tragically costly war begun again.

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