[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 9]
[Senate]
[Pages 12361-12362]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



                                 KOSOVO

  Mr. KERREY. Mr. President, like many Americans, I am very pleased 
with the recent agreement within the United Nations Security Council on 
a plan that will end the conflict in Kosovo and achieve NATO's primary 
objective of returning the people of Kosovo to their homes.
  I take this opportunity to join with many others who have spoken on 
this subject to thank the aircrews and the support personnel of our Air 
Force, our Navy, and our Marine Corps. These men and women have 
demonstrated that American airpower can bring change in the course of 
history. Their dedication to duty and professionalism makes all of us 
proud.
  We have just recently passed the defense appropriations bill, and I 
had hoped to come to the floor, especially to speak to Nebraskans, who 
have a big stake in this bill, not just because we are beneficiaries of 
the security provided to us by the men and women who will benefit from 
these appropriations, but also because we have significant numbers of 
people in my State who are part of the effort to keep the United States 
of America safe.
  These laws that we pass--the defense appropriations bill and the 
defense authorization bill--are not merely words on a piece of paper; 
these laws are converted into human action. While it is true that men 
and women have to be well-trained, they need to be patriotic in order 
to be willing to give up their freedoms to serve the cause of peace and 
freedom throughout the world. It is also true that the beginning point 
is the kind of dream that we have in this Senate and in this Congress 
about the way we want our Nation and our world to be.
  Operation Allied Force was very dangerous and very expensive. It is 
natural for us, at the moment, to want to celebrate a victory. However, 
I believe we must recognize the hard work is just beginning.
  Two immense tasks now confront NATO. The first is to restore a 
refugee people to their homeland, and the second is to make the Balkan 
region a modern, democratic, and humane environment in which ethnic 
cleansing can never again occur. The first task may take a year, given 
the destruction of homes and farms in Kosovo. The second will take 
generations and will never occur without democratic change in the 
Yugoslavian Government.
  At the outset of the NATO military action, I expressed my concern 
about the effect the U.S. commitment to this operation would have on 
our ability to meet our global security obligations. Only the United 
States of America has the ability to counter the threats that are posed 
by Iraq, North Korea, or the proliferation of weapons of mass 
destruction. The stability of this planet depends on the readiness of 
the U.S. military, and thus we must avoid squandering our capabilities 
on missions not vital to U.S. national security.
  NATO has committed itself to provide a peace implementation force of 
50,000 troops. Of this force, the United States will supply about 7,000 
marines and soldiers. While I have concerns about the overcommitment of 
United States military forces, I am pleased our European allies have 
stepped forward and pledged to provide the vast majority of the 
implementation force. We should work to lessen the United States 
military involvement, with the goal of creating an all-European ground 
force in Kosovo within a year.
  In the meantime, we must be straightforward with the American people. 
There are risks associated with this mission. This force will be 
responsible for assisting the Kosovar refugees' return home, disarming 
the Kosovo Liberation Army, and coping with the myriad issues, such as 
landmines and booby traps, that will be left behind by the departing 
Serbian military. American casualties remain a very real possibility.
  Out of this conflict, I see reason for us to be optimistic. First, 
our allies in Europe, led primarily by Britain and Germany, have played 
a leading role in finding a solution to the conflict. It is in the 
interest of the Europeans to build a peaceful and stable Balkans. Their 
effort to find a diplomatic agreement and to provide the majority of 
the troops to enforce this agreement is a positive sign for the future.
  Second, I am pleased with the constructive role that has been played 
by the Russians. There will not be a lasting Balkan peace without the 
active participation of Russia. It is my hope the positive atmosphere 
that has been created between Russia and the West will be carried 
forward and will reignite the relationship that has suffered over the 
past few months.
  Finally, I hope we have begun to see the future of Balkan stability 
in a larger context. We cannot continue to fight individual Balkan 
fires. We must begin to look for preventive measures to avoid the next 
Balkan conflict before it begins.
  The United States and our European allies have not done enough to 
bring the Balkans into the political and economic structures of Europe. 
We have not done enough to support the latent forces of democracy that 
exist in the region.
  Our challenge today is to extend to the Balkans the peace and 
stability that comes from a society based on democratic principles 
where the rights of all people are protected, a society based on the 
rule of law where legitimate grievances among people are honestly 
adjudicated, a society based on free enterprise where commerce is 
unleashed to create jobs and prosperity.

[[Page 12362]]

  More than failed diplomacy, Kosovo should have taught us the 
consequences of failed states. Multiethnic Balkan States are not 
impossible, but to succeed, they must be free-market democracies.
  I believe peace and stability is an achievable goal. First, we must 
work with prodemocracy forces within the various Balkan States to 
strengthen the emerging democracies and encourage the transition to 
democracy.
  Second, we must begin a massive reconstruction effort. This project, 
led by the Europeans, should restore infrastructure damaged in the war, 
create opportunities for economic development, and establish conditions 
that will allow for eventual membership in the European Union.
  Finally, we should convene a conference of concerned nations that 
will work together to address the long-term security needs of the 
Balkans.
  Let me state that the objective of building a peaceful and stable 
Balkans will not be achieved as long as Slobodan Milosevic remains the 
President of Yugoslavia. A man who has started four wars in this 
decade, killed and ethnically cleansed hundreds of thousands of 
civilians, crushed democratic opposition, and presided over the 
ruination of his country can never guide the kind of political, 
economic, and social change that will be necessary to rebuild Serbia.
  As long as Milosevic remains in power, he is a threat to peace. As 
long as Milosevic remains in power, the politics of racism and ethnic 
hatred will prevail. As long as Milosevic remains in power, the West 
should not prop up his regime by rebuilding Serbia.
  In 1996, we missed our opportunity to help prodemocracy forces that 
gathered in the streets of Belgrade. When the protests began, we 
hesitated, and Milosevic used the opportunity to consolidate his 
control by brutally repressing the opposition. Rather than seeing 
Milosevic as a tyrant and a threat to peace, we saw him as a partner in 
Bosnia. We should no longer suffer the illusion that Milosevic can be a 
partner in peace. We should work with the people of Serbia to ensure a 
quick end to the Milosevic regime.
  I believe the end could be near. Over 70 days of NATO airstrikes have 
loosened Milosevic's grasp on the instruments he uses to control his 
people. It is my hope the democratic forces in Serbia--with Western 
assistance--will seize this opportunity to remove him. Only with a new 
democratic leadership will Serbia begin the process of rejoining the 
community of nations.
  At the end of a military conflict, it is natural to look back and to 
assess ways in which the use of force could have been avoided. While 
many will find fault with U.S. diplomacy in the days and months leading 
up to the initiation of airstrikes, I believe our failure starts a 
decade before by not working to extend to the Balkans the peaceful 
democratic revolutions that swept through Eastern Europe.
  We must address the problems facing the Balkans by extending the 
benefits of democracy, or face the prospect of continual ethnic 
conflict and instability.
  In addition to praising the men and women of the aircrews of the Air 
Force and the Navy and the Marine Corps who fought and flew bravely 
into great danger, and who deserve a great deal of credit for 
delivering this success, I offer as well my congratulations and praise 
to the Commander in Chief, the President of the United States, who held 
the NATO alliance together, who persevered when there was considerable 
doubt and criticism not only at home but abroad as well, and who must 
be given great credit for delivering this successful agreement.
  We have just begun the hard work of rebuilding democracy in this 
region of the world. We should not forget, as I have said in my 
statement, we have arrived here because we were complacent. We have 
arrived here because we ignored the call for freedom inside of Serbia, 
to our eventual peril as a consequence.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. GORTON addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Smith of Oregon). The Senator from 
Washington.

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