[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 9]
[Senate]
[Pages 12400-12402]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                75TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOREIGN SERVICE

 Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, on May 24, 1924, President Calvin 
Coolidge signed into law the Rogers Act, establishing a unified corps 
of career diplomats to represent the United States abroad. Based on the 
principles of professionalism, non-partisanship and merit-based 
promotion, thus was born the modern foreign service.
  This year we join in commemorating the 75th anniversary of the 
foreign service. Over the years there have been many changes: it has 
become more diverse, more specialized, and has been called to deal with 
an ever-expanding list of issues. While this milestone is an occasion 
for celebration and congratulations, there are some sobering reminders 
of the task that still awaits us. 1998 saw the worst attack on American 
diplomats in history, with two tragic bombings that resulted in the 
deaths of over 220 persons, twelve of them Americans. Here in 
Washington, we continue to contend with budget cuts that handicap the 
ability of our foreign service officers to perform their duties safely 
and effectively.
  On the occasion of this anniversary, Secretary Albright hosted a 
dinner at the State Department as a tribute to the efforts of the brave 
men and women who have served over the past three-quarters of a 
century. In her speech, she challenged the unfortunate and inaccurate 
stereotypes of the foreign service and emphasized the urgency of 
providing adequate resources to promote U.S. interests abroad. I 
strongly agree with the thrust of her remarks, and I ask that the full 
text of her statement be printed in the Record.

[[Page 12401]]

  The statement follows:

 Remarks by Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, 75th Anniversary 
       Dinner of the United States Foreign Service, May 24, 1999

       Secretary Albright: It is indeed a pleasure to be able to 
     first congratulate Nicholas (Bombay) for winning the essay 
     contest. It's never too early in life to learn the value of 
     strong diplomatic leadership, and although I didn't meet you 
     until tonight, I already like the sound of the name Bombay 
     preceded by the term ``Ambassador'' or ``Secretary of 
     State.'' (Laughter.)
       Congratulations, once again.
       Thank you, Cokie, and good evening to all of you. It's a 
     great pleasure to be able to spend the evening here with you, 
     and I must say that a special pleasure for me to have had 
     George Kennan on my right and Paul Sarbanes on my left--can't 
     ask for much more. It has been a great evening to be able to 
     exchange views.
       Members of Congress and distinguished colleagues and 
     friends, and so many of you who have contributed to the rich 
     legacy of the modern US Foreign Service, as we mark our 75th 
     anniversary, I want to begin by thanking Under Secretary 
     Pickering for his remarks. There is really no better 
     advertisement for what can be achieved in the Foreign Service 
     than the career of Tom Pickering. From 1959 to 1999, as Cokie 
     explained, he has served everywhere and done everything; and 
     he's still doing it. Tom, the Foreign Service doesn't have a 
     Hall of Fame, but it should, and you and others here tonight 
     belong in it.
       I also want to congratulate Ambassador Brandon Grove and 
     Dan Geisler and Louise Eaton and our Director General, Skip 
     Gnehm, our generous sponsors and everyone who helped to 
     organize this magnificent event. It was a big job and 
     everybody's done it terrifically well.
       I especially endorse the conception of this anniversary as 
     a challenge to look forward. Your goal of outreach through 
     this essay contest and other initiatives is right ontarget, 
     for if we are to match or surpass the accomplishments of the 
     past 75 years, we must have the understanding and support of 
     the American people. This requires that we tell the story of 
     U.S. diplomacy clearly and well. It is to that purpose that I 
     will attempt a modest contribution in my remarks here 
     tonight.
       Thank God I don't have to win any contests. [Laughter.]
       I start with a simple request. Let us take the old, but 
     persistent, stereotype of the diplomat as dilettante and do 
     to it what one Presidential candidate wanted us to do to the 
     tax code: let us drive a stake through it, kill it, bury it 
     and make sure that it never rises again.
       The job of the Foreign Service today is done with hands on 
     and sleeves rolled up. It is rarely glamorous, often 
     dangerous and always vital.
       In my travels, I have seen our people at work not only in 
     conference rooms, but in visits to refugee camps, AIDS 
     clinics and mass grave sites. I have seen them share their 
     knowledge and enthusiasm for democracy with those striving to 
     build a better life in larger freedom.
       I have seen them and their families give freely of their 
     energy and time to comfort the ill and aid the impoverished. 
     I have seen them provide incredible administrative support 
     despite antiquated equipment, crowded workspace and 
     impossible time constraints. And I've stood with head bowed 
     at memorial services for heroes struck down while 
     representing America or helping others to achieve peace. In 
     the past 35 years, the number of names listed on the AFSA 
     plaque has grown from 77 to 186. And the memory of those most 
     recently inscribed, as Tom Pickering's toast reflected, is 
     fresh and painful in our hearts.
       So let us not be shy about proclaiming this truth. In a 
     turbulent and perilous world, the men and women of the 
     Foreign Service are on the front lines every day, on every 
     continent for us. Like the men and women of our armed 
     forces--no more, but no less--they deserve, for they have 
     earned, the gratitude and full backing of the American 
     people.
       Now, having impaled that stereotype, let's proceed to the 
     second challenge. Let us make clear to our citizens the 
     connection between what we do and the quality of life they 
     enjoy; let us demonstrate that there's nothing foreign about 
     foreign policy any more.
       Consult any poll, visit any community hall, listen to any 
     radio talk show; it's no secret what Americans care about, 
     fear and hope for the most. Certainly, foreign policy isn't 
     everything. We cannot tell any American that our diplomacy 
     will guarantee safe schools, clean up the Internet or pay for 
     long term health care.
       But we can say to every American that foreign policy may 
     well help you to land agood job; protect your environment; 
     safeguard your neighborhood from drugs; shield your family 
     from a terrorist attack; and spare your children the 
     nightmare of nuclear, chemical or biological war.
       Our Foreign Service, Foreign Service National and Civil 
     Service personnel contribute every day to America through the 
     dangers they help contain, the crimes they help prevent, the 
     deals they help close, the rightsthey help ensure and the 
     travelers they just plain help. Right, Cokie?
       There is much more we could say and 100 different ways to 
     say it, but the bottom line is clear. The success or failure 
     of U.S. foreign policy will be a major factor in the lives of 
     all Americans. It will make the difference between a 21st 
     Century characterized by peace, rising prosperity and law, 
     and a more uncertain future in which our economy and security 
     are always at risk; our values always under attack; and our 
     peace of mind never assured.
       To convince the public of this, we must erase another myth, 
     which is that technology and the end of the Cold War have 
     made diplomacy obsolete.
       Some argue that Americans concluded after Vietnam that 
     there was nothing we could do in the world; after the Berlin 
     Wall fell, that there was nothing we could not do; and after 
     the Gulf War, that there was nothing left to do. Others 
     suggest that whatever we want to do, there is no need to be 
     diplomatic about it. Our military is the best, our economy 
     the biggest; so what's left to negotiate?
       But as Walter Lippmann once wrote, ``Without diplomacy to 
     prepare the way, soften the impact, reduce the friction and 
     allay the tension, money and military power are double-edged 
     instruments. Used without diplomacy, they may, and usually 
     do, augment the difficulties they are employed to overcome. 
     Then more power and money are needed.'' So spake Walter 
     Lippmann.
       The United States emerged from the Cold War with unequaled 
     might. On every continent, when problems arise, countries 
     turn to us. Few major international initiatives can succeed 
     without our support.
       But with these truths comes a paradox: In this new global 
     era, there are few goals vital to America that we can achieve 
     through our actions alone. In most situations, for most 
     purposes, we need the cooperation of others; and diplomacy is 
     about understanding others and explaining ourselves. It is 
     about building and nourishing partnerships for common action 
     toward shared goals. It's about listening and persuading, 
     analyzing and moving in at the right time. And certainly, at 
     this time, there is no shortage of important diplomatic work 
     to be done.
       As I speak, we are using diplomacy in support of force to 
     bring the confrontation in Kosovo to an end on NATO's terms. 
     We are launching a strategy for drawing the entire Balkans 
     region into the mainstream of a democratic Europe. We are 
     preparing for a new push on all tracks of the Middle East 
     peace process. We have a high-level team inPyongyang to 
     explore options for enhancing stability on the Korean 
     Peninsula. And we're working hard to help democracy take a 
     firmer hold in capitals such as Jakarta and Lagos, Bogota and 
     Phnom Penh.
       Around Africa, we are supporting African efforts to end 
     conflicts and promote new opportunities for growth. And 
     around the world, we are striving to prevent the spread of 
     advanced technologies, so that the new century does not end 
     up even bloodier than the old one.
       Certainly, the diplomatic pace has quickened since 1924, 
     when the Rogers Act was signed, Calvin Coolidge was 
     President, the State Department's entire budget was $2 
     million and the Secretary of State had a beard. (Laughter.)
       In that time, the door of the Foreign Service has opened 
     further to minorities and women, although not far and fast 
     enough. America's overseas presence has grown several fold, 
     as has the demand for our consular services. Public diplomacy 
     has become an integral part of our work. And we've learned 
     that, merely to keep pace, we must constantly manage smarter, 
     recruit better, adjust quicker and look ahead further.
       That is why we are modernizing our technology, training in 
     21st Century skills and implementing a historic restructure 
     of our foreign policy institutions. And it's why we know that 
     the Foreign Service of 75 years from now--or even ten years 
     from now--will look far different than the Foreign Service of 
     today.
       What has not and will not change are the fundamentals: the 
     professionalism; the pride; the patriotism; the tradition of 
     excellence reflected here tonight by the wondrous George 
     Kennan and other giants of the Foreign Service. And what has 
     not changed, as well, is the need for resources.
       The problem of finding adequate resources for American 
     foreign policy has been with us ever since the Continental 
     Congress sent Ben Franklin to Paris. But it has reached a new 
     stage.
       Today, we allocate less than one-tenth of the portion of 
     our wealth that we did a generation ago to support democracy 
     and growth overseas. In this respect, we rank dead last among 
     industrialized nations.
       For years, we have been cutting positions, shutting AID 
     missions and eliminating USIS posts. And now, under the year 
     2000 budget allocations that Congress is considering, we may 
     be asked to go beyond absorbing cuts to the guillotine.
       ???e face overall reductions of 14 percent to 29 percent 
     from the President's foreign operations request and 20 
     percent for State Department operations and programs. Yes, 
     members of Congress, this is a commercial. This will 
     undermine our efforts to protect

[[Page 12402]]

     ourborders, help Americans overseas and make urgently needed 
     improvements in embassy security. And it could translate into 
     cuts of 50 percent or more in key programs from fighting 
     drugs to promoting democracy to helping UNICEF.
       Now, I'm not here to assign blame. We have gotten 
     bipartisan support from those in Congress--including those 
     with us tonight--who know the most about foreign policy. And 
     Congress did approve the President's request for supplemental 
     funds for Central America, Jordan and the Balkans.
       But this is madness. America is the world's wealthiest and 
     most powerful country. Our economy is the envy of the globe. 
     We have important interests, face threats to them, and nearly 
     everywhere.
       And I hope you agree. Military readiness is vital, but so 
     is diplomatic effectiveness. When negotiations break down, we 
     don't send our soldiers without weapons to fight. Why, then, 
     do we so often send our diplomats to negotiate without the 
     leverage that resources provide? The savings yielded by 
     successful diplomacy are incalculable. So are the costs of 
     failed diplomacy--not only in hard cash, but in human lives.
       Tonight, I say to all our friends on Capitol Hill, act in 
     the spirit of Arthur Vandenberg and Everett Dirksen and Scoop 
     Jackson and Ed Muskie: help us to help America. Provide us 
     the funds we need to protect our people and to do our jobs. 
     Let America lead!
       As we look around this room, we see depictions of liberty's 
     birth and America's transformation from wilderness to 
     greatness.
       From the adjoining balcony, we can see the memorials to 
     Lincoln and Jefferson, the Washington Monument, the Roosevelt 
     Bridge, the white stone markets of Arlington and the silent, 
     etched, cloquent black wall of the Vietnam Wall.
       It is said there is nothing that time does not conquer. But 
     the principles celebrated here have neither withered nor 
     worn. Through Depression and war, controversy and conflict, 
     they continue to unite and inspire us and to identify America 
     to the world.
       From the Treaty of Paris to the round-the-clock 
     deliberations of our own era, the story of US diplomacy is 
     the story of a unique and free society emerging from 
     isolation to cross vast oceans and to assume its rightful 
     role on the world stage. It is the story of America first 
     learning, then accepting and then acting on its 
     responsibility.
       Above all, it is the story of individuals, from Franklin 
     onwards, who answered the call of their country and who have 
     given their life and labor in service to its citizens.
       As Secretary of State, the greatest privilege I have had 
     has been to work with you, the members of the Foreign Service 
     and others on America's team.
       Together, tonight, let us vow to continue to do our jobs to 
     the absolute best of our abilities, and to tell our stories 
     in language and at a volume all can understand.
       By so doing, we will keep faith with those who came before 
     us, and we will preserve the legacy of liberty that was our 
     most precious inheritance and must become our untarnished 
     bequest.
       To the men and women of the Foreign Service who are here 
     this evening or at outposts around the world or enjoying 
     their retirement, I wish you a happy 75th anniversary; and I 
     pledge my best efforts for as long as I have breath, to see 
     that you get the support and respect you deserve.
       Thank you and happy birthday. (Applause.)

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