[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 6]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page 7999]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]


[[Page 7999]]


 PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1569, H. CON. RES. 82, H. J. RES. 
   44, AND S. CON. RES. 21, MEASURES REGARDING U.S. MILITARY ACTION 
                           AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA

                                 ______
                                 

                               speech of

                           HON. FRANK R. WOLF

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                       Wednesday, April 28, 1999

  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I want to comment on the votes we are casting 
in the House today concerning U.S. military involvement in Kosovo. That 
the U.S. is mired in a Balkan conflict, not of our choosing, is not in 
doubt. I have been and remain critical of the course of action pursued 
by the White House that led to today. The White House simply did not 
think things through.
  What has happened, however, is that while attempting to bomb 
Milosevic into oblivion and crushing the infrastructure of his country, 
a horror show of catastrophic proportions involving as many as 1.5 
million ethnic Albanian refugees from Kosovo has been created. These 
refugees, about half remaining in Kosovo and half fleeing or being 
driven to Montenegro, Albania, Macedonia and elsewhere have been 
brutalized by Milosevic forces. They are fearful, homeless, without 
adequate food, water, sanitation, medical care and without much hope. 
Many have had family or friends killed and many more are injured or 
ill.
  What has happened is exactly what NATO intervention had hoped to 
prevent. And exactly what many informed sources available to NATO and 
to the Administration predicted. But the Clinton Administration did not 
listen.
  I have visited the Balkans a number of times to see things for 
myself. In February, just before the breakdown of the Rambouillet peace 
talks which led to NATO bombing of Serb targets, I traveled to Albania, 
to Macedonia and to Kosovo where I met with all parties--Serbs, KLA, 
representatives of the Rugova shadow government, men and women in the 
street, diplomats, NGO's and United Nations officials. Many predicted 
that ethnic cleansing would begin as Western officials left Kosovo in 
advance of NATO troops arriving had the peace accords been signed.
  Even they must be shocked at the degree their prediction have been 
fulfilled by the brutality unleashed by Milosevic. Yesterday, I heard 
for the first time that refugees reported Serb forces have used flame 
throwers to kill and torture ethnic Albanians.
  As reports of refugees streaming out of Kosovo filled the airways, I 
returned to Albania earlier this month to visit the Kosovo border 
crossing at Kukes and Morina to meet and talk with refugees. What has 
happened is so terrible I see no way the world can turn its back on 
them. Immediate care is a critical problem and so is the longer term 
need to provide for them. Nearly all wish to someday return home to 
Kosovo. But for too many, there is no home to return to. As they were 
driven away from their towns and villages, their burning and destroyed 
homes were visible behind them.

  And now the world tries to work its way out of this mess. The White 
House and NATO have not found the answer. Last week on April 21 here on 
the House floor I called on the President to convene a group of 
experienced and proven wise men and women to develop a workable Balkan 
strategy. Thus far, the White House only continues to bomb and hope and 
bomb and hope. Today the President announced a 33,000 reservist call-
up. His response to the question of what to do if bombing didn't work 
was to bomb some more.
  Congress and the American people are wondering what should be done. 
I'm not sure Congress has found the solution among the four measures 
being voted on today.
  I am convinced that it is important for the world, for the U.S. and 
for NATO that we prevail in today's Balkan conflict. If NATO were to 
walk away it would be inhumane to the million-plus refugees. It would 
dangerously destabilize eastern Europe, leaving a huge refugee problem.
  It also would permanently stain and call into question the 
credibility and will of the U.S. and NATO emboldening rouge governments 
around the globe to rise up for their own gain and power. If we walk 
away, what would that say to China, which is eyeing Taiwan? What would 
that say to Iraq, with its arsenal of biological and chemical weapons? 
What would that say to Iran, which could think the time was ripe to 
strike Israel? What would that say to North Korea, looking to its 
south?
  More than that, it would just be wrong. Terrible crimes against 
humanity are being committed that cannot be allowed to continue. The 
world, including the U.S., must bring them to an end.
  Today, Congress considers H.R. 1569, which provides that no funds 
will be used for ground troops in Yugoslavia unless the funding is 
authorized by Congress. It is critical that Congress be involved in any 
decision to insert ground forces in any military campaign, and the 
administration has an obligation to come to Congress, similar to 
President Bush's involving Congress in the Persian Gulf war. President 
Clinton has stated to the congressional leadership that he will  
consult with Congress on the use of ground forces. That's the time for 
this vote. To vote now to ban the use of ground troops when there are 
currently no plans for this action sends the wrong message. How this 
question is handled will establish a precedent for future 
administrations, so we must be careful and thoughtful.

  H. Con. Res. 82, calling for the removal of the U.S. military 
pursuant to the War Powers Resolution, is an equally bad proposal and I 
do not support it either. If the purpose is to question the 
constitutionality of the War Powers Resolution which has been ignored 
by all presidents and congresses since it was enacted in 1973, a better 
test must be found that will not jeopardize U.S. forces, U.S. interests 
and the lives of all those refugees. Men and women in U.S. uniform are 
in combat now risking their lives. Three of them are being held as 
prisoners.
  I also do not support H.J. Res. 44, declaring war on Yugoslavia. 
Calling for this vote is both frivolous and mischievous and serves no 
useful purpose. The world is faced with a serious problem in the 
Balkans which merits thoughtful consideration and action.
  S. Con. Res. 21, authorizing air and missile strikes, acknowledges 
what is now taking place in Yugoslavia. While support of this measure 
could send to the White House the message that Congress endorses the 
present ``bomb to oblivion'' strategy without regard to whether or not 
it works, not to vote for it would take away from the men and women now 
engaged in air combat in Serbia. America stands behind our soldiers, 
sailors, airmen and marines and a ``yes'' vote reaffirms this support.
  Additionally, it would be wrong to send any message that could in any 
way provide aid and comfort to Milosevic. My ``yes'' vote is a vote in 
support of our men and women in uniform now risking their lives in the 
Balkans.
  Again, I call on the President to assemble a group of wise men and 
women skilled in world affairs, diplomacy and the application of force 
to find resolution and keep an intractable Balkan problem from becoming 
an Achilles' heel to world peace.
  The U.S. must find a winning strategy and unite behind it. Today's 
debate and votes are both healthy and necessary and a start to finding 
a solution. Had the President involved Congress and the American people 
in this matter at the outset, we might be closer to a resolution than 
we are. The President needs to come to Congress and the American people 
and tell us what is needed to achieve our goal and why.

                          ____________________