[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 146 (2000), Part 1]
[House]
[Pages 376-394]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                    TAIWAN SECURITY ENHANCEMENT ACT

  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, 
I call up House Resolution 408 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 408

       Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it 
     shall be in order without intervention of any point of order 
     to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 1838) to assist in 
     the enhancement of the security of Taiwan, and for other 
     purposes. The bill shall be considered as read for amendment. 
     The amendment recommended by the Committee on International 
     Relations now printed in the bill shall be considered as 
     adopted. The previous question shall be considered as ordered 
     on the bill, as amended, and on any further amendment thereto 
     to final passage without intervening motion except: (1) one 
     hour of debate on the bill, as amended, equally divided and 
     controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the 
     Committee on International Relations; (2) an amendment 
     printed in the Congressional Record pursuant to clause 8 of 
     rule XVIII, if offered by the Minority Leader or a designee, 
     which shall be considered as read and shall be separately 
     debatable for one hour equally divided and controlled by the 
     proponent and an opponent; and (3) one motion to recommit 
     with or without instructions.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart) 
is recognized for 1 hour.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield 
the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. 
Slaughter); pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. 
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for 
purpose of debate only.
  Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 408 is a modified closed rule providing 
for the consideration of the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, H.R. 
1838.
  House Resolution 408 provides for 1 hour of debate in the House, 
equally divided between the chairman and the ranking minority member of 
the Committee on International Relations.
  The rule waives all points of order against consideration of the bill 
and, further, the rule provides that the amendment recommended by the 
Committee on International Relations now printed in the bill be 
considered as adopted.
  The rule provides for consideration of the amendment printed in the 
Congressional Record, if offered by the minority leader or his 
designee, which shall be considered as read and shall be separately 
debatable for 1 hour, equally divided and controlled by the proponent 
and an opponent.
  And, finally, the rule provides for one motion to recommit with or 
without instructions.
  H.R. 1838, Mr. Speaker, seeks to enhance the security of Taiwan. I am 
pleased to be an original cosponsor of this legislation, which the 
majority whip, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), introduced in 
large part to respond to increasing concern with the threat to the 
peace and stability of Taiwan in light of the actions of the People's 
Republic of China toward Taiwan.
  Both the chairman and the ranking minority member of the committee of 
primary jurisdiction are cosponsors, along with four of my colleagues 
on the Committee on Rules. I believe that this legislation enjoys 
widespread bipartisan support in the House.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act increases military cooperation 
with and establishes direct military communication between forces in 
Taiwan and in the United States in an effort to help Taiwan protect 
itself from potential threats from China. The legislation increases the 
number of Taiwanese military officers and officials to be trained at 
U.S. military academies and the National Defense University and 
increases the technical staff at the American Institute in Taiwan.
  In addition, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act requires the 
President to justify any rejection of a Taiwanese defense request and 
requires annual reports by the defense secretary on Taiwan's security 
situation.
  I believe that it is entirely appropriate for Congress to express 
itself strongly on the important matter of the security of Taiwan. 
Since the nationalist escape to the island after the Communist victory 
on the mainland of China in 1949, the close relationship between the 
United States and Taiwan, I think, has been mutually beneficial to both 
peoples.
  The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 established on the part of the 
United States a concern for Taiwan and its people, at a time when 
diplomatic relations switched on the part of the United States from 
Taiwan to the People's Republic of China. The Taiwan Security 
Enhancement Act clarifies and reiterates the commitments made in the 
Taiwan Relations Act.
  The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), the ranking minority 
member on the Committee on International Relations, stated in his 
testimony to the Committee on Rules that he was aware of no amendments 
to this legislation, and he was supportive of the request for a 
modified closed rule. As a firm supporter of this legislation, Mr. 
Speaker, I believe that the Committee on Rules has crafted a fair rule 
to provide for its consideration, and I would strongly urge the 
adoption of both the rule and the underlying bill.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Gilman), and the ranking member, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. 
Gejdenson), along with the majority whip, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
DeLay), and the many others who have worked on this legislation for 
their efforts in bringing forward this important piece of legislation. 
I believe House Resolution 408 is a necessarily structured rule, a fair 
rule, and I urge its adoption.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume, and I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding me the 
customary 30 minutes.
  Mr. Speaker, the underlying bill, the Taiwan Security Enhancement 
Act, H.R. 1838, is a bill designed to reaffirm the Nation's commitment 
to Taiwan's security. It is my understanding that the bill was 
substantially modified in the Committee on International Relations and 
demonstrates a bipartisan effort to show some congressional support for 
maintaining Taiwan's ability to defend itself.
  I have received numerous letters and petitions from Taiwanese 
Americans in my district urging passage of the bill. As Professor Ken 
Hsu of Pittsford, New York, notes, ``This act will help maintain the 
peace and security of the Taiwan Strait.'' Over the past decade, Taiwan 
has become a full-fledged, multiparty democracy. Presidential elections 
are scheduled for March of this year. Taiwan fully respects human 
rights and civil liberties and is often touted as a model for democracy 
in East Asia.
  Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China continues to jail citizens 
who simply want to express their views and represses the people of 
Tibet and other regions who long for freedom. Most importantly, China 
has spent the past few years actively building up its military 
capabilities. This buildup has included

[[Page 377]]

further development of advanced ballistic and cruise missiles and a 
significant increase in the size of China's missile force. That is a 
worry.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a closed rule, with the possibility of a 
substitute amendment. And while I support a more open amendment 
process, in this case I am not aware of any amendments on our side and 
will not call for a recorded vote.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Goss), the distinguished chairman of the Permanent Select 
Committee on Intelligence and my colleague on the Committee on Rules.
  Mr. GOSS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Florida for yielding 
me this time, and I rise in support of this appropriately crafted and, 
I believe, noncontroversial rule. This is obviously an extremely 
important and serious matter, and I believe a structured rule was 
necessary to ensure that the various views are aired in a productive 
way out here today.
  Mr. Speaker, I come to this debate primarily focused on national 
security, obviously as chairman of the Permanent Select Committee on 
Intelligence, with very high hopes but also with some deep underlying 
concerns. I have high hopes that the United States can and will step up 
to the challenge of engaging the Asia-Pacific region while protecting 
U.S. interests and the interests of our friends and allies in that area 
and elsewhere.
  I do remain concerned that we lack sufficient and sustained 
leadership on this issue from the Clinton-Gore administration, while at 
the same time we do have a wide range of vigorously conflicted, highly 
visible viewpoints on how we should proceed even within this Congress. 
As a result, we run the risk of sending mixed signals that could weaken 
rather than reinforce the message of resolve that we need to send to 
the Chinese leadership about our priorities. That is what we are here 
about, resolve.
  Mr. Speaker I have just returned from leading the Permanent Select 
Committee on Intelligence on a trip to the South Pacific. I want to 
report that, without fail, what we heard over and over is that the area 
of greatest focus for U.S. officials and their counterparts in the 
region is the need for careful management of the explosive flash-point 
that exists in the Taiwan Strait. The Chinese hierarchy knows this and 
has demonstrated its willingness to capitalize on it by engineering 
provocations in order to promote its own agenda, including, apparently, 
gaining unfettered entry into world markets and trade organizations.
  Let me state that I am certainly supportive of the substance of this 
legislation, inasmuch as it emphasizes and clarifies our defense 
posture when it comes to assisting the people of Taiwan and protecting 
their security. But I am also mindful of the larger picture, and I 
recognize that, as contorted as U.S. policy toward Taiwan and, by 
inference, China, has become, it is a policy that of necessity must 
find balance on an extremely narrow tightrope.
  Our discussions here must not be misinterpreted to be our pushing the 
envelope on behalf of Taiwan. The issue is the defense and security of 
Taiwan. Proponents of today's legislation point out that the existing 
statutory foundation for our relationship with Taiwan is in need of 
greater elucidation. They seek to send a message to Beijing. But we 
must make sure that in the process of adding detail, specificity, and 
clarity to our current policy, we do not also generate the unintended 
consequences of provocation and perhaps dangerous escalation in our 
complicated and delicate diplomatic relations with China.
  This matter is of vital significance to regional security and to 
global security, and it affects U.S. interests directly. Without doubt 
the Chinese leadership, as well as the people of Taiwan and our friends 
and enemies around the world, will be watching this debate and gauging 
our willingness to approach these tough issues with thoughtful, 
farsighted leadership, and unity of purpose.
  As my colleagues know, one of the areas of jurisdiction of the 
Committee on Intelligence is to monitor and prepare capabilities for 
potential security crises around the world, and that certainly includes 
a careful eye toward China and Taiwan. I think I can say that the 
danger of miscalculation in the Taiwan Straits is at the top of the 
list of the gravest threat to today's world peace.
  Our challenge in this debate is to ensure that it promotes solutions 
rather than contributing to a deadly miscalculation. I urge support for 
the rule.
  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend and colleague from 
New York for yielding me this time.
  I will rise in the strongest possible opposition to this legislation 
when it is offered, and I would like to ask my colleagues to pay 
careful attention to this legislation, which, while well-intentioned, 
will be wholly counterproductive and will dramatically enhance 
instability in the region.
  Let me first say that during the course of the many years that we 
have debated the China issue, I am proud to have been one who has 
uniformly fought for human rights in China; who has uniformly fought 
for the right of the people of Tibet; who has uniformly rejected Most 
Favored Nation treatment for China, and will continue to do so.
  What is at stake here is the unintended unraveling of a carefully 
crafted ambivalence in U.S. foreign policy towards China and Taiwan, a 
foreign policy which under Republican and Democratic administrations 
has succeeded in making Taiwan a strong, prosperous, and democratic 
society. What this legislation will do, it will enhance instability and 
uncertainty in the region, and it will not contribute one iota to the 
security of Taiwan.

                              {time}  1215

  Let me elaborate. When the question of an invitation to the 
distinguished President of Taiwan from his alma mater, Cornell 
University, came before our body, and the administration was committed 
to denying him a visa because that was part of our agreement with the 
government in Beijing, I introduced a resolution compelling the 
Department of State to issue a visa to the democratically elected 
President of Taiwan to go to Cornell to receive his honorary doctorate.
  My legislation passed this body on May 2, 1995, by a vote of 390-0 
and the Senate by a vote of 97-1. When the question of Chinese 
application to host the Olympic Games in the year 2000 came before our 
body, it was my pleasure to introduce a resolution expressing the 
strong view that this Congress will not countenance the holding of the 
Olympic Games in China as long as human rights violations are as 
widespread, as long as the denial to religious freedom are as 
widespread, as long as the practice of forced abortions are as 
widespread as they are in China. And this body and the Senate approved 
my legislation.
  A short while before we left for our Christmas break, I had the 
privilege of speaking on behalf of a religious movement, global in 
nature, called Falun Gong that the Chinese Communist Government is 
persecuting, harassing, and imprisoning its leaders.
  So I come to this debate as one whose opposition to the odious 
practices of the Chinese Communist regime have been on display for two 
decades. But I also come to this debate as one who has supported the 
Taiwan Relations Act, passed in 1979, which for the past 20 years has 
facilitated Taiwan's development as one of the most prosperous, 
advanced, and democratic societies on the face of this planet.
  As a matter of fact, one of the few great achievements on a 
bipartisan basis of the administrations during the course of the last 
20 years has been the tremendous development in Taiwan. Taiwan today is 
a powerful, prosperous, and democratic society.
  Our relationship with Taiwan and China is predicated on the carefully 
crafted fiction that there is only one China; and this fiction, which 
we pay

[[Page 378]]

tribute to on a daily basis, has an ambassador in Beijing but no 
ambassador but somebody who acts like an ambassador in Taipei.
  The Chinese Government in Beijing sends an ambassador here to 
represent China; and the Government of Taiwan sends someone who, while 
not with the rank of ambassador, ably and effectively represents the 
interest of Taiwan. When he visits me in my office, I refer to him as 
``Mr. Ambassador.''
  Now, this carefully crafted ambivalence and ambiguity has allowed us 
to support Taiwan's defense needs to the fullest possible extent. 
Taiwan today is stronger than it has ever been in its history. Speaking 
for myself, I will be voting for whatever defense requirements Taiwan 
comes to us with insofar as these requirements will be necessary for 
the defense of that island.
  This piece of legislation, well-intentioned but totally 
counterproductive, will add nothing to the security of Taiwan. What it 
will do, it will stir up a hornet's nest in the region. It will enhance 
instability, anxiety, and uncertainty.
  While the crafters of this legislation had good intentions, they 
clearly did not take into account that, in public diplomacy, 
ambivalence and ambiguity have a long established and distinguished 
place.
  It is that ambiguity and ambivalence which the presence of our 
peculiar relationship with Taiwan so ably demonstrates which will be 
undermined and destroyed by this piece of legislation.
  Now, this is not a partisan issue, Mr. Speaker. As was mentioned 
earlier, the chairman of the Committee on International Relations and 
the Ranking Member, both good friends of mine, are supporting this 
legislation. Some of the most distinguished Republicans on the 
Committee on International Relations joined me in opposing this 
legislation. So the issue has no partisan element. It has no partisan 
component.
  The issue before us is very simple: Do we wish to enhance the 
stability of the region or do we wish to add to the periodic outbursts 
of instability that the passage of this legislation will surely bring 
about.
  It is my considered judgment that it is in the national security 
interest of the United States to see this legislation defeated.
  The President has indicated and his top foreign policy advisors have 
indicated that if the legislation is approved in its present form, they 
will recommend a veto. I hope the President will veto, and I will vote 
to sustain that veto.
  It is unnecessary, it is counterproductive, it is nonsensical to 
bring into our complex relationship with China yet another divisive 
matter, the only consequence of which is to diminish the security of 
Taiwan, the exact opposite, the exact opposite that the crafters of 
this legislation intend.
  Now, when my legislation was passed, Mr. Speaker, allowing the 
President of Taiwan to go to Cornell, the Chinese in Beijing went 
ballistic. They went ballistic to the point of engaging in military 
action in the waters around Taiwan. The invitation to President Lee was 
a matter of principle. This is not. This is a matter of bad policy 
judgment. But the reaction is predictable. It will create horrendous 
tensions in the Taiwan Straits. It will dramatically diminish the 
chances of cross-straits dialogue.
  What every Member of this body wants is to see the China-Taiwan 
conflict resolved without military means, peacefully, constructively. 
This piece of legislation torpedoes that objective. When we will 
discuss this legislation, I will strongly urge my colleagues to vote 
against it.
  I have nothing against the rule. The rule is not the issue in this 
instance, Mr. Speaker. But what is at issue is a fundamental bipartisan 
foreign policy successfully pursued by Republican and Democratic 
administrations for 21 years under President Carter, President Reagan, 
President Bush, and President Clinton.
  Taiwan has thrived given our existing legislative framework vis-a-vis 
that country. This legislation will undermine that stability. It will 
threaten the stability and peace in the Taiwan Straits. And we shall 
rue the day if we were to pass this legislation as we see the 
consequences unfold.
  We will have plenty of China issues to discuss in the next few 
months. Some in this body will be advocating Most Favored Nation 
treatment on a permanent basis to mainland China. I hope there will be 
enough of us to oppose that legislation when it comes to this floor. 
This is a piece of legislation that is counterproductive, poorly 
thought through, and hostile to the security interests of both Taiwan 
and the United States, and I strongly urge my colleagues to reject it.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to my good friend, 
the gentleman from Southern California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart) for permitting me to speak in support of the 
rule; and I appreciate the remarks of my good friend, the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Lantos) who has just finished another of his 
eloquent presentations before this body, however, a presentation that I 
must disagree with respectfully.
  I stand in strong support of this rule and in strong support of the 
bipartisan Taiwan security enhancement act. I congratulate the House 
leadership of both parties for bringing this bill to the floor at this 
critical period while the people of Taiwan and the Republic of China on 
Taiwan are entering into the final month of their democratic 
presidential campaign.
  There should be no doubt that the requirements in this bill to 
strengthen Taiwan's ability to defend its own people against air and 
missile attack is essential to maintaining peace and, yes, stability in 
the Taiwan Straits. It sends an undeniable message to the communist 
strongmen in Beijing and to our friends throughout the Pacific region 
that the American people are stalwart in defending democracy and 
honoring our treaty commitments.
  With all due respect to my friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Lantos), ambiguity and ambivalence in the face of tyrants does not 
bring about the result the people would like to achieve. Seeking 
stability through ambiguity and ambivalence will lead not to stability 
but, instead, to conflict and war through miscalculation. Stability 
without regard to moral commitment and to liberty and justice is not a 
worthy goal and leads in the end to conflict.
  We must give a specific message, we must not be ambiguous, to the 
people in Beijing so they will not miscalculate, so they will know what 
our commitment is and how far they can push us in the free world. This 
is the way to peace. It is not through ambiguity.
  Specifically, we are today reaffirming the Taiwan Relations Act of 
1979. The Act clearly authorizes the United States or any other country 
to provide defensive weapon systems to the Republic of China and Taiwan 
and restricts Beijing from using force against the people of Taiwan.
  This is a legal understanding. We should not in any way hint to the 
strong men in Beijing that that understanding and that agreement has 
been altered or has evolved into something else than what it was 
whether that agreement was made. That is the way to have peace in the 
Taiwan Straits and to have stability in the Pacific, let people know we 
are holding them to their commitments and that we are strong and 
forceful in demanding our rights under agreements with those that we 
have made before.
  The upcoming election in Taiwan marks an historic milestone. It is 
the first time in a thousand years of recorded Chinese history that a 
democratically elected Chinese leader, President Lee, will be 
peacefully handing over power to an elected successor.
  The upcoming election and post-election periods present a very real 
danger of intimidation or even violent aggression by the communist 
regime in Beijing.
  I recently returned from Taiwan where I visited the political and 
military leaders there, and I also visited their air national and 
missile defense centers as well as frontline bases in the Taiwan 
straits.

[[Page 379]]

  All the leaders in Taiwan that I met, the military leaders and 
political leaders, as well as people there who live there and are 
confronted with this challenge, expressed concern about the potential 
aggression from the PRC in the upcoming months.

                              {time}  1230

  The threat from Communist China was underscored during the past few 
days with new public threats for the use of force against Taiwan by the 
government in Beijing.
  I am submitting for the Record a copy of the January 31 report out of 
Hong Kong detailing exercises to be conducted immediately prior to the 
election in Taiwan by the People's Liberation Army Missile Command in 
Fujian Province, directly across from Taiwan.
  Beijing needs to know that we are standing by the agreement we made 
with Beijing and that we will ensure Taiwan the defensive systems that 
we are permitted through that understanding to provide Taiwan. This is 
what will lead to more peace, not leaving Taiwan vulnerable, not being 
ambiguous but providing them the missile defense systems and the 
aircraft defense systems they need to deter aggression and to make a 
solid statement as this Congress is doing today in this debate that we 
are not ambiguous and not ambivalent in our commitment to Taiwan's 
security and the Taiwan Relations Act.
  Mr. Speaker, I include the following material for the Record:

        PRC To Stage Anti-Air Military Exercise in Late February

                 (By special correspondent Hsiao Peng)

       According to Jiang Zemin's requirements outlined at a 
     recent meeting of the Central Leading Group for Taiwan 
     Affairs on ``preparations for both eventualities,'' the 
     People's Liberation Army [PLA] is to stage a large-scale 
     antiair exercise in Fujian in late February. Massive antiair 
     missile forces and various types of warplanes recently have 
     arrived in Fujian. For the first time, a newly established 
     reserve missile brigade will participate in the military 
     exercise.


        conducting defense exercise to prevent giving us excuse

       A source pointed out that the mainland will conduct a 
     completely defensive military exercise in the run-up to 
     Taiwan's presidential elections. The antiair live-ammunition 
     exercise involving a large number of antiair missiles and 
     warplanes can put pressure on Taiwan independence forces. 
     Because it is a ``defensive exercise,'' it will not serve as 
     an excuse for the United States and other countries to 
     intervene in the mainland maneuver. The war game also is 
     China's direct military response to Taiwan Vice President 
     Lien Chan's clamor for the development of long-range missiles 
     against the mainland. At the recent meeting of the Central 
     Leading Group for Taiwan Affairs, Jiang Zemin reportedly 
     decided that preparations for both eventualities--peaceful 
     reunification and retaking Taiwan by force--should be taken 
     as the mainland's basic principle on future Taiwan affairs. 
     Meanwhile, the top Chinese leadership has made a clear-cut 
     decision not to allow Taiwan authorities to indefinitely 
     stall the Taiwan issue, and has set a timetable for the 
     settlement of the Taiwan issue. Should new Taiwan leaders 
     refuse to accept the principles of ``one country, two systems 
     and peaceful reunification'' and pursue Taiwan independence 
     by incorporating the ``two-state theory'' into the 
     constitution and the law, the mainland is prepared to use 
     force to resolve the Taiwan issue by means of ``one country, 
     two systems.''


    large number of advanced anti-aircraft missiles to be showcased

       The antiair exercise will involve the live firing of 
     massive advanced PLA antiair missiles in Fujian. In addition 
     to Taiwan warplanes, such as F-16, Ching-kuo, and Mirage 2000 
     fighters, the military exercise will take US F-117 and B-1 
     stealth bombers and cruise missiles as the main targets of 
     attack in order to prevent US military intervention in 
     mainland operations against Taiwan. It is understood that 
     since Lien Chan, Liu Taiying, and other senior Taiwan 
     officials threatened to countercheck the mainland, the top 
     mainland leadership has attached great importance to its air 
     defense against Taiwan. To strengthen Fujian's antiair 
     capability against Taiwan, the mainland recently not only has 
     deployed a large number of antiaircraft and ground-to-ground 
     missiles in Fujian, but for the first time it also has 
     established a reserve missile brigade to arm reserve units 
     with various antiaircraft missiles, which have considerably 
     enhanced Fujian's antiair capability. The brigade is Fujian's 
     second air defense reserve unit since its reserves 
     established an antiaircraft artillery division. It also is 
     the first reserve unit armed with missiles. The upcoming 
     military exercise will serve as a warning to Taiwan's arms 
     expansion and is the first military maneuver intended to put 
     pressure on Taiwan in the run-up to its presidential 
     elections this year.
                                  ____


       China Warns Against More U.S.-Taiwan Military Cooperation

       A Chinese government spokesman today (Jan. 31) warned that 
     passage of a law to improve U.S.-Taiwan military cooperation 
     could threaten ``peace and stability'' in the region and 
     damage relations with the U.S. The Clinton Administration 
     should take ``effective measures'' to prevent adoption of the 
     Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, according to Chinese embassy 
     spokesman Yu Shuning.
       The bill, H.R. 1838, is scheduled for a House vote on Feb. 
     1 or the following day. A Senate companion bill, S. 693, 
     sponsored by the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations 
     Committee is pending before the panel after a hearing in 
     August.
       ``If the U.S. restores its military ties with Taiwan . . . 
     it will have a very serious consequences to our 
     relationship,'' Yu told reporters in a briefing at the 
     Chinese Embassy, ``It could trigger another round of arms 
     race and enhance the chance of military confrontation.''
       Yu called the act a ``very serious infringement'' of 
     Chinese sovereignty and an encouragement of Taiwanese 
     ``separatists'' who seek independence from China.
       He identified passage of the bill as one of three problems 
     facing the U.S.-China relationship. The second is the impact 
     of any sale of advanced weaponry to Taiwan and the third is 
     the U.S. sponsorship this year of a resolution in the United 
     Nations Convention on Human Rights.
       House International Committee Chairman Benjamin Gilman (R-
     NY) said last November that Clinton Administration pressure 
     had prevented the bill from coming to a vote for fear it 
     would damage negotiations for China's entry into the World 
     Trade Organization.
                                  ____


       Missionaries: Clerics Kidnapped, Churches Burned in China

       Vatican City (AP)--China has burned and blown up churches 
     and taken dozens of clerics into custody in an intensified 
     campaign against the underground Catholic church, the 
     Vatican's missionary news service said Monday.
       Some of the arrests cited by Fides were reported earlier by 
     Catholics within China.
       The alleged crackdown implements a plan outlined by the 
     government in August to force Catholics worshipping illegally 
     into the official state-registered church system, Fides said.
       Officially atheist China limits worship to state-registered 
     churches.
       Millions of Chinese Roman Catholics worship secretly, 
     illicitly recognizing the Vatican as their religious 
     authority rather than the government.
       China insists that its people have full freedom of 
     religion; the parliament issued a statement Monday denying 
     the existence of the underground Catholic church.
       Religious meeting places are required to be registered with 
     authorities only ``to ensure that the religions can conduct 
     their normal and lawful activities,'' the lawmakers' 
     statement said.
       Fides said Catholics are under increasing pressure to 
     accept only the authority of the state-sanctioned church, the 
     China Patriotic Catholic Association.
       Children of families in underground churches are being 
     barred from school, the news service said.
       Two churches, built without government permit, were blown 
     up at mid-December in the Wenzhou diocese, Fides said.
       Other churches were burned; three were destroyed in the 
     same northern diocese in April, Fides said.
       ``The diocese of Wenzhou is being subjected to pressure and 
     violence,'' it said.
       Authorities have taken away seven priests and the diocese's 
     archbishop since September, Fides said.
       Since early January, officials have forced at least 2,000 
     Roman Catholics in the region to register, some after days of 
     detention. Other Catholics have fled rather than be forced 
     into the state church, it claimed.
       In all, at least six clerics have disappeared since their 
     arrests, over a period of three years to a few months, it 
     said.

  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Guam (Mr. Underwood).
  Mr. UNDERWOOD. I thank my friend from New York for yielding me the 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the rule on H.R. 1838, the 
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. This bill as modified by the Committee 
on International Relations represents a concerted effort by a 
bipartisan group of Members who remain concerned about the longstanding 
tensions that exist between Taiwan and the PRC.
  It is well known that since the inception of the PRC, the PRC has 
considered Taiwan a renegade province. The government in Beijing has 
long heralded the ``one China'' policy to reemphasize its claims to 
Taiwan and insist

[[Page 380]]

that foreign governments adhere to it as well. Officially, we support 
the ``one China'' policy while at the same time we insist that China 
relinquish the use of force in any reunification effort. Despite 
assurances by China to the world community to peacefully settle this 
sovereignty dispute, China refuses to disavow the use of force. To this 
end, China has often resorted to bullying tactics and demonstrative 
military exercises in a game of deadly brinksmanship.
  The now infamous Chinese ballistic missile strike in the Straits of 
Taiwan during the 1996 presidential campaign in Taiwan has become a 
watershed event that underscores the calculated risk which Beijing is 
willing to make in order to intimidate Taiwan. So intent is China's 
concern over any display or mention of independence that it is willing 
to unleash a torrent of destruction in the Western Pacific. This 
sentiment was further acknowledged by the Chinese Premier, Zhu Rongji, 
who recently noted that the PRC considers violence an acceptable means 
to ``discuss'' the reunification of Taiwan.
  In furtherance of their strategy of intimidation, the Chinese have 
conducted amphibious landing exercises near the straits, deployed 
theater missile launch sites adjacent to Taiwan, acquired long-range 
Su-30 bombers and is currently acquiring former Soviet naval 
destroyers. These efforts are meant to intimidate democracy's allies in 
Taiwan and around the world in light of the upcoming presidential 
elections in Taiwan.
  Previously, the distinguished gentleman from California indicated 
that we should be ambiguous and ambivalent. We may be forced to be 
ambiguous in our diplomatic relations, but we should not be ambivalent 
in the message that we send to the PRC. We must pass this new Taiwan 
Relations Act.
  The bill before the House today further refines and supplements the 
underlying relations act. This legislative supplement by Congress 
unambiguously and without ambivalence gives notice to Beijing that the 
United States is indeed committed to the security of Taiwan and will 
not tolerate an act of aggression to settle the sovereignty dispute.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), chairman of the 
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International 
Relations.
  Mr. BEREUTER. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule and the underlying 
legislation that will be made in order. There are two preliminary 
points I would like to make. First of all, I think all or nearly all 
Members approaching this issue on both sides of the aisle and both 
sides of the issue, do approach this debate with due gravity and 
concern and are attempting to do so with appropriate sensitivity to the 
delicate situation between the PRC and Taiwan.
  I want to call attention, however, to my colleague from Florida's 
remarks. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Goss), the chairman of the 
House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, I think made a very 
thoughtful and incisive statement. He said Members that vote for this 
upcoming legislation, H.R. 1838, should not be deemed to be doing 
things that are intentionally provocative. That should not be our 
intent. Indeed it is not, I think, the supporters' intent that we are 
taking a provocative action. But, on the other hand, we need to, where 
appropriate, eliminate ambiguity; and we need to recognize that this is 
a sensitive area. The Taiwanese-Chinese and the Sino-American 
relationships are the most complicated issues that come before my 
subcommittee and we should not underestimate the reaction to the 
legislative vote on H.R. 1838.
  One of my first votes as a Member in 1979 was cast in support of the 
Taiwan Relations Act, the TRA. This Member is a strong supporter of the 
TRA, for it introduced a very significant measure of coherence, 
consistency, and commitment to our security relationship with Taiwan. 
Under the TRA, the U.S. provides Taiwan with the defensive weaponry and 
technical expertise to defend itself. It is not a treaty relationship, 
but it does recognize that the military might of the People's Republic 
of China should not determine, simply by brutal force, the final status 
of the governance of Taiwan.
  The second preliminary point I would like to make today for my 
colleagues who may have some questions about the timing of any action 
on H.R. 1838, and I have had those thoughts and concerns myself. There 
is never a perfect time; but, this is the issue that has been addressed 
or considered in the House International Relations Committee. The 
legislation we have before us today, after the Rule, H.R. 1838 is 
dramatically different than the bill introduced in the other body and 
the original content of this legislation. For example, Congress Daily's 
edition today is still in error. There are no specific references to 
weapons systems in this legislation as amended. The International 
Relations Committee, on a bipartisan basis, as the gentleman from Guam 
has indicated, has worked its will and made this legislation that I 
think should have strong support.
  Today, H.R. 1838, expands upon the Taiwan Relations Act. It seeks to 
ensure that training and educational opportunities are available to 
military officers from Taiwan. It requires the executive branch of our 
government to report on the nature of the threat to Taiwan and to 
explain arms sales considered and the rationale of decisions. The 
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act delivers, I believe, a strong message 
that clarity, not ambiguity, is important in expressing our support for 
Taiwan and Taiwan policy.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe it is important to emphasize again that 
legislation to be before us today has been heavily amended by the House 
International Relations Committee. The changes are primarily because of 
the efforts of these members and other members of my subcommittee but 
also due to other members of the full committee, and to the support and 
cooperation of the chairman, the gentleman from New York, Mr. Gilman, 
and the ranking Democrat, Mr. Gejdenson. They have all worked at 
perfecting legislation which we bring to the body today with some 
confidence.
  Mr. Speaker, it is true that the executive branch had voiced great 
concerns about this legislation before these significant changes and 
still opposes the legislation. I think they do in part because they 
have not carefully examined the changes that have been made by the 
Committee. For example, the initial legislation listed the sale of 
specific weapons systems that were to be sold to Taiwan. Some of these 
systems are appropriate for sale. Some may not be appropriate for sale 
and some already have been provided very effectively in one way or 
another. Some weapons systems have, in fact, been made available but do 
not fit the priorities of the government of Taiwan themselves. Those 
facts were brought to the attention of Members in classified briefings, 
including the primary sponsors of the legislation or their staff.
  Except in unusual circumstances, it admittedly is not an appropriate 
role for the legislative branch to dictate to the executive branch 
which weapons to sell to a friend. My colleagues should be reminded 
that we do not do this in this legislation and that President Reagan 
and President Bush, of course, would not have liked that kind of 
specific requirement. Neither will the next President of the United 
States. But we have taken the proper, responsible course by removing 
references to specific legislation and several other questionable or 
unnecessary directions.
  Similarly, this legislation, which we are about to consider after 
approval of the Rule, as introduced, would require the allocation of 
additional military training positions over and above Taiwan's current 
generous quota at U.S. military academies and schools. The issue is not 
whether or not officers from Taiwan are permitted to train in the 
United States, for clearly they are permitted to do so and are being 
educated here. Rather, the legislation seeks to give additional 
emphasis to such training slots wherever it is possible. We must and do 
recognize that

[[Page 381]]

our own officers in fact have to have these courses, and we also need 
to provide this kind of training in our academies and in the defense 
training programs to a whole array of friends and allies across the 
world. It is a zero sum game, to some extent, and in H.R. 1838 we are 
not mandating any particular additional number.
  Mr. Speaker, in summary, this Member would note that this legislation 
about to be considered has been significantly altered in numerous 
significant ways to address legitimate concerns. It would perhaps 
benefit from additional review and modifications, and this Member fully 
expects such modifications to occur as if this legislation moves 
forward to a conference. However, my colleagues can feel comfortable 
with H.R. 1838, and I hope for and recommend their positive vote. I 
thank the original introducers and especially all the colleagues in the 
International Relations Committee who have helped to perfect it.
  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, if I could take 30 seconds out of order, 
I would like to wish a happy birthday on behalf of the House to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Deutsch).
  Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Taiwan Security 
Enhancement Act reported from the Committee on International Relations 
with 82 bipartisan cosponsors. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act will 
advance our obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act and maintain 
stability within the region. According to the Pentagon report submitted 
to Congress earlier this year, China is currently engaged in a major 
buildup of ballistic missiles on its coast directly across the strait 
from Taiwan. Beijing is simultaneously increasing pressure on the U.S. 
to limit or decrease our sales of defensive weaponry to Taiwan.
  Both of these factors represent a substantial threat to the balance 
of power and, therefore, the stability of the area. The United States 
must remain steadfast in our commitment to fulfilling our obligations 
under the Taiwan Relations Act in which the U.S. promises to provide 
Taiwan with the means to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability. 
Taiwan's defense capabilities are central to maintaining the balance of 
power in the region.
  This bill is a necessary bipartisan step towards fulfilling our 
promise to Taiwan. It would increase Taiwan's defense capabilities 
while at the same time addressing any remaining deficiencies through 
establishment of direct communications between our militaries. This 
bill would reiterate the fundamental truth of democracy, that any 
determination of the ultimate status of Taiwan must have the express 
consent of the people of Taiwan.
  Finally, the bill would require the President to submit an annual 
report to Congress on Taiwan's defense needs. I urge my colleagues to 
support this legislation.
  I would finally, just in closing, talk to my colleagues about the 
original purpose of the Taiwan Relations Act and really to have an 
overall view of the region, because this bill is really tied into that 
perception of what is going on. I think all of us are unanimous, both 
supporters and opponents of this legislation, that the ultimate status 
really is self-determination of the people in the various locales in 
that region, on the island of Taiwan itself and in fact ultimately in 
China itself as well.
  How can we expect that to occur if we do not provide defensive means, 
especially with the intentions that are there? We are not committing 
American troops by any stretch of the imagination, but we are hopefully 
giving the Taiwanese the tools to determine their own self-
determination, which is a commitment that we have made and a commitment 
that they deserve in terms of their own future and their own system of 
government as well.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Gilman), the distinguished chairman of the Committee 
on International Relations.
  Mr. GILMAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 408, the proposed rule to 
govern debate on the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, H.R. 1838. It is 
an appropriate rule for what will be a very important debate. The fact 
is that Taiwan's security is threatened by the aggressive policies and 
the military modernization program of the People's Republic of China. 
For almost 50 years, our Nation has maintained its commitment to 
Taiwan's defensive military capabilities. Ever since we have enacted 
the Taiwan Relations Act over 20 years ago, our Nation has been morally 
committed to assuring the security of the free people of Taiwan. In 
1996, our Nation was called on to back up that commitment.
  With the strong encouragement of both Houses of Congress, President 
Clinton deployed two aircraft carrier battle groups to the Taiwan 
Strait in response to Beijing's efforts to coerce the outcome in the 
election that Taiwan was holding that year.

                              {time}  1245

  Beijing's program is clear: they want to increase their ability to 
coerce Taiwan with threats of military force, and they are determined 
to ensure that Taiwan will be helpless in the face of such threats. Our 
Nation, along with our allies, must stand firm in confronting that 
threat.
  It was to underscore our refusal to be intimidated that, along with 
other bipartisan cosponsors of H.R. 1838, we introduced the Taiwan 
Security Enhancement Act last May. This legislation, H.R. 1838, as 
reported by our Committee on International Relations, is delicately 
balanced. It reflects a compromise worked out by two of our 
distinguished Members in this body with years of experience in Asian 
security matters, the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the 
chairman of our Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, and the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Cox), the chairman of our House Republican Policy 
Committee. They labored diligently for many weeks to work out language 
that they believe appropriately addressed the very sensitive security 
situation.
  This is a fair and balanced rule deserving of our support. 
Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to vote in favor of the rule.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Sweeney).
  Mr. SWEENEY. Mr. Speaker, I think it is important that we speak very 
clearly and distinctly to ensure that we protect stability and peace 
throughout the world, and that is why I rise today in support of this 
rule and the underlying legislation.
  The Republic of China has proven itself to be a strong, independent 
democracy, in stark contrast from Mainland China's campaign of military 
and psychological intimidation.
  We can take great comfort in our present state of affairs. However, 
we must realize that peace is difficult to achieve and its maintenance 
is fragile; and one of the greatest threats to that that exists 
anywhere in the world is no more so in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan is a 
country that deserves our continuing support, especially during these 
critical times.
  In 1979 the United States made an obligation to this nation to 
provide defensive arms ``in such a quantity as may be necessary to 
enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.'' That 
was a direct quote and what should be a continuing commitment.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act continues to strengthen this 
commitment. As China continues its drive for military modernization and 
intensifies its efforts to procure weapons of mass destruction, cross-
straight stability is at direct risk.
  It is a known fact that China is using U.S. satellite and space 
technology to enhance its national defense economy and national 
prestige and thus poses a tremendous threat to Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker, today we have an opportunity to do something positive to 
counter such aggression. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act is an 
excellent vehicle through which the United States can begin to rectify 
this growing imbalance.

[[Page 382]]

  Make no mistake, Mr. Speaker, China, Asia, and the rest of the world 
is watching to see our resolve in standing up for democracy in Taiwan. 
Our commitments today will have enormous implication on the future 
leadership role in Asia. China is counting on a reduced military 
presence in Asia while they are continuing their improvements. I urge 
all my colleagues to support this act.
  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Hoeffel).
  Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in favor of this rule and in favor of this bill. 
This legislation is a response to a number of events that have happened 
over the last 5 years that have shaped the current United States-Taiwan 
relationship. The live-fire missile exercises in the Taiwan Strait by 
China and the strong U.S. response reinforced the fact that Taiwan must 
be strong militarily.
  This legislation is an attempt to address these concerns and clarify 
some of the ambiguity that exists in the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. I 
commend the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman) and the ranking 
member, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for improving 
this bill in the Committee on International Relations.
  This bill would improve communications between the United States 
military and the Taiwan military, it would improve the sharing of data, 
it would improve training, it would improve our relations. And that is 
a very good thing to accomplish. It is my hope that House passage of 
this legislation would send a clear signal to China about the strong 
U.S. commitment to Taiwanese security.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Schaffer).
  Mr. SCHAFFER. Mr. Speaker, just 3 days ago I had the opportunity to 
meet in Los Angeles with Governor Annette Lu, who is one of the 
regional governors in Taiwan and also a vice-presidential candidate 
under the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan. The election that she 
is involved in will be concluded on March 18th.
  We had about a half hour of conversation about this very issue. In 
that conversation, she was very direct in pointing out the importance 
of this Congress, speaking forcefully and boldly with respect to our 
relationship with Taiwan and our support for self-determination in 
Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker, from the perspective of this Congress, we really have 
not been ambivalent over the years about where we stand, where the 
people of the United States stand. That position, however, has been 
obscured somewhat by various diplomatic decisions that have been made, 
statements coming out of the White House and others. So it is 
important, I submit, to restate with further clarity and further 
definition our alliance with the people of Taiwan, our unification and 
our belief that democracy works, that freedom is always better than the 
tyranny of an oppressive political form of government, and, 
particularly at this time, where the people of Taiwan are poised to 
make a decision of paramount importance about their own individual 
future, their own individual liberty.
  At this time there should be no confusion among those in Taiwan as to 
where we stand, which is shoulder to shoulder with the people of 
Taiwan. That is a policy that I, once again, Mr. Speaker, say has been 
clearly defined by this Congress, clearly defined by the people of the 
United States. It is one that needs to be restated right now at an 
important time, not only for ourselves, but for Taiwan as well. It is 
an important message to convey, not just to Beijing; it is an important 
message to convey here in Congress and on Capitol Hill, because we have 
seen the record in the past.
  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
New Jersey, (Mr. Andrews).
  Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from New York for 
yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the cause of freedom, in 
strong support of a strong foreign policy for our country, in support 
of this rule and support of this bill. I congratulate and thank the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), the gentleman from Connecticut 
(Mr. Gejdenson), and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and his 
Democratic colleagues for bringing this important legislation forward.
  I believe we have an emerging consensus about U.S. foreign policy 
that has two points. The first point is that we should use our military 
and diplomatic might to challenge those who would use brute force over 
the rule of law, which is why we successfully interceded in Kosovo, 
which is why we have been willing to exert that force in Bosnia, which 
is why we protected the people of the Persian Gulf against the tyranny 
of Saddam Hussein. It is a wise and judicious use of the global power 
that we have accumulated through the courage and conviction of our 
military leaders, our men and women in uniform, and our diplomats.
  The second aspect of our foreign policy consensus is that we will 
reward and incentivise democracy, respect for human rights and the free 
flow of goods and services in the economic realm. I think that is a 
very wise and prudent course for us to follow.
  Now, we have our disagreements as to how to apply those principles, 
and we will have those disagreements as the year goes on, but I believe 
that there is no piece of legislation more representative of that 
principle than the one that will be before us very shortly.
  Mr. Speaker, the freedom-loving people of Taiwan deserve not only our 
commendation, but our support. The economic miracle over which they 
preside every day, the powerhouse of freedom and dynamism that their 
efforts represent, should receive our continuing support. But, more 
importantly, when they are menaced by the threat of being overwhelmed 
military, when there are nuclear weapons exercises, when there are 
hostile words spoken by the People's Republic of China, I believe we 
have a responsibility to act forcefully.
  Acting forcefully means being prepared militarily. The essence of the 
bill that is before us is to enhance the preparedness of freedom-loving 
people in Taiwan and to support that preparedness here in the United 
States. Military training, the sharing of technology, the reaffirmation 
of principles that were enacted in the 1979 law are all very, very 
appropriate here.
  The relationship between two countries is a complex phenomena. The 
relationship between us and the People's Republic of China is a 
relationship that will receive great attention on this floor this year. 
But I believe that one aspect of that relationship that needs to be 
reaffirmed with great clarity, that I would ask us to affirm with great 
clarity here today, is that freedom is not negotiable where we stand, 
and we do stand with the freedom-loving people of Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge the support and passage of this rule and this 
bill.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Cox).
  Mr. COX. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to follow my colleague, the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews). I agree entirely with what he 
said and with what speakers before him have said on both sides of the 
aisle, both on the subject of this rule and on the underlying bill.
  The passage of this rule, which, as by now it is abundantly clear has 
won bipartisan support, will permit us to debate the Taiwan Security 
Enhancement Act, which will reaffirm America's long-standing Taiwan 
policy, in place since President Eisenhower.
  In 1979 Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, and what we are 
doing today is making clear that we wish to see that act enforced in 
full. Today, even more than in 1979 when that law was passed, Taiwanese 
security is critical to America's interests. Taiwan is now America's 
seventh largest trading partner. Taiwan buys far more from the United 
States than does the People's Republic of China; the sea lanes 
surrounding Taiwan are vital to the

[[Page 383]]

economic health of Asia and to the sustained growth of U.S. exports to 
Asia; and, most important of all, a democratic Taiwan stands as a 
living example to all the people of China that they too can build a 
prosperous peaceful democracy.
  Taiwan does not in any way pose a threat to the People's Republic of 
China; but Taiwanese example of democracy, freedom of speech and 
freedom of thought, do pose a threat to the Communist government in 
Beijing.
  Fundamentally, this bill will allow our military to have relations 
with Taiwanese forces, as close as what the Clinton-Gore administration 
is already pursuing with the People's Liberation Army. This upgrading 
of our military relations with Taiwan must occur now, in a time of 
relative stability. It would be too late, if not too provocative, to 
accomplish these changes in a time of actual crisis. But the State 
Department currently bars senior U.S. military officers from meeting 
with their Taiwan counterparts, while, meanwhile, enhanced contacts 
between United States and People's Liberation Army officers of all 
ranks has been a priority for the Clinton-Gore administration.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act provides that our field rank 
officers can have the same level of relations with the friendly 
defensive force as they currently have with the Communist People's 
Liberation Army.
  This rule and this bill are, as I said, hugely bipartisan. The vote 
in committee was 32 to 6. The vote today, I expect, on this rule and on 
the underlying bill will be similarly overwhelmingly bipartisan for one 
simple reason: this Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike, are 
committed to freedom and democracy for the people of Taiwan, for the 
people of Taiwan and for the people of all the world.
  Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I agree fully with the premise of this legislation. 
There must be clarity and certainty in our commitment to the security 
of Taiwan, and the reunification of China can only occur peacefully. It 
must occur peacefully. Thus, we stand firmly with the security of our 
friends on Taiwan.

                              {time}  1300

  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the 
previous question on the resolution.
  The previous question was ordered.
  The resolution was agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the provisions of House 
Resolution 408, I call up the bill (H.R. 1838) to assist in the 
enhancement of the security of Taiwan, and for other purposes.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LaHood). Pursuant to House Resolution 
408, the bill is considered read for amendment.
  The text of H.R. 1838 is as follows:

                               H.R. 1838

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Taiwan Security Enhancement 
     Act''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) Since 1949, the close relationship between the United 
     States and Taiwan has been of enormous benefit to both 
     societies.
       (2) In recent years, Taiwan has undergone a major political 
     transformation, and Taiwan is today a true multiparty 
     democracy with a political system separate from and totally 
     unlike that of the People's Republic of China.
       (3) The economy of Taiwan is based upon free market 
     principles and is separate and distinct from the People's 
     Republic of China.
       (4) Although on January 1, 1979, the United States 
     Government withdrew diplomatic recognition of the government 
     on Taiwan as the legitimate government of China, neither at 
     that time nor since has the United States Government adopted 
     a formal position as to the ultimate status of Taiwan other 
     than to state that status must be decided by peaceful means. 
     Any determination of the ultimate status of Taiwan must have 
     the express consent of the people on Taiwan.
       (5) The government on Taiwan no longer claims to be the 
     sole legitimate government of all of China.
       (6) The Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8) states 
     that--
       (A) peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait area are in 
     the political, security, and economic interests of the United 
     States and are of international concern;
       (B) the decision of the United States to establish 
     diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China 
     rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be 
     determined by peaceful means;
       (C) the United States would consider any effort to 
     determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, 
     including boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and 
     security of the Western Pacific region and of grave concern 
     to the United States;
       (D) the United States will maintain the capacity to resist 
     any form of coercion that jeopardizes the security, or the 
     social or the economic system, of the people on Taiwan; and
       (E) the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of 
     all the people on Taiwan are objectives of the United States.
       (7) On the basis of these provisions, the Taiwan Relations 
     Act establishes on the part of the United States a continuing 
     connection with and concern for Taiwan, its people, and their 
     ability to maintain themselves free of coercion and free of 
     the use of force against them. The maintenance by Taiwan of 
     forces adequate for defense and deterrence is in the interest 
     of the United States in that it helps to maintain peace in 
     the Taiwan Strait area.
       (8) Since 1954, when the United States and Taiwan signed 
     the Mutual Defense Treaty, the United States and Taiwan have 
     maintained a defense and security relationship that has 
     contributed greatly to freedom, peace, and stability in 
     Taiwan and the East Asia and Pacific regions.
       (9) The United States and Taiwan no longer conduct joint 
     training missions, have no direct military lines of 
     communication, and have only limited military-to-military 
     contacts. This lack of communication and interoperation 
     between the United States and Taiwan hinders planning for the 
     defense of Taiwan and could prove detrimental in the event of 
     future aggression against Taiwan.
       (10) Since 1979, the United States has continued to sell 
     defensive weapons to Taiwan in accordance with the Taiwan 
     Relations Act, and such sales have helped Taiwan maintain its 
     autonomy and freedom in the face of persistent hostility from 
     the People's Republic of China. However, pressures to delay, 
     deny, and reduce arms sales to Taiwan have been prevalent 
     since the signing of the August 17, 1982, communique with the 
     People's Republic of China. Over time, such delays, denials, 
     and reductions could prevent Taiwan from maintaining a 
     sufficient capability for self-defense.
       (11) As has been affirmed on several occasions by the 
     executive branch of Government, the provisions of the Taiwan 
     Relations Act take legal precedence over any communique with 
     the People's Republic of China.
       (12) The People's Republic of China has consistently 
     refused to renounce the use of force against Taiwan and has 
     repeatedly threatened force against Taiwan, including implied 
     threats by unnamed People's Republic of China officials on 
     January 10, 1999, who warned Taiwan not to participate in the 
     development of theater missile defense capabilities with the 
     United States.
       (13) The missile firings by the People's Republic of China 
     near Taiwan in August 1995 and March 1996 clearly demonstrate 
     the willingness of the People's Republic of China to use 
     forceful tactics to limit the freedom of the people on 
     Taiwan.
       (14) As most nations in East Asia reduce military spending, 
     the People's Republic of China continues a major and 
     comprehensive military buildup.
       (15)(A) This military buildup includes the development of 
     advanced ballistic and cruise missiles that will incorporate 
     precision guidance capability and the construction of new 
     imaging, radar, navigation, and electronic intelligence 
     satellites that will help target and guide ballistic and 
     cruise missiles.
       (B) According to the Department of Defense report entitled 
     ``The Security Situation in the Taiwan Strait'', submitted to 
     Congress in February 1999, the size of the missile force of 
     the People's Republic of China is expected to grow 
     substantially and, by 2005, the People's Republic of China 
     will possess an ``overwhelming advantage'' in offensive 
     missiles vis-a-vis Taiwan.
       (C) The Department of Defense has also noted that the 
     People's Republic of China may already possess the capability 
     to damage satellite optical sensors with lasers, is 
     researching advanced anti-satellite lasers that could blind 
     United States intelligence satellites, and is procuring radio 
     frequency weapons that disable electronic equipment.
       (D) These missile and anti-satellite capabilities pose a 
     grave threat to Taiwan.
       (16) This military buildup also includes the construction 
     or procurement from abroad of advanced naval systems, 
     including Russian Kilo submarines that are difficult to 
     detect, Russian technology to assist the development of new 
     nuclear-powered attack submarines, Russian Sovremenny class 
     destroyers armed with supersonic SS-N-22 Sunburn anti-ship 
     missiles, a new long-range, all-weather naval attack aircraft 
     called the JH-7, and new indigenous land-attack cruise

[[Page 384]]

     missiles that could be launched from submarines, ships, and 
     naval attack aircraft. These naval capabilities pose a grave 
     threat of blockade to Taiwan.
       (17) This military buildup also includes the improvement of 
     air combat capabilities by procuring and co-producing 
     hundreds of Russian Sukhoi Su-27 fighters, seeking to 
     purchase Russian Su-30 all-weather attack aircraft, arming 
     these aircraft with advanced air-to-air missiles such as the 
     Russian R-77 missile and other precision guided munitions, 
     constructing the indigenously designed J-10 fighter, and 
     seeking advanced airborne warning and control systems from 
     abroad. These capabilities pose a grave airborne threat to 
     Taiwan.
       (18) Because of the introduction of advanced submarines 
     into the Taiwan Strait area by the People's Republic of China 
     and the increasing capability of the People's Republic of 
     China to blockade Taiwan, Taiwan needs to acquire diesel-
     powered submarines in order to maintain a capability to 
     counter a blockade, to conduct antisubmarine warfare 
     training, and for other purposes.
       (19) Because of the democratic form of government on Taiwan 
     and the historically nonaggressive foreign policy of Taiwan, 
     it is highly unlikely that Taiwan would use submarines in an 
     offensive manner.
       (20) The current defense relationship between the United 
     States and Taiwan is deficient in terms of its capacity over 
     the long term to counter and deter potential aggression 
     against Taiwan by the People's Republic of China.

     SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       (a) Training of Taiwan Military Officers.--It is the sense 
     of Congress that the Secretary of Defense and the Secretaries 
     of the military departments should make every effort to 
     reserve additional positions for Taiwan military officers at 
     the National Defense University and other professional 
     military education schools specified in section 2162(d) of 
     title 10, United States Code, and for prospective Taiwan 
     military officers at the United States Military Academy, the 
     United States Naval Academy, and the Air Force Academy.
       (b) Foreign Military Sales.--It is the sense of Congress 
     that the Secretary of State should, when considering foreign 
     military sales to Taiwan--
       (1) take into account the special status of Taiwan; and
       (2) make every effort to ensure that Taiwan has full and 
     timely access to price and availability data for defense 
     articles and defense services.

     SEC. 4. DETERMINATIONS OF DEFENSE NEEDS OF TAIWAN.

       (a) Increase in Technical Staff of the American Institute 
     in Taiwan.--Upon the request of the Defense Security 
     Cooperation Agency, the President shall use funds available 
     to the Department of Defense under the Arms Export Control 
     Act for the assignment or detail of additional technical 
     staff to the American Institute in Taiwan.
       (b) Annual Reports.--Beginning 60 days after the next round 
     of arms talks between the United States and Taiwan, and 
     annually thereafter, the President shall submit a report to 
     Congress--
       (1) detailing each of Taiwan's requests for purchase of 
     defense articles and defense services during the one-year 
     period ending on the date of the report;
       (2) describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan as 
     justification for those requests; and
       (3) describing any decision to reject, postpone, or modify 
     any such request that was made during the one-year period 
     ending on the date of the report, the level at which the 
     final decision was made, and a justification for the 
     decision.

     SEC. 5. STRENGTHENING THE DEFENSE OF TAIWAN.

       (a) Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense Capabilities of 
     Taiwan.--Congress finds that any determination of the nature 
     or quantity of defense articles or defense services to be 
     made available to Taiwan that is made on any basis other than 
     the defense needs of Taiwan, whether pursuant to the August 
     17, 1982, Communique signed with the People's Republic of 
     China, or any similar executive agreement, order, or policy 
     would violate the intent of Congress in the enactment of 
     section 3(b) of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3302(b)).
       (b) Plan Regarding Combined Training and Personnel Exchange 
     Programs.--
       (1) Development.--The Secretary of Defense, in consultation 
     with the Secretary of State, shall develop a plan for the 
     enhancement of programs and arrangements for operational 
     training and exchanges of personnel between the Armed Forces 
     of the United States and the armed forces of Taiwan for work 
     in threat analysis, doctrine, force planning, operational 
     methods, and other areas. The plan shall provide for 
     exchanges of officers up to and including general and flag 
     officers in the grade of O-10.
       (2) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of 
     enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall submit 
     a report to Congress, in classified or unclassified form, 
     containing the plan required under paragraph (1).
       (3) Implementation.--Not later than 210 days after the date 
     of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall 
     implement the plan required under paragraph (1).
       (c) Communications Between United States and Taiwan 
     Military Commands.--Not later than 180 days after the date of 
     enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall 
     establish secure direct communications between the United 
     States Pacific military command and the Taiwan military 
     command.
       (d) Missile Defense Equipment.--Subject to subsection (h), 
     the President is authorized to make available for sale to 
     Taiwan, at reasonable cost, theater missile defense equipment 
     and related items, including--
       (1) ground-based and naval-based missile defense systems; 
     and
       (2) reconnaissance and communications systems, as may be 
     necessary to target and cue missile defense systems sold to 
     Taiwan.
       (e) Satellite Early Warning Data.--Subject to subsection 
     (h), the President is authorized to make available for sale 
     to Taiwan, at reasonable cost, satellite early warning data.
       (f) Air Defense Equipment.--Subject to subsection (h), the 
     President is authorized to make available for sale to Taiwan, 
     at reasonable cost, modern air-defense equipment, including 
     the following:
       (1) AIM-120 AMRAAM air-to-air missiles.
       (2) Additional advanced fighters and airborne warning and 
     control systems (AWACS).
       (3) Equipment to better defend airfields from air and 
     missile attack.
       (4) Communications infrastructure that enables coordinated 
     joint-force air defense of Taiwan.
       (g) Naval Defense Systems.--Subject to subsection (h), the 
     President is authorized to make available for sale to Taiwan, 
     at reasonable cost, defensive systems that counter the 
     development by the People's Republic of China of new naval 
     capabilities, including defense systems such as--
       (1) diesel-powered submarines;
       (2) anti-submarine systems, including airborne systems, 
     capable of detecting new Kilo and advanced Chinese nuclear 
     submarines;
       (3) naval anti-missile systems, including Aegis destroyers, 
     capable of defeating foreign supersonic anti-ship missiles; 
     and
       (4) communications systems that better enable Taiwan to 
     conduct joint-force naval defense operations.
       (h) Relation to Arms Export Control Act.--Nothing in this 
     section supersedes or modifies the application of section 36 
     of the Arms Export Control Act to the sale of any defense 
     article or defense service under this section.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The amendment printed in the bill is 
adopted.
  The text of H.R. 1838, as amended, is as follows:

                               H.R. 1838

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Taiwan Security Enhancement 
     Act''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       The Congress finds the following:
       (1) Since 1949, the close relationship between the United 
     States and Taiwan has been of enormous benefit to both 
     societies.
       (2) In recent years, Taiwan has undergone a major political 
     transformation, and Taiwan is today a true multiparty 
     democracy with a political system separate from and totally 
     unlike that of the People's Republic of China.
       (3) The economy of Taiwan is based upon free market 
     principles and is separate and distinct from the People's 
     Republic of China.
       (4) Although on January 1, 1979, the United States 
     Government withdrew diplomatic recognition of the government 
     on Taiwan as the legitimate government of China, neither at 
     that time nor since has the United States Government adopted 
     a formal position as to the ultimate status of Taiwan other 
     than to state that status must be decided by peaceful means. 
     Any determination of the ultimate status of Taiwan must have 
     the express consent of the people on Taiwan.
       (5) The People's Republic of China refuses to renounce the 
     use of force against democratic Taiwan.
       (6) The Taiwan Relations Act has been instrumental in 
     maintaining peace, security, and stability in the Taiwan 
     Strait and the Western Pacific since its enactment in 1979.
       (7) The Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8) states 
     that--
       (A) peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait area are in 
     the political, security, and economic interests of the United 
     States and are of international concern;
       (B) the decision of the United States to establish 
     diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China 
     rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be 
     determined by peaceful means;
       (C) the United States would consider any effort to 
     determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, 
     including boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and 
     security of the Western Pacific region and of grave concern 
     to the United States;
       (D) the United States will maintain the capacity to resist 
     any form of coercion that jeopardizes the security, or the 
     social or economic system, of the people of Taiwan; and
       (E) the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of 
     all people on Taiwan are objectives of the United States.

[[Page 385]]

       (8) The Taiwan Relations Act establishes on the part of the 
     United States a continuing connection with and concern for 
     Taiwan and its people. Continued adherence to the Act will 
     help Taiwan to maintain its democracy free of coercion and to 
     safeguard its people from the use of force against them. 
     Furthermore, the maintenance by Taiwan of forces adequate for 
     its defense is in the interest of the United States in that 
     it helps to maintain peace in the Western Pacific region.
       (9) The military modernization and weapons procurement 
     efforts by the People's Republic of China, as documented in 
     the February 1, 1999, report by the Secretary of Defense on 
     ``The Security Situation in the Taiwan Strait'', could 
     threaten cross-Strait stability and United States interests 
     in the Asia-Pacific region.
       (10) The Taiwan Relations Act provides explicit guarantees 
     that the United States will make available defense articles 
     and services necessary in such quantity as may be necessary 
     to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense 
     capability.
       (11) The Taiwan Relations Act requires timely reviews by 
     United States military authorities of Taiwan's defense needs 
     in connection with recommendations to the President and the 
     Congress.
       (12) Congress and the President are committed by the Taiwan 
     Relations Act to determine the nature and quantity of 
     Taiwan's legitimate self-defense needs.
       (13) It is the policy of the United States to reject any 
     attempt to curb the provision by the United States of defense 
     articles and services legitimately needed for Taiwan's self-
     defense.
       (14) In accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act, the 
     United States has, since 1979, sold defensive weapons to 
     Taiwan, and such sales have helped Taiwan maintain its 
     autonomy and freedom. The Congress supports the continued 
     provision of additional defense articles and defense services 
     in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act.
       (15) It is in the national interest of the United States to 
     eliminate ambiguity and convey with clarity continued United 
     States support for Taiwan, its people, and their ability to 
     maintain their democracy free from coercion and their society 
     free from the use of force against them. Lack of clarity 
     could lead to unnecessary misunderstandings or confrontations 
     between the United States and the People's Republic of China, 
     with grave consequences for the security of the Western 
     Pacific region.
       (16) A possible consequence of such ambiguity and lack of 
     clarity was the People's Republic of China's decision to 
     conduct military exercises and live fire missile tests in the 
     Taiwan Strait in March 1996, necessitating House Concurrent 
     Resolution 148, approved by the House of Representatives by a 
     vote of 369-14 on March 19, 1996, and by the Senate by a vote 
     of 97-0 on March 21, 1996, which stated that ``the United 
     States, in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and the 
     constitutional process of the United States, and consistent 
     with its friendship with and commitment to the democratic 
     government and people of Taiwan, should assist in defending 
     them against invasion, missile attack, or blockade by the 
     People's Republic of China.''. Immediately following 
     Congressional passage of House Concurrent Resolution 148, the 
     United States deployed on an emergency basis two aircraft 
     carrier battle groups to the Taiwan Strait, after which the 
     People's Republic of China ceased further planned military 
     exercises.
       (17) An earlier consequence of such ambiguity and lack of 
     clarity was the expressed surprise by the People's Republic 
     of China that Congress and the American people fully 
     supported President Lee Teng-hui's private visit to his alma 
     mater, Cornell University, necessitating House Concurrent 
     Resolution 53, approved by the House of Representatives by a 
     vote of 390-0 on May 2, 1995, and by the Senate by a vote of 
     97-1 on May 9, 1995, which stated such support explicitly.

     SEC. 3. TRAINING OF MILITARY OFFICERS AND SALE OF DEFENSE 
                   ARTICLES AND SERVICES TO TAIWAN.

       (a) Training of Taiwan Military Officers.--The Secretary of 
     Defense and the Secretaries of the military departments shall 
     make every effort to reserve additional positions for Taiwan 
     military officers at the National Defense University and 
     other professional military education schools specified in 
     section 2162(d) of title 10, United States Code, and for 
     prospective Taiwan military officers at the United States 
     Military Academy, the United States Naval Academy, and the 
     Air Force Academy.
       (b) Foreign Military Sales.--The Secretary of State shall, 
     when considering foreign military sales to Taiwan--
       (1) take into account the special status of Taiwan, 
     including the defense needs of Taiwan in response to the 
     military modernization and weapons procurement efforts by the 
     People's Republic of China; and
       (2) make every effort to ensure that Taiwan has full and 
     timely access to price and availability data for defense 
     articles and defense services.

     SEC. 4. DETERMINATIONS OF DEFENSE NEEDS OF TAIWAN.

       (a) Increase in Technical Staff of the American Institute 
     in Taiwan.--Upon the request of the Defense Security 
     Cooperation Agency, the President shall use funds available 
     to the Department of Defense under the Arms Export Control 
     Act for the employment of additional technical staff at the 
     American Institute in Taiwan.
       (b) Annual Reports.--Beginning 60 days after the next round 
     of arms talks between the United States and Taiwan, and 
     annually thereafter, the President shall submit a report to 
     Congress, in classified and unclassified form--
       (1) detailing each of Taiwan's requests for purchase of 
     defense articles and defense services during the one-year 
     period ending on the date of the report;
       (2) describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan as 
     justification for those requests; and
       (3) describing the decision-making process used to reject, 
     postpone, or modify any such request.

     SEC. 5. STRENGTHENING THE DEFENSE OF TAIWAN.

       (a) Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense Capabilities of 
     Taiwan.--Congress finds that any determination of the nature 
     or quantity of defense articles or defense services to be 
     made available to Taiwan that is made on any basis other than 
     section 3(b) of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3302(b)), 
     whether such alternative basis is the August 17, 1982, 
     communique signed with the People's Republic of China, or any 
     similar executive agreement, order, or policy, would violate 
     the intent of Congress in the enactment of such Act.
       (b) Combined Training and Personnel Exchange Programs.--Not 
     later than 210 days after the date of enactment of this Act, 
     the Secretary of Defense shall implement a plan for the 
     enhancement of programs and arrangements for operational 
     training and exchanges of senior officers between the Armed 
     Forces of the United States and the armed forces of Taiwan 
     for work in threat analysis, doctrine, force planning, 
     operational methods, and other areas. At least 30 days prior 
     to such implementation, the Secretary of Defense shall submit 
     the plan to Congress, in classified and unclassified form.
       (c) Report Regarding Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense 
     Capabilities.--Not later than 45 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter, the Secretary 
     of Defense shall submit to the Congress, in classified and 
     unclassified form, an annual report on the security situation 
     in the Taiwan Strait. Such report shall include an analysis 
     of the military forces facing Taiwan from the People's 
     Republic of China, evaluating recent additions to the 
     offensive military capability of the People's Republic of 
     China. The report shall include, but not be limited to, an 
     analysis of the surface and subsurface naval threats, the 
     ballistic missile threat, the air threat, and the threat to 
     the military and civilian communications links in Taiwan. The 
     report shall include a review of the steps taken by the armed 
     forces of Taiwan to address its security situation.
       (d) Communications Between United States and Taiwan 
     Military Commands.--Not later than 180 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall 
     certify to the Committee on International Relations and the 
     Committee on Armed Services of the House of Representatives 
     and the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on 
     Armed Services of the Senate that direct secure 
     communications exist between the armed forces of the United 
     States and the armed forces of Taiwan.
       (e) Relation to Arms Export Control Act.--Nothing in this 
     section supersedes or modifies the application of section 36 
     of the Arms Export Control Act to the sale of any defense 
     article or defense service under this section.

     SEC. 6. REPORT REGARDING THE ABILITY OF THE UNITED STATES TO 
                   RESPOND IN ASIA-PACIFIC CONTINGENCIES THAT 
                   INCLUDE TAIWAN.

       (a) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, and updated as appropriate, the 
     Secretary of Defense shall prepare and submit to the chairmen 
     and ranking minority members of the Committee on 
     International Relations and the Committee on Armed Services 
     of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations and the Committee on Armed Services of the Senate a 
     report in classified and unclassified form on the ability of 
     the United States to successfully respond to a major 
     contingency in the Asia-Pacific region where United States 
     interests on Taiwan are at risk.
       (b) Contents.--The report described in subsection (a) shall 
     include--
       (1) a description of planning on the national, operational, 
     and tactical levels to respond to, prosecute, and achieve 
     United States strategic objectives with respect to a major 
     contingency described in subsection (a); and
       (2) a description of the confidence level of the Secretary 
     of Defense in United States military capabilities to 
     successfully respond to such a contingency.
       (c) Preparation of Report.--In preparing the report under 
     subsection (a), the Secretary of Defense shall use the 
     resources and expertise of the relevant unified commands, 
     military departments, the combat support agencies, and the 
     defense components of the intelligence community, as 
     required, and

[[Page 386]]

     other such entities within the Department of Defense as the 
     Secretary considers necessary.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) and 
the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) each will control 30 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).


                             General Leave

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks 
on the bill under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1838, the Taiwan 
Security Enhancement Act introduced in the House by the Majority Whip, 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), which I am pleased to cosponsor.
  Along with other Members on both sides of the aisle, I am 
increasingly concerned that the People's Republic of China, their 
security policy, and their unprecedented military modernization 
efforts, especially as it affects peace and stability across the Taiwan 
Strait, is deserving of our attention.
  In fact, in September 1999, Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji warned that 
sooner or later the PRC would have to use force against Taiwan to unify 
it with the Mainland, and I quote, ``because the Chinese people will 
become impatient,'' closed quote.
  The reality is that China's military power is growing and the 
modernization of the People's Liberation Army, the PLA, is an important 
goal of the Chinese leadership and part of its game plan in regard to 
Taiwan. Reported plans to a transition from a defensive-oriented force 
to an offensive one, with power projection capabilities, should not be 
viewed as benign, as seen by some, but as part of Beijing's efforts to 
expand China's ability to address the Taiwan question militarily.
  The PRC's conventional military buildup is evidenced by a growing 
short-range ballistic missile arsenal; the development of airborne 
warning and control systems and a variety of cruise missiles; and the 
purchases of advanced Russian fighters, destroyers and antiship 
missiles, air defense systems and submarines.
  These military developments are further aggravated by Beijing's 
outright refusal to renounce the use of force against Taiwan and its 
increasingly aggressive rhetoric toward Taipei.
  Regrettably, the policy of the PRC may ultimately force our Nation to 
undertake serious national security policy decisions involving the 
employment of American military forces in that region.
  In response, our Nation has steadfastly met its security commitments 
to Taipei as stipulated in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, the TRA. This 
means insisting Taiwan maintain the military balance of power across 
the Taiwan Strait in the face of the PRC's unprecedented military 
buildup. A failure to meet Taiwan's legitimate defensive needs will 
make China's military dominance in the Taiwan Strait a reality and 
could encourage Beijing to seek the military solution to the Taiwan 
question.
  Mr. Speaker, our Nation has security commitments to Taiwan. The TRA 
states that peace and stability in the area are in our Nation's 
interest. The future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means and 
any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful 
means will be considered a threat to the peace and security of the 
western Pacific and of grave concern to our Nation. The United States 
will provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character while 
maintaining the capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms 
of coercion that would jeopardize the people of Taiwan.
  An unwillingness to provide for Taiwan's legitimate defensive 
requirements, including anti-submarine warfare capacity, naval service 
combatants, missile and air defense systems, could lead to a 
miscalculation by Beijing and could lead to a conflict with Taiwan or 
even with our own Nation.
  It is my belief, therefore, Mr. Speaker, that ensuring and enhancing 
Taiwan's ability to defend itself increases the prospects for continued 
peace and stability in northeast Asia and supports our own national 
interest. The Congress must act to make clear to Beijing that our 
Nation will continue its long-standing commitment to a peaceful 
resolution of the Taiwan issue. I, therefore, support this 
legislation's efforts to enhance Taiwan's self-defense capability and 
to strengthen American foreign policy in the Pacific.
  Accordingly, I call upon the administration to develop a mechanism 
for consultation with Congress on arms sales to Taiwan as called for in 
this fiscal year's omnibus appropriations bill and the Taiwan Relations 
Act. The administration's refusal to consult with the Congress on this 
issue is unconscionable and stands in violation of the TRA.
  Mr. Speaker, deterring conflict and promoting peace across the Taiwan 
Strait is an important American national interest. This bill supports 
those principles. I am proud to cosponsor this legislation. It has an 
impressive array of cosponsors from both sides of the aisle, and I want 
to remind our colleagues that it was a former Member of Congress, the 
chairman of our Committee on Rules, Mr. Solomon, that urged this many 
years ago. I urge my colleagues to strongly support this measure and to 
send a signal to the region that our Nation is engaged and committed to 
a peaceful resolution of Taiwan's future.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Chairman 
Gilman) on the work he has done to make this a better piece of 
legislation. I think the committee's effort frankly created a product 
that the majority of Congress can be proud of.
  What we have here in 1838, as it was reported from the Committee on 
International Relations, is a piece of legislation that clearly states 
the recognition that the United States Congress feels it is important 
for the United States to continue, as the Clinton administration has 
done and previous administrations have done, to maintain our 
relationship with a democratic government in Taiwan.
  Taiwan is a country with full democratic institutions. It deserves to 
have a full measure of support from the United States Congress.
  The People's Republic of China would have one believe that if the 
United States speaks clearly here, that somehow that is destabilizing. 
I would hope that the people in Beijing recognize that America's 
commitment to the independent political system that now exists on 
Taiwan is not an argument against some future mutually-agreed upon 
union, but we certainly oppose any militarily-imposed program.
  We see the present situation as this: A clear statement for the 
United States about Taiwan's right to continue its political operations 
is critical to the whole world. We are particularly troubled by the 
Chinese Government and its recent repressive acts, as we see what has 
happened in China with a number of groups, attacks on the Internet; in 
Tibet, the situation there continues to worsen. We feel that this 
legislation is a clear statement of the commitment of the United States 
Congress to the Taiwan Relations Act and to strengthening relations 
between Congress and Taiwan.
  Rather than worrying about this increasing tensions between the 
United States and the Mainland, it should clearly delineate our 
interests and our concerns. Where there is less confusion and less 
uncertainty, it should actually create a more stable situation.
  China itself, the Mainland, has further developed its ballistic and 
cruise missiles. It has increased the size of its missile force. It has 
acquired and constructed advanced naval systems. It is in the process 
of, frankly, improving its air capabilities and has been a significant 
proliferator in a number of dangerous technologies around the

[[Page 387]]

planet, including in Asia and elsewhere, where Chinese military 
proliferation and technology has been quite destabilizing.
  I believe the Clinton administration already fully complies with much 
of what is in this legislation. Under the Clinton administration, the 
U.S. has concluded nearly $2 billion in arms sales with Taiwan, which 
has consistently ranked among the top recipients of U.S. military 
equipment, and the Clinton administration is now in the process of 
looking at additional military transfers to Taiwan, as well as 
assistance in the training of the military personnel.
  Communication between Taiwan and the United States will again, 
frankly, I think, create a more stable situation. The People's Republic 
of China continues to jail its citizens simply because they want to 
express their views. Whether they are Christians or in Tibet, whether 
they are part of the Falun Gong or other organizations, the Chinese 
Mainland has to end these restrictions against its own people if it 
wants to become a member of the wider world community.
  The U.S. and the U.S. Congress has often been the first institution 
to speak out for democratic values and democratic countries around the 
world, and democratic aspirations. I think what we do here today sends 
a very clear signal that we continue to believe and speak strongly for 
those democratic values as they exist in Taiwan in the hope that we 
will see similar institutions develop on the Mainland.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the ranking minority Member, 
the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for his supporting 
remarks.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. 
Salmon), a member of our committee.
  Mr. SALMON. Mr. Speaker, since I lived in Taiwan in the 1970s, I have 
seen the Republic of China emerge as a leading economic and political 
force throughout the world. The people of Taiwan have experienced 
unprecedented prosperity and freedom, liberties that we as Americans 
hold so dear. However, I am strongly opposed to this legislation.
  I just led a congressional delegation to China with five of my 
colleagues, a bipartisan delegation, where we personally met with 
President Jiang Zemin and President Lee Teng-hui. I discussed the 
importance of constructive engagement between the United States and 
China and also stressed the significance of continued dialogue between 
Mainland China and Taiwan.
  Specifically, I raised the issue of Mr. Song Yongyi, a Dickinson 
College librarian who was detained last August for allegedly trying to 
smuggle secret documents out of China.
  After discussing very openly and honestly the facts surrounding Mr. 
Song's case, I appealed to President Jiang for his release.
  On Friday, Mr. Song was released and returned to Pennsylvania where 
he was reunited with his wife. I greeted him Saturday at the airport in 
Philadelphia. I believe this gesture by the Chinese government speaks 
volumes.
  Mr. Song's release is testimony that engagement, not isolationism, is 
the best course of action for U.S.-Sino relations.
  While I know the intention of this legislation is to ease tensions 
and lessen ambiguity, I believe it will have the exact opposite effect. 
I believe the Taiwan Relations Act has effectively communicated the 
position of the United States regarding Taiwan.
  Furthermore, I have reiterated our position to the Chinese Government 
that provocation of Taiwan is something we take very seriously and our 
support of Taiwan is unequivocal. If they attack Taiwan, we would 
defend her.
  In fact, on my recent visit to China, I expressed my concern about 
China's position toward Taiwan to the chairman of the Association for 
Cross Strait Relations, Mr. Wang Daohan. He assured me that a one-China 
policy could mean many things and that they were very flexible on how 
to get there.
  I can understand the rationale for bringing this legislation to the 
floor but there are far more productive ways to promote peace and 
security in the nation.
  In summation, I would just like to say I think this will have the 
opposite of the intended effect. It will stifle dialogue between Taiwan 
and China. It will hurt Taiwan. I am pro-Taiwan. I know the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Lantos) is pro-Taiwan, but we believe this is 
wrong.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos).
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, the gentleman 
from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a fascinating debate because on many issues we 
clearly agree. We certainly agree that the United States is absolutely 
committed to the safety and security of Taiwan. As a matter of fact, it 
was the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International 
Relations who reminded us a few minutes ago that when the government in 
Beijing was making hostile moves, this administration sent two aircraft 
carrier battle groups to the Straits of Taiwan to underscore our 
unshakable commitment to the security of Taiwan.
  We all agree on this. We all rejoice in the democracy that Taiwan has 
built and in the prosperity that its people have created.
  This legislation, Mr. Speaker, will not add one single missile to 
Taiwan's defense capability and it will not take away one single 
missile from China's military capabilities.

                              {time}  1315

  It will do nothing, repeat, nothing to enhance the military security 
of Taiwan.
  Many years ago, when I was a young faculty member at the University 
of Washington in Seattle, I had two friends, distinguished senior 
members of the faculty, both of whom hated smoking. One of them, who 
had considerable gravitas and enjoyed great respect, had a sign in his 
office which said ``no smoking.'' Nobody ever smoked in that office. My 
other friend, much more easygoing, in some ways less respected, had a 
sign which said ``positively no smoking.'' Every time you went into his 
office, you could barely see him because the smoke was so dense.
  What we are doing now, we are saying the sign ``no smoking'' does not 
do the job, so we are going to say ``positively no smoking,'' and we 
think that this will have a salutary impact.
  Teddy Roosevelt reminded us a long time ago that for a superpower to 
be effective, it should talk softly and carry a big stick. It has been 
good advice since Teddy Roosevelt's day, and it is equally good advice 
in this instance.
  I have not heard one of my colleagues make one single observation 
critical of the Taiwan Relations Act, under which we and Taiwan have 
functioned for over 20 years. The Taiwan Relations Act, which we all 
support, which has been on the books for more than two decades, was 
sufficient to provide Taiwan all the conceivable military equipment 
Taiwan needed. It provided a framework for Taiwan to develop one of the 
most prosperous economies, one of the most technologically advanced 
economies, on the face of this planet. And, to top it all, it allowed 
Taiwan to develop a full-fledged functioning political democracy, all 
this under the Taiwan Relations Act.
  If my colleagues had been able to indicate that we need something 
new, something special which is not taking place today, I could see 
some reason for this legislation. Even on the issue of providing more 
space at our military academies for young, qualified Taiwanese 
officers, there is zero guarantee in this legislation that a single 
Taiwanese will be able to attend West Point or Annapolis or the Air 
Force Academy as a result of this legislation.
  The legislation does no good. The question is, does it do any harm. I 
am convinced, Mr. Speaker, it does a great deal of harm. It exacerbates 
the already tenuous relationship across the Taiwan Straits. It 
physically provides nothing new for Taiwan except enhanced anxiety, and 
postpones the day

[[Page 388]]

when the cross-channel dialogue, the cross-straits dialogue, will bring 
about an amicable resolution of the Taiwan-China conflict.
  We are equally committed, all of us in this Chamber, to Taiwan's 
physical security, economic prosperity, and political democracy. This 
measure is not only redundant, it is counterproductive. It will 
undermine and erode the stability, however tenuous, in the region 
without adding a single component which could be pointed to as 
positive, either in Taiwan-China relations or in U.S.-Taiwan relations 
or U.S.-China relations.
  Sometimes in the legislative process bills are introduced, people get 
committed to them, and then it becomes embarrassing to say, well, maybe 
it was not necessary. Perhaps we should drop it. That is the situation 
in which we now find ourselves.
  I have listened to this debate with great care. There has not been a 
single item advanced by any of my good friends on other side of the 
aisle that would persuade me in the slightest that this piece of 
legislation is needed.
  Taiwan has received every single military item that it would be able 
to receive under this proposed new legislation. Our commitment has been 
steadfast. The President ordered two aircraft carrier battle groups to 
the Taiwan Straits when there was trouble. Should there be new trouble, 
this president or the next president will do the same. We know this. 
The Chinese know this.
  This legislation is a redundancy at best, and counterproductive at 
worst. I strongly urge my colleagues to defeat it.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Buyer).
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Taiwan 
Security Enhancement Act. This legislation represents a significant 
step to clearing up any ambiguities with regard to the United States' 
policies. It is the government of the Republic of China, not the 
Communist regime of the Peoples' Republic, that has free elections and 
a capitalistic system.
  The Republic of China is America's ally. It is our strategic partner 
that supports America's goals in the Pacific region. In essence, we are 
partners in liberty. Both of our countries subscribe to the principles 
of freedom, the rule of law, human rights, peace, and economic 
prosperity. Our commitment to strengthening this partnership should be 
a priority.
  Repeated Red Chinese military exercises in the Taiwan Straits and its 
pursuit to project military power beyond its own border continues to 
threaten Taiwan. These aggressive actions only serve to undermine the 
balance of security in the Pacific Rim and around the world.
  Let me be very clear. The Communist regime of the People's Republic 
of China is actively working to undermine America's national security 
interests, not only in the Taiwan Straits but around the world. One 
only has to read the book ``Unrestricted War.'' It was recently 
published by the Red Chinese military, and it outlines a strategy of 
how to undermine and defeat America's interests.
  The tenets of this strategy include nontraditional methods of 
warfare, such as terrorism, drug trafficking, environmental 
degradation, computer virus propagation, as well as proliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction.
  Chinese espionage activity and its continued pursuit of a combined 
arms warfare capability, missile launches in the Taiwan Straits, as 
well as Beijing's repeated rhetoric of political threats towards 
Taiwan, only serve to support the strategy.
  Passage of this bill endorses and supports Taiwan and its hope for 
liberty and the pursuit of a freely elected and one democratic China. I 
urge my colleagues to adopt this resolution.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez).
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the 
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. I believe that once again the time has 
come for Congress to stand up for a democratic Taiwan, to reconfirm our 
commitment to Taiwan's security, and to act in such a way that we 
ensure the continuation of peace, stability, and security in the Taiwan 
Straits and the Pacific Rim.
  Since the passage of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, the Congress 
has sought to strengthen U.S.-Taiwanese relations and ensure stability 
in the region by establishing that an attack against Taiwan is inimical 
to the security interests of the United States and will compel an 
American response.
  China's true intentions towards Taiwan are clear. China is engaged in 
a military buildup in the Taiwan Straits. It is quite likely that the 
only deterrent to a Chinese invasion of Taiwan is the strong security 
commitment of the United States for its defense. I believe we must 
balance the desire by those in this House to trade with China with the 
resolve to send a clear message that that does not mean abandoning the 
Taiwanese.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act builds on a policy that has 
served American and Taiwanese interests well and fulfills our 
commitments to Taiwan's security as established by the Taiwan Relations 
Act. By doing several things that I believe are of consequence in terms 
of military cooperation with Taiwan, in terms of direct communications, 
in terms of Taiwan's military officers, in exchanges of senior 
officers, and in ensuring that they have full access to defense 
articles and defense services, we will uphold the detente of deterrence 
that has served us since 1979.
  Congress was right in 1979 to stand up for our democratic ally, 
Taiwan, and we are right today to pass legislation that will ensure 
another 20-plus years of peace, stability, and security in the region.
  I urge every Member to support this bill. It is a reaffirmation of 
our support, our support for a democratic Taiwan and the continuation 
of peace in Taiwan Straits.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Houghton), a member of our Committee on 
International Relations.
  Mr. HOUGHTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to 
me.
  Mr. Speaker, I am not going to speak long, but I really am firmly 
opposed to this particular amendment. I do not know why we are doing 
this at this particular time. Our policy now is effective. It has 
worked for 21 years. Why do we change it now, particularly with the 
very sensitive elections coming up now?
  It is very easy to sit back here and intellectualize on a particular 
issue from our base in Washington, but if you are over in that part of 
the world, it is perceived differently.
  I always remember talking to one of our distinguished Secretaries of 
State about his setting up an agenda between President Nixon and the 
Chinese, which happened to be Chou En Lai. He had at the top of his 
agenda the Taiwan issue, and at the bottom of the Chinese agenda, much 
to his surprise, was the Taiwan issue. He said, I thought this was very 
important to you. The answer from the Chinese, they said, it is, but in 
a way, it isn't. The only thing we ask you is do not embarrass us.
  This is going to embarrass the Chinese. It is not necessary. Our 
policy works now. It has worked for over two decades. We ought to 
continue it as it is.
  I oppose the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Roemer).
  Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my distinguished leader, the 
gentleman from Connecticut, for yielding time to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of a strong relationship 
between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan, but 
in opposition to this particular legislation. I do so reluctantly, but 
I do so for three reasons: first of all, because of the timing of this 
particular legislation on the House floor today, when so many important 
issues are going to be coming

[[Page 389]]

up with Taiwan and the Peoples' Republic of China and our international 
relations in the ensuing months; secondly, because of the military 
aspects, that we do not need this, that we have a very strong 
relationship with the people of Taiwan now.
  This is articulated very clearly in both the 1979 Taiwan Relations 
Act and in the subsequent Shanghai communiques. We do not need this. We 
just had an arms sale a few years ago on F-16s for the people of 
Taiwan. We will continue to consider their requests and probably grant 
those requests in the future. So why do this now, from a military 
perspective or from a timing perspective?
  Thirdly, Mr. Speaker, most importantly, it very much muddles the very 
important relationship that we have between the people of Taiwan and 
the people of the Peoples' Republic of China. We want our message to be 
one of peaceful reconciliation, and that the people of Taipei and the 
people of Beijing work peacefully through this, and not that the United 
States stand up on the House floor talking about military answers to 
these problems in the future.
  We have strong moral support for the people of Taiwan. We have 
strategic advice that we give them now. We know that they will defend 
themselves with the weapons that we sell them. Now is not the time for 
this bill to go to the House floor.

                              {time}  1330

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Calvert).
  Mr. CALVERT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 
1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, which was passed out of the 
Committee on International Relations with bipartisan support. I believe 
that some day a peaceful Chinese nation can contribute positively to 
the international community, but at this time it is difficult to place 
trust in the Chinese government, given their aggressive posture toward 
Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker, I have been to China; and I have been to Taiwan. As a 
visitor, the first observable difference between the two is the 
mainland Chinese fear of speaking freely. Taiwan, however, reveals a 
different story. Free trade and travel with the global community have 
led to the importation of the United States' most precious principle, 
democracy.
  Mainland China has never known such a freedom and has a long road to 
travel. Taiwan, I believe, provides mainland China a road map for 
progress. They are a shining light in a troubled region. We must make 
sure that Taiwan is given the chance to continue their progressive 
trek. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act ensures that progress. This 
bill helps to foster a policy towards China similar to that of 
President Reagan's towards the communist Soviet Union: contain them 
militarily, engage them diplomatically, and flood them with Western 
goods and influence. It worked for Russia; it could work for China.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the distinguished chairman of our Subcommittee 
on Asia and the Pacific.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Gilman) for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I do support the legislation, as I supported the rule. 
There has been, I think, almost unanimous support expressed for the 
Taiwan Relations Act of 1979. This legislation has been said to be both 
extraordinarily significant or perhaps not needed at all. Both 
positions are probably exaggerations, but I would like to address one 
aspect of the Taiwan Relations Act that is not being implemented today 
thereby providing a justification for H.R. 1838.
  Now, in the legislation before us, section 4(b) requires that 
beginning 60 days after the next round of arms sale talks between the 
U.S. and Taiwan, and one is ongoing now, the President shall submit a 
report to Congress in classified and unclassified form detailing each 
of Taiwan's requests, describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan 
and its justification for these requests, and a description of the 
decision-making process used to reject, postpone, or modify any such 
request.
  In order for Congress to play its appropriate role in foreign and 
defense relationships generally, but also in respect to our TRA 
commitment to Taiwan to provide them necessary defensive material, we 
must have this kind of report. Why? Because in the Taiwan Relations 
Act, section 3(b) provides:

       That the President and the Congress shall determine the 
     nature and the quantity of such defense articles and services 
     based solely upon their judgment of the needs of Taiwan, in 
     accordance with the procedures established by law.

  Mr. Speaker, that provision of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 is 
being ignored by the Administration and therefore Congress is basically 
not able to determine what the Taiwanese are requesting, the nature of 
the justification given, or the Administration's responses to arms sale 
requests of the Taiwan government.
  Now, we understand that the Administration's response and even the 
nature of the weapons being requested or considered cannot be broadly 
shared. But we provide them with a method of providing us this advice 
on a classified basis.
  Mr. Speaker, in closing, I want to reassure my colleagues, by asking 
them to look at the legislation as amended. There are, for example, no 
specific references to weapon types. There are many, many important 
changes. I urge my colleagues that they can with assurance vote for 
this legislation. There is never a perfect time to pass such 
legislation in the House and I would have preferred that we act after 
the Taiwanese presidential election in April, but America's commitment 
to Taiwan's defense through the TRA is reinforced by this legislation.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Dooley).
  Mr. DOOLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to 
H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enforcement Act. While supporters claim 
that the bill will increase Taiwan's security, the opposite is true. 
This legislation could have serious unintended consequences that could 
potentially threaten Taiwan's security, undermine our own national 
security interests, and jeopardize our relationship with China.
  For more than 2 decades, under the leadership of Presidents Carter, 
Reagan, Bush and Clinton, the United States has pursued an extensive 
and successful military relationship with Taiwan through defensive 
weapons sales and informal military assistance.
  The Taiwan Relations Act passed in 1979 has been proven an effective 
mechanism in helping Taiwan achieve security, prosperity, and freedom.
  H.R. 1338 is simply unnecessary. Section 3 of the Taiwan Relations 
Act already allows the United States to make available to Taiwan such 
defense articles and defense services in ``such quantity as may be 
necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense 
capability.''
  The act further states that a determination of Taiwan's needs ``shall 
include a review by the United States military authorities in 
connection with the recommendations to the President and Congress.''
  So as we can see, the passage of H.R. 1838 will not improve the 
existing act and provide additional security for the people of Taiwan, 
as supporters of the bill maintain. H.R. 1838 will instead undermine 
the principal objectives of the Taiwan Relations Act, which was to help 
maintain peace, security, and stability in the American Pacific.
  Passage of the bill would formalize a military relationship with 
Taiwan and would be a significant departure from the ``one China'' 
policy that has been essential to maintaining stability in the region. 
Not only is the bill unnecessary, but the timing of H.R. 1838 is 
particularly bad. Recent public statements by Taiwan officials 
concerning its relationship with China have moved closer to the concept 
of sovereignty, which has escalated tensions and complicated our ``one 
China'' policy. Furthermore, Taiwan will be holding a

[[Page 390]]

presidential election in March and a new administration will be formed 
in May. We have been urging both sides of the Taiwan Strait to avoid 
any actions that could increase the risk of conflict and take advantage 
of possible new opportunities for dialogue. In addition, passage of 
this bill could potentially jeopardize our efforts to improve our 
relationships with China.
  Let me make clear that I in no way condone any aggressive actions 
taken by China against Taiwan which threatens its security. But 
adopting policies that will further distance us from China and 
undermine opportunities for future dialogue would not be constructive 
U.S. policy. Undoing any progress that has been made in negotiations on 
such issues as trade and human rights will not only threaten the future 
security of Taiwan, but could impede U.S. abilities to advance 
democracy in the region.
  Mr. Speaker, a policy of economic and political engagement is the 
surest way to promote U.S. interests in China, to advance democracy and 
human rights, and to secure future economic opportunities for Taiwan, 
China, and the United States.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Rohrabacher), one of the senior members of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1838. 
I would like to congratulate the gentleman from New York (Chairman 
Gilman) for the strong leadership that he has provided us. He has been 
a stronger leader for peace and stability in the Pacific region than 
this administration, unfortunately.
  What the gentleman has been leading is a bipartisan effort on the 
part of both sides of the aisle to make sure that the Communist regime 
in Beijing knows full well that we stand by our commitments in the 
Taiwan Relations Act and we expect Beijing to stand by its commitments 
to the Taiwan Relations Act.
  In that agreement, we agreed to provide Taiwan the defensive weapons 
systems they needed to preserve their security and to maintain 
stability and peace in the Taiwan Strait. Today, we are restating that 
unambiguously so that it will be understood by friend and foe alike.
  Mr. Speaker, this is the way to have peace in that region, to make 
sure America stands tall, keeps its commitments. Lets people know that 
we still believe in truth and justice and that as Taiwan moves forward 
towards its democratic elections, and we have this threatening time 
period where there are threats from communist China, that the United 
States is not backing down one bit from its commitments.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Bartlett).
  Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
of H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. I believe this bill 
is an extremely important tool in maintaining the balance of power in 
the Pacific region. Mainland China, or the PRC, is currently engaged in 
a massive buildup of ballistic missiles capable of reaching the shores 
of Taiwan. When we passed the Taiwan Relations Act, the United States 
made a commitment to provide Taiwan with the capability of defending 
itself from aggression.
  H.R. 1838 reaffirms that commitment, and I believe most importantly 
requires the Secretary of Defense to develop a program to enhance 
operational training exchanges between the militaries of the United 
States and Taiwan concerning threat analysis, force planning, and 
operational methods.
  Mr. Speaker, H.R. 1838 is a necessary step in fulfilling our promises 
to Taiwan. By passing this legislation, the United States will make a 
powerful statement that aggression toward Taiwan will not be tolerated.
  I urge all of my colleagues to support this important piece of 
legislation.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Cox), chairman of the Republican Policy Committee.
  Mr. COX. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Gilman) for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I too rise in strong support of this resolution offered 
by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), my good friend and colleague.
  This bill was reported from committee with an overwhelmingly 
bipartisan vote of 32 to 6. It is because this legislation strengthens 
and extends the long-standing U.S. policy toward Taiwan. That policy 
most recently was codified in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act.
  Today, even more than in 1979, Taiwan's security is critical to 
America's interests. Taiwan is now the seventh largest trading partner 
of the United States. Taiwan buys far more from the United States than 
does the People's Republic of China. The sea lanes surrounding Taiwan 
are vital to the economic health of Asia and to the steady growth of 
U.S. exports to Asia. But most important of all, a democratic Taiwan is 
a living example to all of the people of China that they too can build 
for themselves a peaceful, prosperous democracy.
  Taiwan does not pose any military threat to the People's Republic of 
China. But Taiwan's democracy, its freedom of speech and freedom of 
thought, do pose a threat to the Communist government in Beijing.
  This bill will allow our military to have relations with Taiwan's 
forces as close as what the administration is already putting together 
with the Communist People's Liberation Army. This upgrading of our 
military relations ought to occur now in a time of relative stability, 
because if we were to wait for a time of crisis, it would then be too 
late. Indeed, many would say then surely it was too provocative.
  But the State Department currently bars senior U.S. military officers 
from meeting their Taiwanese counterparts. But enhanced contacts 
between the United States and People's Liberation Army officers of all 
ranks has been made a priority of the Clinton-Gore administration.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act that we are about to vote upon 
provides that our field rank officers can have the same level of 
relations with a friendly defensive force on Taiwan that already they 
have with the Communist People's Liberation Army.
  Just 4 days ago, Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the People's 
Liberation Army, General Xiong Guangkai said this about Taiwan. ``We,'' 
referring to the People's Republic of China and the People's Liberation 
Army, ``we will never commit ourselves to renouncing the use of 
force.'' General Xiong said this not in some obscure Communist Party 
military publication. He said it here in Washington 4 days ago as a 
guest of the Clinton administration.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act will codify America's long-
standing policy of peaceful cross-strait dialogue, peaceful conduct of 
relations between Beijing and Taipei, peaceful resolution of the Taiwan 
question. And it will codify, again, our long-standing commitments 
since President Eisenhower to provide Taiwan with the defensive 
military strength needs to deter the PRC.
  The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act states, ``The President and the 
Congress shall determine the nature and quantity of such defense 
articles and services that we will sell to Taiwan based solely upon 
their judgment of the needs of Taiwan.''

                              {time}  1345

  This law calls for annual reporting to the Congress on those sales, 
because the administration has not been consulting Congress on these 
sales as have been required by the letter and spirit of the Taiwan 
Relations Act.
  Lastly, it has been argued occasionally that the United States 
promised the People's Republic of China to reduce or even terminate 
arms sales to Taiwan, as a consequence of our growing political 
recognition of the Communists in Beijing. Nothing could be further from 
the truth.
  The United States has always maintained that we would support the 
democracy in Taiwan; that we would support peaceful discussions; that 
we would support defensive weaponry for Taiwan for its legitimate 
defense needs.

[[Page 391]]

  At the time of the signing of the 17 August 1982 communique of U.S. 
arms sales to Taiwan, President Reagan wrote a four-paragraph memo 
elaborating what had been agreed to. He wrote that our policy was 
premised on the clear understanding the continuity of China's declared 
fundamental policy of seeking a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan 
issue, quote, ``U.S. willingness to reduce its arms sales to Taiwan,'' 
President Reagan wrote, ``is conditioned absolutely upon the continued 
commitment of China to the peaceful reunification or the peaceful 
resolution of this issue.''
  General Xiong's comments in Washington 4 days ago were not ambiguous; 
neither should United States' policy be ambiguous. Our goal here on the 
floor today is, once again, to come together as Democrats and 
Republicans to state clearly the view of the legislative branch on this 
subject.
  The United States supports the democracy and the freedom of the 
people in Taiwan. We will continue to do so. We will continue to 
support their right to be free from aggression militarily by the 
People's Republic of China. We wish better relations with the PRC. 
Indeed, we wish for the people of China that the democracy already 
exemplified by the system that is developed in Taiwan will soon be 
theirs, that the freedom of speech, the freedom of thought, the freedom 
of action, the freedom of movement, the freedom of conscience, the 
freedom of religion that they all enjoy will also be the birthright of 
every man and woman born in China in the 21st century. That is the 
purpose of our vote today; that is why it is so fundamentally 
bipartisan; that is why the vote will be so overwhelming.
  I urge all of my colleagues to vote aye in support of this 
resolution.
  I congratulate the chairman and the ranking member for their hard 
work, their excellent work on this bill.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I think that we have come here fairly unified, 
recognizing the need to make a clear statement about Congress' 
commitment to the people of Taiwan and their democratic institutions; 
that we believe any change in the relationship between Taiwan and the 
mainland must occur out of a mutual agreement, not through intimidation 
of force.
  Traditionally, every administration would like to see the Congress 
disappear, not just from foreign policy, but from domestic policy as 
well. They rather not hear from us, and that is understandable.
  When you are sitting in the White House, you are down at the 
Secretary of State's office, you think you are doing just fine and you 
do not need a lot of help; but I think one of the great things that 
this institution projects globally is the importance of a legislative 
body.
  I can remember being on this floor year after year, cosponsoring and 
speaking on behalf of the resolutions for a free and independent 
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia; and oftentimes it did seem like a 
futile effort. And there are many years where it seemed just one more 
time we were stepping forward to restate our commitment to their 
independence, and it would be to no avail.
  To most of the people's surprise and to, I think, the rejoicing of 
all of us, we finally saw the Baltic states free. I believe that our 
actions here today, in these measured terms that the chairman and I and 
the committee have worked out, simply restate the commitment of this 
Congress to the democratic institutions of the people of Taiwan and to 
the resolution of the differences between the mainland and Taiwan, not 
through military force but through a dialogue. That is what this 
legislation does. It is consistent with this administration in its 
actions to date; it is consistent with every administration since the 
Taiwan Relations Act has occurred.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the distinguished majority whip, and 
I thank the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) for his 
supportive remarks.
  Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I really appreciate all the hard work that 
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) has done and the gentleman 
from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) has done on this bill. Working 
together they have done outstanding work, and I am very proud to 
support this bill.
  I also want to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch), the 
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Cox), and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey) for all their hard 
work on this legislation. This bipartisan dedication to this cause 
shows how both sides of the aisle can come together under the goal of 
peace through strength.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today because Taiwan desperately needs America's 
help. Throughout the 20th century, struggling democracies across this 
globe knew that they could always count on America for support when 
their freedom was threatened. At the dawn of a new century, the world 
must be reassured that the United States will continue to stick by 
their friends.
  Taiwan has a strong and vibrant economy, and in March they will hold 
another free and open election. I ask all my colleagues, is this not 
the kind of system we should be backing? Would it not be a tragedy for 
this light to be extinguished because America had her head stuck in the 
sand?
  Given the volatility of the situation in the Taiwan Strait, any mixed 
signals by our government can easily be read by the Communist Chinese 
as complacency. This Congress must erase any doubt as to whether or not 
we are fully committed to Taiwan, and that is the purpose of this bill.
  Stability of the entire Asian region is predicated on a balance of 
power that keeps China in check. This bill stabilizes Taiwan and the 
Pacific region by strengthening U.S.-Taiwanese cooperation. It also 
reassures Japan, South Korea, and all of our Asian allies that we will 
not neglect their best interest under the shadow of a rapidly growing 
Communist China.
  Despite countless claims by supposed experts that the People's 
Republic is not a threat, Chinese intentions to the contrary are very 
clear. In fact, they have been saber rattling for years. A clear 
message was sent when China fired missile tests off the coast of Taiwan 
in 1995 and 1996. Since then a massive Chinese missile and military 
logistical buildup across the Taiwan Strait has served as a constant 
threat. Waiting for the next shoe to fall would be a very costly 
mistake.
  Ever since the annexation of Hong Kong and Macao, consuming Taiwan 
has become a pressing goal for the expansionist Communist government in 
Beijing. To this day the PRC refuses to denounce the use of force in 
its quest to take back Taiwan. While visiting Washington, D.C. just 6 
days ago, a PRC general asserted, and I quote, ``We will never commit 
ourselves to renouncing the use of force.''
  During the 50th anniversary celebrations of Chinese communism, held 
just last October, a leading reformer in the PRC leadership warned 
against U.S. support of Taiwan. ``Sooner or later it will lead to an 
armed resolution of the question,'' he said. And this is from a so-
called reformer.
  Make no mistake about it, this is a gravely serious situation. 
Considering what is at stake, the cost of American assistance is very 
minimal. The Taiwanese are not asking us to send troops. They are not 
asking us to bomb anybody. They simply need strategic military advice, 
technological expertise, and access to purchase American defense 
systems so they can defend themselves.
  Without any more hesitation, U.S. policy must support the continued 
vitality and security of this thriving nation. Under the TRA, the 
United States committed to providing defensive capability to Taiwan 
based on their defense needs. The need is pressing. The time to act on 
this promise is now.
  Mr. Speaker, American prestige is on the line in the Taiwan Strait. 
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act honors our commitment to stability 
in Taiwan by increasing cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwanese 
militaries. It fulfills promises this Congress has already

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made to Taiwan and reiterates our national agenda of seeking peace 
through strength.
  Simply put, this Congress must support democracy in Taiwan. We must 
honor our commitments in the Far East. Supporting this bill 
accomplishes these goals.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). The gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Gilman) has 2\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey), the distinguished majority leader.
  Mr. ARMEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, America is not just another country. We are the oldest 
revolutionary nation in the world and the world's oldest democracy. We 
have an obligation to the world, a mission, and that is to advance the 
cause of freedom around the world.
  Mr. Speaker, I have said it before and I will say it again: no 
nation's people, ever, in the history of the world, have done as much 
as the American people have done in the cause of freedom, to sacrifice 
and inconvenience themselves not only for their own freedoms but, as we 
have seen so many times, even for the freedoms of others. This is a 
proud heritage we have, and it is a great responsibility we should 
keep.
  Today we are looking at the Chinese people. Mr. Speaker, the Chinese 
people are a beautiful people. They are a wonderful people, and they 
are divided now between two different governments. One is a beautiful 
democracy, and the other one is not so grand. But the Chinese people, 
whether they live in Taiwan or on the mainland, deserve and want 
freedom as much as any people in the world, and we must respond to 
them.
  This year the House will vote on two measures that will do that in 
the East Asia region. One is this bill, to strengthen our security 
relationship with democrat Taiwan. The other is a resolution, which we 
will vote on at our earliest possible moment, to establish permanent 
normal trade relations with China. Friends of Taiwan should not have 
fear of our greater trade with China, just as those who want more trade 
with China should not object to us helping Taiwan. Both measures serve 
exactly the same end, to advance the cause of freedom in East Asia and 
the Pacific and specifically on behalf of the Chinese people.
  How does more trade with China help? Because aside from religious 
belief, trade is the single most powerful force of liberation in human 
history. With trade comes prosperity, and with prosperity comes wider 
sharing of power, a freer flow of information and the rule of law. That 
is happening in China today. As China becomes more integrated into the 
world economy, the Chinese leadership is finding it more and more 
difficult to stifle the aspirations of their own people.

                              {time}  1400

  Just last week the Chinese Government announced a ludicrous effort to 
impose tight restrictions on the Internet. This is swimming against the 
tides, Mr. Speaker. The Internet, almost by definition, is something 
that defies government control. In fact, this effort is nothing but an 
unwitting tribute to the liberalizing power of the modern information 
age economy.
  They cannot be part of the world economy without the Internet, but 
they cannot have the Internet without the free flow of ideas and 
information, including political ideas.
  As long as we continue to expand our trade with China and bring China 
into the world economy, the Chinese leaders will have no choice but to 
allow greater freedom. Eventually the Chinese people will insist on the 
freedom to choose their own leaders. And when they do, they are not 
likely to select leaders who will make war on Taiwan or anyone else.
  And how does helping Taiwan further the cause of freedom throughout 
the region? By strengthening our security ties with Taiwan, we make it 
clear that the American people will stand by Taiwan if they are 
attacked. That will discourage any country from doing anything foolish 
to jeopardize peace and prosperity in the area.
  We all know that wars have often started from miscalculation. One 
country attacks another only after wrongly assuming that the other 
countries will not come to its aid. This bill will help maintain peace 
in the Taiwan straits by suggesting in advance that America will come 
to the aid of democratic Taiwan. It is entirely consistent with the 
Taiwan Relations Act.
  Mr. Speaker, Taiwan is the first democracy in 5,000 years of Chinese 
history. It stands as a shining example to all the people on the 
mainland and elsewhere of how a country can be both rich and free. It 
shows how a nation can emerge from decades of dictatorial rule and 
create a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. 
If we truly love freedom, we must protect democratic Taiwan.
  I ask all our Members to support both security for Taiwan and more 
trade with the Chinese people. Together, these policies will help make 
Asia and the Pacific prosperous, peaceful and, above all, free.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank our majority leader, the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. Armey), for his kind words of support.
  Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my opposition to 
H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. I am greatly troubled 
by this effort to undermine the sound, bipartisan foreign policy of the 
United States. For more than 20 years, both Democratic and Republican 
Administrations have maintained a policy of ``strategic ambiguity'' 
regarding our relations between China and Taiwan, a policy that has 
served our nation well. The thrust of this legislation abandons the 
long-standing and successful policy of the Taiwan Relations Act of 
1979, and I oppose this misguided attempt to impose a fundamental shift 
in our policy.
  I firmly believe that over time, our strategic interest is best 
served through increased economic ties and expanded cultural relations 
with China. Efforts to promote travel and tourism to China and 
encouraging additional Chinese students to attend our universities will 
significantly improve our relations with China.
  However, I do not want this vote to be misinterpreted. The United 
States and the world community do not approve the increasingly 
belligerent tone of rhetoric and actions on the part of China against 
Taiwan. China must understand that the world community expects a 
peaceful resolution of the China/Taiwan issue.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of H.R. 1838, the Taiwan 
Security Enhancement Act. I believe this bipartisan legislation will 
send a clear message that the U.S. will stand firm for democracy and 
human rights. We must support the right of the Taiwanese people to 
determine their future without outside military pressure.
  We have good reason to be concerned about the rapid military buildup 
just across the Taiwan Strait. In 1995 and 1996, the Taiwanese people 
were making history by holding their first democratic presidential 
election. At the same time, the Chinese government conducted missile 
tests as a reminder of their true intentions. This was no coincidence. 
According to a recent Pentagon report, China has continued to build 
ballistic missiles just off the coast of Taiwan. As we approach the 
next presidential election this March, we must be aware of the imminent 
threat to the new democracy in Taiwan.
  I believe this legislation would be successful in strengthening our 
commitment to the Taiwanese people. First, it would enhance Taiwan's 
self-defense capabilities. Second, this bill affirms that the status of 
Taiwan must have the consent of the people of Taiwan.
  Our goals of securing peace and human rights in China are fully 
consistent with the goals of this legislation. I urge my colleagues to 
vote ``yes'' on this bipartisan legislation.
  Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend Taiwan for embracing 
democracy and striving for complete autonomy from the People's Republic 
of China (PRC). Taiwan has liberated itself from the oppressive Chiang 
Kai-shek regime only to be threatened by the current Chinese 
government. The PRC has a history of using coercion to get what it 
wants, and the recent missile tests are no different. We all know this 
is wrong and yet we continue a ``strategic partnership'' with this 
barbaric regime.
  Today's resolution, H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, 
antagonizes the PRC. The title of the bill is misleading. Sure, it 
professes the sense of Congress that we

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should offer them the military might of the United States, but it will 
not make Taiwan any more secure. It only raises tensions in the region.
  To protect the free people of Taiwan and to help the process of 
democratization in the PRC, we need a coordinated, thoughtful, 
comprehensive China Policy.
  This Resolution is not such a policy!
  For example, China wants and needs integration into the world economy 
and the WTO. It needs the cooperation of the rest of the world to 
accomplish this goal. We need a concerted, comprehensive international 
effort to require that as a condition for the many objectives of the 
PRC, they give the world assurances of respect for international law, 
for the rights of the people of Taiwan, and indeed, for the rights of 
their own people.
  Therefore, I will not support the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.
  Mr. ORTIZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Taiwan 
Security Enhancement Act. While I support this legislation, the timing 
of it is no small coincidence given the fact that Congress plans to 
take up unprecedented trade legislation this year involving this 
region. Over the years, I have witnessed firsthand the casual working 
relationship the people in both the Peoples Republic of China and the 
Republic of China have shared. They each have adapted to their special 
circumstances with relative ease.
  I have always supported Taiwan's efforts to embrace democracy and 
stability in the region. Furthermore, I truly believe that our efforts 
to engage China and to bring them to the table to work and promote 
trade and growth will work only to the advantage of the United States. 
It is with this optimism that I ask my colleagues for the continued 
support of the people of Taiwan while we also work this session to 
further strengthen our relationship with China.
  There are many that consider China a constant threat in the Taiwan 
Straits. That said, it is my hope that any country in the world, who 
moves aggressively toward another would be subject to consequences. 
Engaging and protecting the interests of our trading partners in the 
Far East is the single most important thing we can do for all our 
trading partners there.
  I remain committed to the Taiwanese people and their outlook for the 
future of their citizens. I also remain committed to the economic 
engagement of China through trade and the power of the market place.
  Mr. BARR of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 
1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. This bill gives Taiwan at 
least some of the tools necessary to defend itself against possible 
future attacks from Communist China.
  When Congress enacted the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, the intent was 
to ensure Taiwan's security would not be compromised, and a self-
defense capability would be maintained. The Clinton administration has 
wrongly interpreted this act as a ``hands off'' policy and continues to 
ignore the growing military force and threat of the Communist Chinese 
Government.
  The utter disregard of the Taiwan Relations Act has placed Taiwan at 
a clear military disadvantage vis-s-vis mainland China. Reports 
indicate the People's Republic of China has a 65 to 4 advantage in 
submarines, and a 4,500 to 400 numerical advantage in aircraft. The 
Department of Defense has reported that by 2005, Communist China would 
have the capability to attack Taiwan with air and missile strikes, 
destroying both key military facilities and the island's economic 
infrastructure.
  Beijing continues to maintain a large armed forces structure, with 
more than 2.5 million members in the People's Liberation Army (PLA), a 
million in the People's Armed Police (PAP), and a reserve-militia 
component of well over 1.5 million personnel. Still, the Clinton 
administration continues to assert that Communist China is not a 
threat. Yet, mainland China's growing advantage in military weapons and 
soldiers, and its increasingly bellicose policy statements point to the 
undisputable fact that Communist China is a real and growing threat, 
and continues to focus on defeating Taiwan militarily.
  The United States must act. We are the only power that can provide 
Taiwan with the weapons it needs to counter any future mainland Chinese 
aggression. We have an obligation to re-establish oversight of arms 
sales to Taiwan, and force the President to provide Taiwan with the 
weapons and military training it needs. Even though Taiwan will never 
be on equal footing with China in terms of numbers, we must give Taiwan 
the means necessary to protect itself from attack.
  The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act permits the sale of satellite 
early warning data, missile defense systems, modern air equipment, and 
naval defense systems. In addition, the Secretary of Defense would be 
required to report on Taiwan's requests for defense and hardware needs. 
By passing the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act Congress will empower 
Taiwan with the mechanism to improve its self-defense capability and 
protect itself from future coercion from Communist Chinese. It is a 
small, but vital price to pay, not only to ensure the survival of a key 
and loyal ally, but our very own survival as well.
  Mr. TIAHRT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1838, the 
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. This bipartisan legislation, which was 
reported out of the International Relations Committee by a vote of 32-
6, reaffirms this Nation's commitment to peace through strength in the 
Taiwan Strait. I congratulate the House leadership for beginning the 
new session of Congress with the explicit message that the United 
States will meet its obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act of 
1979.
  Under the Taiwan Relations Act, this nation is committed to providing 
Taiwan with those defensive weapons systems necessary to protect Taiwan 
from any aggressive actions by Communist China. Unfortunately, by 
sending out mixed signals to the government of Taiwan while 
concurrently maintaining a policy of appeasement with the People's 
Republic of China, the Clinton administration has fostered the current 
environment of tension in the Taiwan Strait.
  With this legislation, Congress is clearing up any confusion the 
Clinton administration has created regarding this Nation's commitment 
to a free and democratic Taiwan. Recently, the Pentagon reported that 
the People's Liberation Army of China has nearly 100 short-range 
ballistic missiles targeted at Taiwan. In addition to a real increased 
threat of Chinese cruise missiles and fighter-bombers, China's 
dangerous rhetoric and intimidation has led Taiwan to publicly express 
their concern of possible aggression in the near future. In 1996, China 
performed significant military operations across the strait from Taiwan 
and fired several ballistic missiles near Taiwan.
  In addition to reconfirming this nation's military commitment to 
Taiwan, H.R. 1838 will provide for increased training for Taiwan's 
military officers in U.S. military schools and require the Secretary of 
State to make information regarding defense services fully available to 
the government of Taiwan in an expedited manner. Furthermore, this 
legislation will require the President to report to Congress regarding 
any and all of Taiwan's defense need requests and Administration 
decisions on those requests.
  The best way to make sure China will take Taiwan seriously and treat 
them fairly in discussions regarding reunification is to send a clear 
and unmistakable message that the United States will stand by Taiwan if 
China takes any aggressive action in the Taiwan Strait. Today we have 
the opportunity to stand up for freedom and democracy and show our 
support for the people of Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker I urge a bipartisan yes vote for the Taiwan Security 
Enhancement Act.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak on the legislation 
before us, H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, which seeks 
to promote stability between Taiwan, the People's Republic of China, 
and the United States.
  At the outset, I would note that at the heart of the relationship 
between Taiwan and the United States lies the Taiwan Relations Act, 
which for over two decades has effectively laid and preserved the 
foundation for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
  When the security of our friends in Taiwan was threatened by China in 
spring of 1996, I joined with our colleagues in Congress in strongly 
supporting the Clinton administration's decision to send the Nimitz and 
Independence carrier groups to the Taiwan Strait to maintain peace. 
China's missile tests, military exercises, and threatened use of force 
contravened China's commitment under the 1979 and 1982 Joint 
Communiques to resolve Taiwan's status by peaceful means. The joint 
communiques, in concert with the Taiwan Relations Act, lay the 
framework for our ``One China'' policy, which fundamentally stresses 
that force shall not be used in resolution of the Taiwan question.
  Mr. Speaker, the graphic response of the United States in 1996 sent 
an unequivocal message to Beijing, as witnessed by the world, that 
America would not stand by idly while Taiwan was threatened with 
China's military might. The formidable U.S. military presence in 
Taiwan's waters, along with the explicit warnings of grave consequences 
for Chinese use of force against Taiwan, concretely demonstrated our 
Nation's determination and resolve to aid Taiwan in the event of 
attack. In my view, Mr. Speaker, our actions that were taken then 
during the heat of the Taiwan Strait crisis continue to speak volumes 
today about

[[Page 394]]

America's unquestioned and unshakeable commitment to Taiwan's security, 
much more than any policy statements we might adopt today.
  Mr. Speaker, under the existing policy of the Taiwan Relations Act, 
our Nation and Taiwan have formed a close partnership that already 
encompasses military relations, meetings of high-level officials, and 
extensive transfers of high-tech defense weaponry.
  As we examine the legislation before us, I ask our colleagues to 
question whether it actually enhances the security of Taiwan above and 
beyond what has, what is, and will be provided to Taiwan for its 
legitimate defense needs under existing policy.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States is firmly and unequivocally committed 
to the protection of Taiwan's people and democracy, and certainly no 
nation knows this better than China. I am not persuaded that the 
legislation before us is necessary nor that it serves to enhance 
stability in the Taiwan Strait.
  Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1838 and I 
thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for their efforts to 
bring this bill to the floor today.
  The United States relationship with the Republic of China is vital to 
our economic and national security interests. Through its financial 
success and blossoming democracy Taiwan remains a model for other 
countries in Asia, including China, to follow.
  The story of Taiwan's economic success is now widespread. During and 
after the Asian financial crisis, Taiwan's free-market economy fared 
much better than its centrally controlled neighbors. Their economy, in 
fact, maintained a GDP growth rate of 4.8 percent over 1998.
  It is also wise for us to remember that Taiwan is the United States' 
7th largest trading partner and an important part of the successful 
economy we enjoy today. In February 1998, Taiwan and the United States 
negotiated a market access agreement as a prelude to Taiwan's entry 
into the World Trade Organization.
  This strong economic relationship with Taiwan and our successful 
negotiations with Taipei have helped to lead China into its own 
successful market access negotiations with the United States. Later 
this year in fact, Congress will pass legislation to grant China 
permanent normal trade relations status so that United States companies 
will benefit from China's entrance into the WTO. This will also improve 
our ability to provide support for the Chinese people who need our help 
the most.
  Unfortunately, the administration's confused policies and actions in 
recent years have damaged our relationship with Taiwan and Congress 
must now pass this bill to steer us back on the right course.
  The United States, as the world's leading democracy, has a 
responsibility to support the security of Taiwan, one of the world's 
smallest yet one of the most important democracies.
  Mrs. FOWLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1838, the 
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.
  This legislation is necessary to reaffirm our Nation's commitments to 
Taiwan, an important partner of our country in the realm of trade, and 
a strong proponent of democracy.
  American policies, which oppose China's use of force against Taiwan, 
need reinforcement now, as Taiwan approaches presidential elections. 
Four years ago, China's leadership conducted a series of missile tests 
near Taiwan--a move meant to intimidate the Taiwanese people on the eve 
of elections then. In response, the United States was compelled to 
deploy two carrier battle groups in order to restore tranquility.
  Today, China is engaged in a build-up of missile forces that again 
threatens Taiwan. These unwarranted, threatening developments make this 
bill's consideration today an imperative.
  It is patently obvious that Taiwan poses no threat to China. Military 
training or other security measures provided to Taiwan by the United 
States is strictly oriented towards Taiwan's defense. As such, this 
bill merits our strong support.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). Pursuant to 
House Resolution 408, the previous question is ordered on the bill, as 
amended.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX further 
proceedings on this motion will be postponed until later today.

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