[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 5]
[House]
[Pages 6969-6974]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




 RECOGNIZING HISTORIC SIGNIFICANCE OF FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF GOOD FRIDAY 
                            PEACE AGREEMENT

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 54) recognizing the 
historic significance of the first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace 
Agreement, as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 54

       Whereas Ireland has a long and tragic history of civil 
     conflict that has left a deep and profound legacy of 
     suffering;
       Whereas since 1969 more than 3,200 people have died and 
     thousands more have been injured as a result of political 
     violence in Northern Ireland;
       Whereas a series of efforts by the Governments of the 
     Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom to facilitate 
     peace and an announced cessation of hostilities created an 
     historic opportunity for a negotiated peace;
       Whereas in June 1996, for the first time since the 
     partition of Ireland in 1922, representatives elected from 
     political parties in Northern Ireland pledged to adhere to 
     the principles of nonviolence and commenced talks regarding 
     the future of Northern Ireland;
       Whereas the talks greatly intensified in the spring of 1998 
     under the chairmanship of former United States Senator George 
     Mitchell;
       Whereas the active participation of British Prime Minister 
     Tony Blair and Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern was critical to 
     the success of the talks;
       Whereas on Good Friday, April 10, 1998, the parties to the 
     negotiations each made honorable compromises to conclude a 
     peace agreement for Northern Ireland, which has become known 
     as the Good Friday Peace Agreement;
       Whereas on Friday, May 22, 1998, an overwhelming majority 
     of voters in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of 
     Ireland approved by referendum the Good Friday Peace 
     Agreement;
       Whereas the United States must remain involved politically 
     and economically to ensure the long-term success of the peace 
     agreement; and
       Whereas on Good Friday, April 2, 1999, a one-year deadline 
     passed without agreement among all major parties, putting the 
     entire peace process in jeopardy: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That the Congress--
       (1) recognizes the historic significance of the first 
     anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement;
       (2) salutes British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Irish 
     Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and the elected representatives of the 
     political parties in Northern Ireland for creating the 
     opportunity for a negotiated peace;
       (3) commends Senator George Mitchell for his leadership on 
     behalf of the United States in guiding the parties toward 
     peace;
       (4) congratulates the people of the Republic of Ireland and 
     of Northern Ireland for their courageous commitment to work 
     together in peace;
       (5) encourages the Governments of the United Kingdom and 
     the Republic of Ireland with the active involvement of the 
     United States to continue to work together to ensure the 
     forward movement of the peace process; and
       (6) reaffirms the bonds of friendship and cooperation that 
     exist between the United States and the Governments of the 
     Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, which ensure that 
     the United States and those Governments will continue as 
     partners in peace.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).


                             General Leave

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and 
extend their remarks on the measure now under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New Jersey?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, next week the British and Irish governments will resume 
talks with the major political parties of Northern Ireland in an 
attempt to move the promises held in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, to 
try to move them from good rhetoric to actual implementation.
  This resolution that is being offered by the gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Crowley) is really a message of encouragement and hope. It urges 
all those who have worked so hard to achieve the Good Friday Agreement 
on paper to now rededicate themselves to the actual implementation of 
its provisions so that peace and justice will take root in the north of 
Ireland.
  Last year, by overwhelming majorities, the people of Ireland, both 
north and south, embraced the ideals put forth by this peace agreement. 
Only those who are enemies of peace and justice in Northern Ireland 
could be content with the prospect that the agreement may be stalled or 
parked as a result of new time lines and deadlines injected into the 
process.
  Instead, as friends of Northern Ireland and sponsors of this 
resolution, we call on the leaders of all parties to move beyond the 
current impasse, to stick to the agreement as approved, resist 
renegotiating or clarifying the promises it holds, and do whatever can 
be done to ensure that the guarantee of fundamental human rights for 
both communities of Northern Ireland remains the driving force behind 
all that is done and worked for.
  When the guarantee of fundamental human rights supersedes all other 
negotiation considerations, then we will see a just and lasting peace 
take hold in the north of Ireland.
  This resolution puts us on record as saying go forward, and I want to 
commend the gentleman from New York

[[Page 6970]]

(Mr. Crowley) for his sponsorship of this very timely and important 
resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
  Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I want to also thank the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) and say that in the short period 
of time that he has been here he has been able to raise the profile of 
these kinds of issues. I think it is a testament to how successful and 
effective he has been in this short period of time.
  I certainly want to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) 
as well for the Rosemary Nelson, I think, opportunity where we could 
shed some light on that issue for the world to indeed see.
  While we celebrate the first anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement 
in the north of Ireland, an agreement which people in the north of 
Ireland and the Republic of Ireland have now offered their support for, 
we nonetheless, I think, have to call attention to the 1-year 
anniversary in this sense: The people voted for an agreement which is 
historic in nature. This problem, again the longest standing political 
dispute in the history of the Western world, begins in geography eight 
centuries ago, certainly was reinforced during the Reformation, but 
during the last 30 years it has been a battle about civil rights.
  What I think is significant about the Good Friday Agreement is that 
again both communities in the north of Ireland, both traditions, voted 
for the agreement. So we ask ourselves today, why has it not been 
implemented as the people voted?
  The answer is this: Because once again the unionist community has 
said the famous word ``no''. They are now suggesting that because 
decommissioning has not taken place from the Irish Republican Army, 
that in fact that is the reason not to proceed with the agreement.
  Now, let me say this. After both traditions voted for this agreement, 
decommissioning was supposed to take place simultaneously to, not in 
advance of, the institutions of governance being put in place.
  What is striking about this current disagreement is this: All parties 
agreed to decommission in the month of May in the year 2000.
  So now what we are seeing is, all parties have gotten to the goal 
line, and at the goal line David Trimble and the unionist community 
have essentially said, no, there was no touchdown scored; we are going 
to move the goalpost back.
  The signal that that sends to the nationalist community is the 
historic reinforcement that no matter what is done, it is not good 
enough; that if we are not arguing today about decommissioning we will 
be arguing tomorrow about how to fly which flag. We will be arguing 
again about what the schools are to be like, and just wait until we get 
to that issue of the role that Dublin is going to play in the day-to-
day affairs of the north.

                              {time}  1630

  If we think that we are now at impasse, believe me, that is the next 
unionist position that they will reinforce.
  David Trimble typically contributes to his own political problems by 
reminding everybody how difficult it is. If one wants to be the prime 
minister of the north of Ireland, one has to be the leader of all of 
the people. Forty-one percent of the people in America voted against 
Bill Clinton. He is still President of the United States. That is the 
notion of democracy. The greater number decide. That is precisely what 
we subscribe to here in our democratic ideals.
  So why is it after there has been an agreement and the public has 
ratified the agreement, bringing that island closer to peace than they 
have been at any time in the last 30 years, does one party once again 
have the ability to veto what people have voted for?
  I would call upon Prime Minister Blair, who by the way I think 
deserves some credit, the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, and certainly Bill 
Clinton who deserves credit as well, to say to the unionist community, 
``We are going to proceed with the implementation of this agreement. On 
a prescribed date, we hope you are on board, because this is what the 
people voted for.'' That is the path that we should be traveling down; 
not once again to say, ``Here is an agreement ratified by the public,'' 
only have to a small number of people say, ``That cannot be,'' after it 
has been duly ratified by the voting public.
  As those old visions and bad feelings sunset on that tiny island, I 
think we have an opportunity here to set an agenda where both 
traditions can live in accord. But we cannot do it if one party always 
says no. We cannot do it if one party simply says, yes, but. We cannot 
do it if one party says that our tradition somehow allows us to lord 
over the other tradition. In the end, that only generates bad feeling 
and it generates lasting feelings that cannot be overcome.
  Let me close on this simple note. John Hume said it best, the Nobel 
Prize winning John Hume. He said, at the end of the day, what we all 
ought to be able to come to accord on is an agreed upon Ireland, and 
that should be the goal of all of us.
  I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) and I thank the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and I thank the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Payne), who have traveled therewith, for their 
visionary leadership on this issue. Indeed, there is an opportunity to 
make the implementation of this historic accord stick.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Payne).
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, let me compliment the gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Crowley) for taking this time and handling this very important 
bill.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to rise today in support of the 
continuation of the peace process in the north of Ireland. I must begin 
by complimenting President Clinton, because it was his decision to 
allow Jerry Adams and the Sinn Fein organization to visit the United 
States after many years of being refused a visa, and that began to get 
the other side and the story of the work that was being done by the 
political wing of the movement in the north of Ireland.
  Also, I have to compliment the skills and the patience and the 
deliberation of Senator George Mitchell for his work of for years 
forging an agreement between the parties. People who said they would 
never sit down together sat down and worked together, and I must 
compliment the people of the north of Ireland and Ireland for 
overwhelmingly approving the referendum that came to the agreement of 
the Good Friday Accords.
  The Good Friday Accords were promulgated nearly a year ago this April 
with the best intent in mind: To end the authoritative rule and 
domination of the Protestant party over minority Catholics. It gave 
Catholics a real voice, for once, by ending three decades of conflict 
in the north of Ireland.
  I became very interested and involved because as a youngster I was 
involved in the civil rights movement in this country, and I emulated 
and felt very close to the movement in the north of Ireland because of 
the same obstacles and the same freedom songs that they sang about ``We 
Shall Overcome.'' So I became very involved as a young person in the 
struggle there.
  But it will be two years this July since I went and spent time in the 
north of Ireland and had the opportunity to see for myself the violence 
and the killings associated with the Orange Order march in the village 
of Drumcree where I stayed, right there in the center of town. I also 
had the opportunity to visit the north of Ireland and Ireland with 
President Clinton on his historic trip back to that region.
  The celebration of the victory of William of Orange, in which Irish 
land was seized and confiscated, is an assault to Catholics everywhere. 
Sadly, this parade glorifies a part of history and is provocative in 
its nature, and I have seen the walls that they marched down and threw 
pennies on both sides of the area, which just provokes people.

[[Page 6971]]

  I believe that the political prisoner release of paramilitary groups 
on both sides was a good issue. I know that Tony Blair is receiving 
pressure to overturn this rule. I think it would be a very bad 
precedent for all involved if it was overturned.
  In the same light, I know that the decommissioning issue was one of 
the last things discussed before all parties made the last push toward 
peace. We cannot allow decommissioning to be used as a wedge to keep 
Jerry Adams and Sinn Fein out of the government. Decommissioning of 
paramilitary weapons will take place, but I think we know that 
disarming the paramilitaries is going to be a very difficult task. This 
was never a precondition of power-sharing.
  But let me say this: The peace agreement does not explicitly require 
a start on disarmament, but the politics of the accord compel it. I 
will hope that this could be worked out soon because we must have 
decommissioning, but it should not be a precondition.
  If it is not, we are faced with confronting Bloody Sunday all over 
again in the future. We have gone too far, we have worked too hard, we 
have pushed too long to allow this. So this is the stakes that we all 
must make to ensure that peace in the north of Ireland becomes a 
reality and irreversible.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I introduced H. Con. Res. 54 with the intent to honor 
and celebrate as a Congress the one-year anniversary of the Good Friday 
Peace Accord and the involvement of the United States Senate majority 
leader, George Mitchell; our President, Bill Clinton; Irish Taoiseach 
Bertie Ahern; and British Prime Minister Tony Blair for their work in 
securing this important and historic agreement.
  In particular, recognition has to be given to Senator George 
Mitchell. This peace agreement would not have been possible without his 
involvement, and also without the support of our President, Bill 
Clinton.
  On May 22, 1998, an overwhelming majority of voters in Northern 
Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the referendum to support 
the Good Friday peace agreement and establish a Northern Ireland 
Assembly. Unfortunately, though, the peace process has been dealt some 
recent setbacks.
  The demand by unionist forces that Sinn Fein unilaterally 
decommission one year ahead of schedule before taking seats in the 
Northern Ireland Assembly has stalled the peace process. On Good Friday 
of this year, peace talks were suspended. The same happened again when 
talks in London were suspended. The outlook is not very optimistic. 
Today's Washington Post quotes Sinn Fein leader Jerry Adams as saying, 
``The Good Friday Peace Agreement is in free fall.''
  Mr. Speaker, the United States and the Republic of Ireland and the 
United Kingdom have invested too much to let this delicate peace 
agreement fall apart. Without a resolution between all parties, the 
peace process will come to a halt and the Northern Ireland Executive 
will not be established.
  There is talk of closing down the Northern Ireland Assembly of 108 
elected members until all parties can come to an agreement. This latest 
setback comes at a very terrible time. Weighing heavily is the fact 
that we are fast approaching the start of the Protestant Orange Order 
marching season, which acts as a catalyst for sectarian violence in the 
north of Ireland.
  Now, let me say that my resolution does not attempt to take sides in 
the dispute over decommissioning and the seating of the Northern 
Ireland Executive, but rather commemorates the one-year anniversary of 
the Good Friday Peace Accord. I personally believe that Sinn Fein and 
Jerry Adams have been honest peace brokers in the peace process, and I 
find it troubling that David Trimble and the Ulster unionists have 
added preconditions to this agreement. They are holding hostage the 
people of Northern Ireland's right to determine their own local 
government and establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly's 
Executive.
  Again, Mr. Speaker, my resolution does not attempt to speak on the 
subject of who is or is not to blame for the recent stall in progress. 
My resolution does attempt to speak loudly as a Congress and as a 
country that the United States is committed to working with both the 
Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom to ensure the success of the 
peace process in Northern Ireland.
  Mr. Speaker, we cannot sit idly by while the peace process in 
Northern Ireland comes to a halt. I am disheartened that instead of 
celebrating, we are admonishing the parties to come back to the 
bargaining table, to understand that peace will bring prosperity to 
their children and to their children's children.
  Making peace is difficult. It involves sacrifice, it involves hard 
work, and it involves dedication. As someone who has worked in a former 
career in the State Assembly of New York and has been involved all my 
life in Irish affairs, and whose mother is from Northern Ireland, I 
personally know how important the Good Friday Peace Accord was and 
still is to those who live in Northern Ireland, as well as to Irish 
throughout the world.
  As conflicts rage around the world, especially in Kosovo, we must not 
forget about Northern Ireland and the work that had been done and the 
work that will continue to be done to bring peace to this troubled 
region. This resolution, which has 107 cosponsors, intends to move the 
peace process forward beyond this temporary hurdle and reaffirms the 
support of the Congress to the peace process as well as the work of all 
parties in establishing and securing a long-lasting peace in Northern 
Ireland.
  In closing, I want to thank my colleagues and my cochair of the 
congressional ad hoc committee again, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Gilman); the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), the ranking 
member; the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal); the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. King); the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), and all 
who have worked on bringing peace to Northern Ireland.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I 
reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may 
consume to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh).
  Mr. WALSH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for 
yielding me this time and for the leadership that he has provided on 
this most important of issues in our international relations. I would 
also like to thank my colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Crowley), new to this Congress certainly, but not new to the issues 
regarding Ireland and the civil rights issues that we have seen come so 
clear in these past few weeks and months.
  The Good Friday Agreement, which is what we have been talking about 
for the better part of the afternoon, seemingly died this Good Friday 
on its first anniversary. The discussions surrounding bringing the 
government together, as Jerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein said just 
yesterday, are in free fall.
  This agreement is a good agreement. It has brought all sides and 
factions together to form a government. It has been supported by the 
Republic of Ireland government, it has been supported by the British 
government, it has been supported by the Clinton administration and by 
this Congress, and we have played a very constructive and important 
role, the Members of Congress, and especially the President.
  At this point, however, it is in danger of going the way of other 
agreements and other peace arrangements in the history of Ireland. I do 
not know, Mr. Speaker, what the answer is, but it strikes me, and I 
don't know if anyone else has suggested this, but it strikes me that 
maybe what we need to do is go to the President and say, Mr. President, 
you offered George Mitchell's good offices once before, and he was able 
to bring everyone together and get everyone working together to resolve 
this. Maybe what we need to do is see if we can enlist George Mitchell 
once again, the Senator from Maine, to go back and revisit this issue 
and try to

[[Page 6972]]

get people back on track and back on board in implementing the original 
agreement.

                              {time}  1645

  The original agreement was so finely crafted that nobody could change 
a comma, a period, a dot, or the crossing of a T. It was very delicate, 
and maybe he is the only one that can do that again.
  But this was a good agreement. It needs to be stayed with. It 
requires the patience of all parties. But it is clear we are off track, 
and that even the best efforts of our president and the leaders of 
England and of Ireland have not been able to get parties back on track.
  Mr. Speaker, having said that, I would also suggest that we need to 
be patient. We need to pray, and we also need to stay in contact with 
the leadership of those political parties to try to get them to keep 
working this out.
  Mr. Speaker, I have just been advised that the gentleman from New 
York (Chairman Gilman) has reached out to Senator Mitchell to try to 
bring him back into this. I think that is wise, and I certainly support 
those efforts.
  Let me conclude by saying that the issue regarding the murder of the 
civil rights attorney who has been discussed, Ms. Nelson, which has 
been discussed this afternoon, that inquiry into her death absolutely 
must be independent of the RUC.
  The RUC was implicated, not directly, certainly, but by her own 
testimony before the Committee on International Relations last year. 
She was concerned about them, about their statements and their actions 
regarding her own personal security, her inability to reach out to 
those, to that law enforcement agency, to help her to defend herself 
against threats against her life. It just makes good sense that they 
need to be held at arm's length.
  We have offered the FBI. England has offered her constabulary in 
Kent. They need to do the investigation. The RUC needs to take a step 
back, especially given the volatility of the politics of the times, 
take a step back and let the professionals outside of Northern Ireland 
conduct this investigation, and do it fairly. Because if no one has any 
faith in the inquisitor in this, then there will be no faith in the 
result. There absolutely must be good faith in this process.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for the opportunity to speak on 
these important issues. I thank my friends and colleagues for bringing 
this before the Congress, and I urge unanimous support.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh) 
for his excellent statement and his leadership these many years on the 
issue of Northern Ireland, just to underscore how important it is that 
that investigation be completely independent of the RUC in order to 
procure a result that we know we can live with, and will hopefully 
yield the results and catch the perpetrators, because there are people 
who actually did the killing, and there are many others who are 
probably a part of that killing, and the officials need to get to the 
bottom.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. King), my good friend and another great leader in 
the cause of human rights in the north of Ireland.
  Mr. KING. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to me.
  I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Smith) for 
his resolution regarding the investigation into the murder of Rosemary 
Nelson, and I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) 
for his work on bringing this resolution forward on this Good Friday 
Agreement.
  Mr. Speaker, the Irish peace process is now in a very critical point 
in Ireland. The fact is that it was over a year ago that the Good 
Friday Agreement came to fruition. It was a hard-fought compromise with 
all sides making concessions, moving forward.
  The fact is that the Ulster Unionist Party and the leadership of 
David Trimble is preventing implementation of this agreement by 
insisting on the precondition of decommissioning.
  It is really not for us to be arguing the merits of decommissioning. 
The fact is that the parties signed an agreement. It was ratified by 
over 80 percent of all the voters on the island of Ireland. It was 95 
percent in the south, and 75 percent in the north agreeing to the Good 
Friday Agreement, which did not impose any precondition whatsoever as 
far as the issue of decommissioning or any other issue, for that 
matter.
  The fact is that right now the agreement is not being fully 
implemented. It is being stalemated, it is being held up, and there is 
a real risk that the peace process could come undone unless the 
agreement is implemented and unless the parties go forward.
  I know suggestions were made here today that Senator Mitchell get 
involved. Certainly to me that is a good recommendation. But I think 
most importantly, the parties have to realize, and the governments have 
the prime responsibility, specifically the British government, have to 
realize that the agreement must be implemented. They cannot allow David 
Trimble to be holding it up.
  I would ask that the administration continue the very good work it 
has done in helping to bring about the agreement in the first place, 
and now to ensure that the agreement not be allowed to founder and to 
collapse. Too much has gone on, too many lives have been lost, too much 
hard work has gone into this, too many sacrifices were made to allow 
one party to in any way frustrate the full implementation of the 
agreement.
  This is something which has a tremendous human rights ramification, 
and it is something where so many people in the United States, 
including the President, have done so much to bring about the Good 
Friday Agreement.
  When we talk about the implementation of the agreement, the fact is 
that it will never be fully implemented unless there is faith in the 
law enforcement system in the north of Ireland.
  Quite frankly, there is very little faith in the Royal Ulster 
Constabulary among those in the nationalist community. That is why the 
resolution of the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Smith) calling 
for an independent investigation into the murder of Rosemary Nelson is 
so essential.
  Rosemary Nelson testified before the Committee on International 
Relations last year. She felt that she was being threatened by the RUC. 
Now to allow the Royal Ulster Constabulary to investigate a murder in 
which its own members may have been involved to me is unbelievable, it 
is wrong, it cannot be done, it should not be done, and if it is done, 
then it is going to cause more and more disenchantment by the 
nationalist community toward the law enforcement authorities in the 
north.
  This is not the first case. There was the case of Pat Finucane which 
I am sure has also been mentioned earlier today, 10 years ago where 
there was strong evidence that the RUC was involved in his murder, yet 
it has never been fully investigated.
  So on both these resolutions, I think it is a tremendous step forward 
by the Congress of the United States to show our involvement, to show 
our interest; to show that all Americans, whether they be of Irish 
ancestry, whether they be Catholic, Protestant, Jew, Muslim, atheist, 
agnostic, nonbeliever, we stand for the cause of freedom, the cause of 
justice, the cause of human rights.
  That can best be advanced by the full enactment of this agreement, 
and secondly, by a full, complete, and independent investigation into 
the murder of Rosemary Nelson. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey 
(Chairman Smith) for yielding time to me, I commend the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Crowley) for his resolution, and I urge the adoption.
  Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of 
House Concurrent Resolution 54.
  We are here today in for a very important reason--to recognize the 
importance of the first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement.
  House Concurrent Resolution 54 honors all those who played an 
instrumental role in

[[Page 6973]]

bringing peace to northern Ireland--from the Irish and English 
political leaders, to Senator Mitchell, to the people of northern 
Ireland. These people deserve our deepest respect--for their 
leadership, dedication and courage. They are the true heroes of the 
Irish Peace Process.
  The resolution also reaffirms the bonds of friendship and cooperation 
that exists between our countries and that we will continue to work 
together towards peace in northern Ireland. Because now is a crucial 
time in the peace process. It would be easy for us to say we have the 
peace accord and then put it on the back burner.
  But we can't do that. If we are going to ensure the long-term success 
of the peace accords and really achieve peace in Ireland, we must 
remain involved.
  It is only through our continued commitment and the commitment of the 
people involved that we will see a true and lasting peace in Ireland.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support House Concurrent 
Resolution 54, recognizing the historic significance of the first 
anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement. In stark contrast to 
recent events in Yugoslavia, the Good Friday Peace Agreement stands out 
as a hopeful example of how deeply-rooted, persistent and intransigent 
problems can be resolved peacefully, and how the cycle of hatred and 
violence can be brought to a halt.
  In Northern Ireland, we see a situation in which the two sides have 
taken courageous steps towards bridging the gap that divides them. Many 
steps remain, but the principles for peace have been agreed upon, and 
they are embodied in the Good Friday Peace Agreement. Now is the time 
for full and timely implementation.
  Problems and violence persist in Northern Ireland. The murder of 
human rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson represents one such unacceptable 
act of violence and a step in the wrong direction.
  House Concurrent Resolution 54 communicates to our friends in 
Northern Ireland that we support them on their difficult road to a 
lasting peace, and that they must, now more than ever, stay the course. 
I urge support for the resolution.
  Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today in strong support 
of H. Con. Res. 54, which recognizes the historic significance of the 
first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement. When this 
agreement was reached on April 10, 1998, those who's lives had been 
destroyed by the last 30 years of violence, rejoiced at the promise of 
peace. Now, a year later, this historic peace agreement is dangerously 
close to failing.
  The resolution before us today, salutes the parties who worked so 
diligently to bring about this historic accord, and it does so at a 
very appropriate time. Not only has the first anniversary of this 
agreement just passed, but its future is in jeopardy, the resolution 
reaffirms the need for the preservation of this accord and the ideals 
which it stands for. In today's Washington Post the head of Sinn Fein, 
Gerry Adams, is quoted as having said that ``the Good Friday Agreement 
is in free fall.'' At this juncture, all of the parties involved in the 
creation and implementation of this Agreement must try even harder to 
work together to create a lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
  The commitment and support of the agreement by the people, in both 
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, was demonstrated by the 
overwhelmingly supportive outcome of the vote on the referendum on May 
22, 1998. This affirmation further demonstrates the need to ensure that 
this accord make it past this troublesome point.
  The United States has committed to remain involved, politically and 
economically, to ensure the long-term success of the peace agreement. 
We realize the importance of continued economic growth and stability in 
the region, as it will prove to be an instrumental part of any lasting 
peace. This resolution reaffirms this commitment, and reaffirms that 
the United States, as a friend of both Ireland and the United Kingdom, 
will continue to facilitate this peace.
  None of this can be accomplished however, without the commitment of 
both sides to this peace. The violence needs to end and the seeds of 
trust need to be planted.
  As you know, Mr. Speaker, this issue is very important to me. I will 
continue to do what I can to assist in this peace process, the violence 
has gone on long enough. I urge my colleagues to support this 
resolution and to continue to support the peacemaking efforts in 
Ireland.
  Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, President Lincoln once said, ``Let us have 
faith that rights makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare 
to do our duty as we understand it.''
  Today, the leaders of Northern Ireland face a delicate, worrisome 
situation. It is up to the leaders to decide if the path to the future 
will be one of peace or one of war. After centuries of animus, and 
thirty years of vicious factional bloodshed, the opportunity for a 
lasting peace is real and within grasp. Just as real, unfortunately, is 
the grave possibility of renewed bloodshed, further factionalism, and 
renewed war.
  Over a year ago, the leaders of factions in Northern Ireland made a 
monumental decision; they decided to pursue peace. It was a brave 
decision, one supported by all the people of Ireland but bitterly 
opposed by those unable to set aside their entrenched hatreds and 
swallow their bitterness.
  One year after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, the people 
of Northern Ireland again face tumultuous waters that could easily cast 
their boat into the sea of despair. They must have faith that the 
course they are on is the right one, and must believe, as Lincoln said, 
that right will make might. They must do their duty as best they can, 
and build the peace that they seek and deserve.
  Last year, Nationalists and Loyalists, Protestants and Catholics, 
were successful in reaching the Good Friday Agreement only by engaging 
in democratic dialogue, serious yet principled compromise, and a mutual 
understanding that continued violence benefits no one. I commend their 
efforts, and hope that in the future they will be able to focus on 
other issues of mutual concern: bettering the economy, educating their 
children, and creating a democratic society where every man and woman 
is equal.
  There have been setbacks. The murder of advocates of peace and 
justice, like Rosemary Nelson, should not be forgotten. But it is not 
their untimely deaths that should be remembered, but their lives, which 
they gave in hopes that others would enjoy the fruits of peace.
  Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the many Irish-American residents of 
Michigan, I rise today in recognition of the many brave souls who have 
chosen peace over violence, and compromise over confrontation. I ask 
that all parties work together as partners to implement the Good Friday 
Agreement, and end the senseless violence that has plagued Ireland for 
far too long.
  Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 54, 
which recognizes the ongoing peace process in Northern Ireland and the 
historical significance of the Good Friday Peace Accord which was 
achieved just over a year ago, on April 10, 1998.
  I join with my colleagues in congratulating the people of the 
Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland for their courageous 
commitment to peace. By signing the historic Good Friday Peace 
Agreement in April 1998, leaders such as John Hume, David Trimble and 
Gerry Adams created a new era of peace and reconciliation for all the 
people of Northern Ireland. The recognition given to John Hume and 
David Trimble in receiving the Nobel Peace Prize was an important step 
toward memorializing the extraordinary achievements made by the 
proponents of peace. We should not forget, however, the many other 
people, without whom this process would not have even been possible. I 
commend the valuable and vital contributions to the peace process by 
President Clinton, former Senator George Mitchell, Prime Minister 
Bertie Ahern of Ireland and Prime Minister Tony Blair of Great Britain.
  The Good Friday Peace Accord was an important achievement, marking 
the first step to ending thirty years of violence and bloodshed in 
Northern Ireland, reducing divisions between Unionists and 
Nationalists, and building new bridges of opportunity between the two 
communities. Through this process, they have committed ending years of 
mistrust and hatred, which has cost the lives of more than 3,200 people 
since 1969.
  The text of the Good Friday Peace Accord contains important 
provisions calling for the formation of a Northern Ireland Assembly, a 
North/South Ministerial Council and a British-Irish Council. The 
agreement also contains critical provisions on human rights, 
decommissioning of weapons, policing, and prisoners. Voters in both 
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the Peace 
Agreement by a remarkable 85 percent majority on May 22, 1998, and 
elections to the new assembly were held on June 25. Since that time, 
prisoners have been released and the British have reduced their troop 
levels to the lowest point in twenty years.
  Last August, I had the opportunity to participate in a seven-member 
Congressional delegation trip to Ireland, led by the Speaker of the 
House, Newt Gingrich and Dean John Dingell. Our visit included meetings 
with representatives of the various parties to the Good Friday Peace 
Agreement, including representatives of the Ulster Unionist Party, Sinn 
Fien and the Social Democratic and Labour Party. We also met with 
senior leaders of Ireland and Northern Ireland, including Taoiseach 
Bertie

[[Page 6974]]

Ahern, John Hume of the SDLP and Seamus Mallon, the Deputy First 
Minister of the Northern Ireland Assembly.
  We were also able to review the peace process and discuss measures to 
strengthen political, economic, and cultural ties between the United 
States and the Irish people. Through my experience, it was clear that 
there is a strong bond of cooperation between the people of the United 
States and Ireland, and deep appreciation for the U.S. role in 
negotiating the Peace Agreement.
  Clearly, the discord in Northern Ireland will not be solved by the 
signing of one document. Significant progress must be made before 
lasting peace can be finally achieved. But we should recognize that the 
Good Friday Peace Agreement has changed the course of history for all 
the people in Northern Ireland. Lasting peace will only be realized by 
a thorough adherence to and completion of the measures outlined in the 
Good Friday Agreement and mandated by the people of Ireland.
  As we recognize the first anniversary of this agreement, I am hopeful 
that all sides take every opportunity to make real progress toward its 
implementation. The United States has a strong national interest in 
helping this agreement to succeed.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr Speaker, Mr. Crowley's resolution on the Northern 
Ireland peace process is noncontroversial and worthy of everybody's 
full and strong support. It is also very timely. I congratulate the 
gentleman from New York, Mr. Crowley, for his efforts. The Irish peace 
process today needs a little more encouragement, as it has once again 
run into some obstacles in Belfast.
  It is worthwhile praising the tireless and courageous efforts of 
British Prime Minister Blair, and Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern, 
and former Senator George Mitchell on the Good Friday peace accord. I 
have done so myself on many occasions.
  President Clinton, I am also proud to say, has always had strong 
bipartisan support here in the Congress on his own efforts to find 
lasting peace and justice in Northern Ireland. I urge that he and our 
nation stay fully involved to help see the process through to lasting 
peace and justice in the north.
  However, today we still see the old ``unionist veto'' in play. Once 
again the issue of arms decommissioning is being used to prevent the 
establishment of the cabinet executive as provided for in the Good 
Friday accord. There are some on the unionist side who when faced with 
the reality of living by the terms of the Good Friday accord and 
sharing power to which they and all of the Irish people consented to, 
decided to change the terms of the accord.
  The negotiated solution in the north was based upon consent. It isn't 
the consent as dictated by one side, it's the consent of all of the 
Irish people--and they have spoken and agree to share power and end the 
unworkable unionish domination of the north.
  The first anniversary of the Good Friday accord has come and gone. 
Yet today we do not yet have established the power sharing mechanism 
that the accord and the good Irish people both north and south, fully 
envision for the new Ireland. The people voted in referendum last May 
and then elected a new assembly to bring about real and concrete 
change. The status quo will no longer do.
  I would urge both governments in the region, and President Clinton, 
to again call upon the good offices of Senator George Mitchell to once 
again be an honest broker to end the current impasse that may lead to 
the collapse of the Good Friday accord.
  It may take again the master stroke of a man like George Mitchell, 
who is accepted by all sides as fair and objective, to save the Good 
Friday accord he worked so hard to develop and to gain consent from all 
the parties. George, we need you one more time! I hope both Governments 
will take this proposal to heart.
  It is really time to get on with it, to create a new cabinet and to 
bring about real change and power sharing that will make the bomb and 
gun an obsolute means for resolution of grievances on both sides in the 
north of Ireland.
  I urge the adoption of the Crowley resolution to both send a message 
of support for the peace process, as well as a call for the process to 
go forward within the frame work of the Good Friday accord as agreed to 
by all the parties.
  Mr. RODRIGUEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to the Good Friday 
Peace Agreement signed on April 10, 1998, and to the continuing efforts 
to bring peace to Northern Ireland.
  The conflict in Northern Ireland has been agonizing, not only in the 
region, but also among many Americans, including myself.
  As a Texas State representative, I visited Belfast in the early 
1990's and learned a great deal about the sources of so much tension 
and hatred in that historic region.
  On that trip, I had a chance to meet many of the principals on all 
sides of the dispute.
  I was able to put faces and personalities behind the struggle: 
members of Sinn Fein, Unionists, and other individuals that were trying 
to make a difference.
  After my return from Northern Ireland, I worked with both parties in 
the Texas Legislature on the issue.
  We passed legislation based upon the MacBride Principles to hold 
companies in Northern Ireland engaged in business with the State of 
Texas to nondiscrimination and equal justice.
  As a Congressman, I have continued to deal with the Northern Ireland 
issue, endorsing efforts to leverage our presence in the region to 
foster a more tolerant and stable society.
  I joined all of us in welcoming the breakthrough for peace last year 
by Special Envoy George Mitchell and the administration as they tackled 
this delicate problem.
  As a cosponsor of this bill, H. Con. Res. 54, I continue to share in 
the hope that this region will take the final steps in realizing a just 
and lasting peace.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my 
time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Pease). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con Res. 
54, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the concurrent resolution, as 
amended, was agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

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